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Place production in globalizing middle eastern cities: a study of Cairo and Dubai

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Place production in globalizing middle eastern cities: a study of Cairo and Dubai

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PLACE PRODUCTION IN GLOBALIZING MIDDLE EASTERN CITIES
A STUDY OF CAIRO AND DUBAI

by
Hussam Hussein Samir Salama

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
(PLANNING)

December 2009

Copyright 2009 Hussam Hussein Samir Salama
ii

DEDICATION

To my late mother Prof. Zebaa M. Zaki, Ph.D.,
I wish you have shared with me this special moment

To my father Prof. Hussein Samir Salama, Ph.D., D.Sc.,
I owe you a lot

To my wife Rania and my two little angels Kareem & Malak,
I love you

To my grandma Aisha, and my parents-in-law
Thanks for your prayers

To my brother and best friend Sameh,
Thank you for all the help
iii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
During the last six years I was fortunate to work with many people at the University of
Southern California to whom I am very grateful. It was a great opportunity for me to gain
precious knowledge and build a network of friends from many countries around the
world. I will always be proud of being part of this distinguished institution and its
exquisite community.
I begin by expressing my grateful thanks to Professor Tridib Banerjee, my advisor and
the chair of my committee. I have been fortunate to work with him since I joined the
doctoral program. This person has offered me enormously valuable advice and guidance.
His insightful comments and constructive criticisms have been always motivating and
inspiring. I am deeply indebted to him. This dissertation would not have been possible
without his support, knowledge and commitment to the highest standards of scientific
research.
I would like to express my sincere gratitude and appreciation to Professor Eric Heikkila
who served as a member of my doctoral committee. His enthusiasm and faith in my
research have always motivated me. I deeply appreciate his encouragement and help. He
offered me stimulating comments and advice. His recommendations and suggestions
have been invaluable for this dissertation.
My deep thanks to Prof. Michael Dear who served as the outside member of my
committee. Professor Dear contributed significantly to the development of the analytical
iv

framework proposed in this dissertation. This person has offered me very valuable
suggestions and ideas to develop my research. I sincerely appreciate his time and
dedication.
I also would like to thank Professor James Steele, my advisor during my Master of
Architecture studies and a member of my doctoral committee. His knowledge of the
Middle East has contributed greatly to both my master and doctoral work. I am thankful
for his time and help.
My special thanks and appreciation go to my family for their extraordinary patience,
love, and help. My deepest gratitude to my father Professor Hussein Samir Salama for his
continuous support and encouragement I owe much of this achievement to him. This
person has been always my main source of inspiration. I am also grateful to my wife
Architect Rania Shafik for backing me during the whole process of my graduate studies.
She read many drafts of this dissertation and her comments and suggestion have been
always invaluable.
I appreciate the assistance of our school staff and in particular, June Muranaka our
student advisor, who was extremely helpful and supportive during the whole process of
defense and submission.
Last but not least, I would like to thank the entire faculty I worked with, my colleagues,
and most importantly, my students in the classes I have taught for their comments,
v

suggestions, and feedback which not only contributed to the development of this
dissertation, but will also inspire my future research.

vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS

DEDICATION .................................................................................................................... ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ............................................................................................... iii
LIST OF TABLES ............................................................................................................. ix
LIST OF FIGURES .............................................................................................................x
LIST OF IMAGES ............................................................................................................ xii
ABSTRACT ..................................................................................................................... xiv
PART I: INTRODUCTION AND LITERATURE REVIEW .............................................1
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION ...............................................................................6
1- Introduction: ......................................................................................................6
2- Research Objectives: .......................................................................................10
3- Research Questions: ........................................................................................12
4- Analytical Framework: ....................................................................................12
5- Importance of Research: ..................................................................................16
6- Key Research Methods ....................................................................................17
7- Terms and Definitions: ....................................................................................21
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW .................................................................27
1- Introduction: ....................................................................................................27
2- What is Globalization? ....................................................................................28
3- Globalization and the Nation State: .................................................................33
4- The World Cities Ranking: ..............................................................................35
5- Stereotyping Globalizing Cities: A Theoretical Problematic: .........................39
6- Why Place Matters in the Study of Globalizing Cities? ..................................45
7- Orientalism and the Tendency to Emulate Western Models: ..........................48
8- Conclusion: ......................................................................................................49

PART II: ANALYTICAL MODEL...................................................................................51
CHAPTER THREE: AGENCIES OF PLACE PRODUCTION- THE VECTORS
OF INTENTIONALITY MODEL ...............................................................................52
1- Introduction: ....................................................................................................52
2- Theoretical Context: ........................................................................................55
CHAPTER FOUR: DIMENSIONS OF PLACE ............................................................67
1- Introduction: ....................................................................................................67
2- Places as Realms of Flows: .............................................................................67
3- Places as Imaginaries: ......................................................................................77
4- Places as Text: .................................................................................................81
vii

5- Places as Landscapes of Resistance: ...............................................................92
6- Places as Reflection of Authenticity:...............................................................95

PART III: CAIRO AS A CASE STUDY ........................................................................102
CHAPTER FIVE: CAIRO AND THE AGENCIES OF PLACE PRODUCTION ......105
1- Introduction: ..................................................................................................105
2- State and Market as Agencies of Place Production: ......................................106
3- Locale and the Global Domain as Agencies of Place Production: ................121
4- Conclusion: ....................................................................................................127
CHAPTER SIX: AGENCIES AND THE DIMENSIONS OF PLACE IN
CONTEMPORARY CAIRO .....................................................................................129
1- Introduction: ..................................................................................................129
2- Places as Realms of Flows: ...........................................................................129
3- Places as Imaginaries: ....................................................................................160
4- Places as Text: ...............................................................................................173
5- Places as Landscapes of Resistance: .............................................................178
6- Places as Reflections of Authenticity: ...........................................................184
7- Conclusion: ....................................................................................................188

PART IV: DUBAI AS A CASE STUDY ........................................................................193
CHAPTER SEVEN: DUBAI AND THE AGENCIES OF PLACE
PRODUCTION ..........................................................................................................197
1- Introduction: ..................................................................................................197
2- State and Market as Agencies of Place Production: ......................................197
3- Locale and the Global Domain as Agencies of Place Production: ................204
CHAPTER EIGHT: THE ROLE OF AGENCIES IN SHAPING THE
DIMENSIONS OF PLACE IN CONTEMPORARY DUBAI ..................................208
1- Introduction: ..................................................................................................208
2- Places as Realms of Flows: ...........................................................................208
3- Places as Imaginaries: ....................................................................................227
4- Places as Text: ...............................................................................................231
5- Places as Landscapes of Resistance: .............................................................236
6- Places as Reflections of Authenticity: ...........................................................240
7- Conclusion: ....................................................................................................242

PART V: FINDINGS AND CONCLUSION ..................................................................246
CHAPTER NINE: FINDINGS AND CONCLUSION.................................................248
1- Introduction: ..................................................................................................248
2- Where to Locate the Urban Resultant? ..........................................................262
3- Conclusion: ....................................................................................................264

viii

BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................................................................................268
APPENDICES .................................................................................................................287
Appendix 1: Cairo Survey Questions ......................................................................287
Appendix 2: Cairo Survey Results Summary ..........................................................293
Appendix 3: Dubai Survey Questions......................................................................312
Appendix 4: Dubai Survey Results Summary .........................................................317

ix

LIST OF TABLES

TABLE 1: THE PROPOSED ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK ..................................... 14
TABLE 2: THE DISTRIBUTION OF POWERS AND ROLES IN THE
PROCESS OF PLACE PRODUCTION DURING THE EARLY 20
TH
CENTURY .... 128
TABLE 3: THE DISTRIBUTION OF POWERS AND ROLES IN THE
PROCESS OF PLACE PRODUCTION BETWEEN 1952- 1972 ................................. 128
TABLE 4: THE DISTRIBUTION OF POWERS AND ROLES IN THE
PROCESS OF PLACE PRODUCTION BETWEEN 1972- LATE 1980S .................... 128
TABLE 5: REMITTANCES IN EGYPT ....................................................................... 131
TABLE 6: SECTORAL DISTRIBUTION OF NET FDI INFLOWS- VALUE
IS IN MILLION USD ..................................................................................................... 132
TABLE 7: EXPENDITURES OF FORMAL CONSTRUCTION PROJECTS
IN 2006 ........................................................................................................................... 137
TABLE 8: NUMBER OF HOTELS GUESTS IN EGYPT ............................................ 146
TABLE 9: A SUMMARY OF THE ROLES OF THE FOUR AGENCIES IN
SHAPING THE FIVE DIMENSIONS OF PLACE IN CAIRO .................................... 190
TABLE 10: FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT IN DUBAI BY COUNTRIES ........ 210
TABLE 11: GROSS DOMESTIC PRODUCT IN DUBAI BY SECTORS .................. 211
TABLE 12: FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT IN DUBAI BY SOURCE OF
INVESTMENT ............................................................................................................... 212
TABLE 13: IMPORTS IN DUBAI BY REGION .......................................................... 213
TABLE 14: HOTEL REVENUES IN DUBAI ............................................................... 215
TABLE 15: FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT BY ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES
IN DUBAI ....................................................................................................................... 216
TABLE 16: FOREIGN TRADE BY TYPE ................................................................... 219
TABLE 17: A SUMMARY OF THE ROLES OF THE FOUR AGENCIES IN
SHAPING THE FIVE DIMENSIONS OF PLACE IN DUBAI .................................... 243
TABLE 18: CAIRO SURVEY RESULTS ..................................................................... 293
TABLE 19: DUBAI SURVEY RESULTS .................................................................... 317

x

LIST OF FIGURES

FIGURE 1: A SCHEMATIC DIAGRAM OF THE VECTORS HEURISTIC
DEVICE ............................................................................................................................ 15
FIGURE 2: SCHEMATIC DIAGRAM OF THE VECTORS OF
INTENTIONALITY MODEL WITH THE FOUR MAIN AGENCIES ......................... 55
FIGURE 3: THE ANGLE OF DIVERSION AS AN INDICATOR OF THE
DEGREE OF HOMOGENEITY OF INTENTIONS BETWEEN
INTERACTING VECTORS ............................................................................................ 55
FIGURE 4: EXPRESSIVE VERSUS INDICATIVE SIGNIFICATION ........................ 90
FIGURE 5: NET FDI INFLOWS TO EGYPT IN BILLION USD................................ 131
FIGURE 6: NET FDI INFLOWS/ GDP IN EGYPT ...................................................... 132
FIGURE 7: FDI BY SECTOR ........................................................................................ 133
FIGURE 8: NUMBER OF HOTELS IN EGYPT .......................................................... 143
FIGURE 9: NUMBER OF ROOMS IN EGYPT (IN THOUSANDS) .......................... 144
FIGURE 10: NUMBER OF HOTEL BEDS IN EGYPT ............................................... 145
FIGURE 11: REVENUES OF HOTEL INDUSTRY IN EGYPT ................................. 145
FIGURE 12: A COMPARISON OF INTERNET PRICES IN DIFFERENT
COUNTRIES .................................................................................................................. 152
FIGURE 13: DISTRIBUTION OF INTERNET USERS IN EGYPT ............................ 153
FIGURE 14: NUMBER OF INTERNET USERS AND PERCENTAGE OF
PENETRATION IN EGYPT .......................................................................................... 154
FIGURE 15: NUMBER OF MOBILE PHONES USERS AND PERCENTAGE
OF PENETRATION IN EGYPT .................................................................................... 155
FIGURE 16: PROPORTION OF ENTERPRISES RECEIVING AND
SENDING ORDERS VIA THE INTERNET ................................................................. 155
FIGURE 17: REASONS FOR NOT UNDERTAKING E-COMMERCE BY
HOUSEHOLDS .............................................................................................................. 156
FIGURE 18: INTERNET USE BY GENDER AND URBAN/RURAL
DISTRIBUTION IN EGYPT ......................................................................................... 156
FIGURE 19: NUMBER OF WEEKLY VISITORS TO INTERNET CAFES IN
EGYPT ............................................................................................................................ 157
FIGURE 20: THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE URBAN FABRIC OF
CAIRO ............................................................................................................................ 177
xi

FIGURE 21: THE DYNAMICS OF INTERACTION BETWEEN AGENCIES IN
CAIRO DURING THE SOCIALIST ERA .................................................................... 251
FIGURE 22: THE DYNAMICS OF INTERACTION BETWEEN AGENCIES IN
CAIRO DURING THE CAPITALIST ERA .................................................................. 251
FIGURE 23: THE DYNAMICS OF INTERACTION BETWEEN AGENCIES
IN CONTEMPORARY DUBAI..................................................................................... 256
FIGURE 24: THE URBAN RESULTANT .................................................................... 264
xii

LIST OF IMAGES

IMAGE 1: GREATER CAIRO IN EGYPT ..................................................................... 22
IMAGE 2: THE EMIRATE OF DUBAI IN THE UAE ................................................... 24
IMAGE 3: THE YACOUBIAN BUILDING BOOK COVERS .................................... 107
IMAGE 4: CAIRO 19
TH
CENTURY DOWNTOWN .................................................... 110
IMAGE 5: SULTAN HASSAN MOSQUE IN THE 19TH CENTURY ....................... 110
IMAGE 6: A VILLA IN HELIOPOLIS DESIGNED BY ALEXANDRE
MARCEL DURING THE EARLY 20
TH
CENTURY .................................................... 111
IMAGE 7: THE CHANGES IN THE URBAN FABRIC OF CAIRO
BETWEEN 1800- 1874 .............................................................................................. 112
IMAGE 8: NEW BUSINESS HEADQUARTERS IN CAIRO ..................................... 139
IMAGE 9: A COMPUTER RENDERING OF CAIRO EXPO CITY
DESIGNED BY ARCHITECT ZAHA HADID............................................................. 148
IMAGE 10: CAIRO AIRPORT NEW TERMINAL ...................................................... 148
IMAGE 11: A SCULPTURE BY MAHMOUD MOKHTAR IN CAIRO..................... 164
IMAGE 12: THE EGYPTIAN STOCK MARKET DURING THE LATE 1940S ........ 164
IMAGE 13: A PIANTING BY MOHAMED HAMID OUWEAS ................................ 167
IMAGE 14: A PAINTING BY REDA ABD EL SALAM ............................................. 168
IMAGE 15: A PAINTING BY ABDULLAH AHMED ................................................ 169
IMAGE 16: IMAGES OF URBAN STRUGGLE IN SLUMS AND INFORMAL
SETTINGS ...................................................................................................................... 172
IMAGE 17: STREET SIGNS IN CAIRO ...................................................................... 174
IMAGE 18: FORMS OF CULTURAL RESISTANCE IN CAIRO .............................. 180
IMAGE 19: DUBAI AIRPORT DURING THE 1960S ................................................. 223
IMAGE 20: THE PROPOSED AIRPORT EXPANSION ............................................. 223
IMAGE 21: DUBAI MALL - THE AQUARIUM AREA ............................................. 224
IMAGE 22: DUBAI VEHICLES PLATES .................................................................... 229
IMAGE 23: A HISTORIC HOUSE IN BASTAKIYA QUARTER, DUBAI ................ 239
IMAGE 24: DAR AL MASYAF IN MADINAT JUMEIRAH ..................................... 239

xiii

IMAGE 25: DIFFERENT ARCHITECTURAL STYLES OFFERED TO THE
SURVEYED SAMPLE .................................................................................................. 290
IMAGE 26: DIFFERENT ARCHITECTURAL STYLES OFFERED TO THE
SURVEYED SAMPLE .................................................................................................. 315
xiv

ABSTRACT
This dissertation introduces a heuristic model that can contribute to a better
understanding of the nature of urban transformation in globalizing Middle Eastern cities.
It primarily aims to explain the new trends of urban development that are occurring in
these cities. New types of places as business headquarters, spectacular skyscrapers,
financial centers, mega malls, luxury hotels and gated communities are reshaping the
urban form of many Middle Eastern cities. In literature on globalization and urbanism,
these trends of development are usually explained as products of global flows of capital,
people, and ideas. These flows are perceived as the main forces that drive contemporary
urban transformation in globalizing cities. The roles of other agencies as state, domestic
enterprises and local forces are relatively ignored.
I propose an analytical framework that focuses on the dynamics of the process of urban
transformation in these cities rather than the urban outcome. The framework reconsiders
the role of these other agencies in the process. Besides, it emphasizes place as a focal
issue in our attempt to better understand these new trends of development. The analytical
framework deconstructs the process of the production of these new emerging places in
globalizing cities. It focuses on three main aspects. 1) The agencies of place production in
the era of globalization. I identify four main agencies: state, market, global domain, and
locale. 2) The dynamics of interaction between these agencies. I argue that the forces
representing the four agencies interact like vectors each having a power and orientation.
These vectors have the capacity to merge, collide or neutralize the impact of each other.
xv

3) The dimensions of place that are influenced by the four agencies. I classify these
dimensions as: places as realms of flows, places as imaginaries, places as text, places as
landscapes of resistance, and places as reflections of authenticity.
In this dissertation I apply this analytical framework on two globalizing Middle Eastern
cities: Cairo and Dubai. I trace the role of the four agencies in shaping the dimensions of
place in these cities. The research uses both qualitative and quantitative data to emphasize
the contribution of these agencies to the urban transformation of the case study cities.
The study concludes that although Cairo and Dubai share the same interest in establishing
world class urban structures, the process of achieving this quest in each city is
significantly different. Cairo is exposed to relatively the same scale of global flows as
those in the case of Dubai. However, the former features a significantly slower and more
deliberate process of urban transformation. This is attributed to the role of local forces
which tend to neutralize some of the impacts of globalization. Local culture, urban
heritage, and the civil society are playing a significant role in slowing down the process
of change in Cairo. On the contrary, these forces are relatively minimal in the case of
Dubai allowing the state, market and global flows to dominate the process of urban
transformation.
The framework proposed in this study could be applied not only on globalizing cities, but
also global ones. It can contribute to comparative studies that investigate the distinctions
or commonalities of development patterns between different cities in the era of
globalization. The framework is a heuristic device that tends to explain the sophisticated
xvi

dynamics of urban change in cities. It shifts the focus from the interpretation of meaning
of place, towards the understanding of the process of that leads to its production.

1

PART I: INTRODUCTION AND LITERATURE REVIEW

When I started this research in 2005, my main objective was to emphasize the impacts of
globalization on major Middle Eastern cities. New places as shopping malls, skyscrapers,
gated communities and business headquarters are emerging in most of these cities. These
projects are not only designed following Western architecture models and styles, but are
also named after European and American places. Residential gated communities such as
Beverly Hills, Sunset, Mountain View and Palm Hills in Cairo, the Villagio Mall in Qatar,
and, Dubai’s Atlantis The Palm are all examples of this new urban phenomenon.
Influenced by a huge body of literature on globalization and urbanism, I was conceiving
these new forms of urban transformation as products of global flows of capital, people,
and information. I began my research by seeking and identifying these forms of change in
order to explicate the impact of global flows on these cities. I focused on developing
criteria to identify these new places and their impact of the indigenous urban identity of
their cities. The study was mainly concerned with the end urban product created by flows
of capital, people, information, and ideas.
After investigating the nature of some projects in Cairo and Dubai, I realized that the
dynamics that shape the process of production of these new types of places are distinct in
each city. Besides, I recognized that many of the theories that explain the transformation
of top world cities cannot be applied on globalizing Middle Eastern ones. Arguments on
the power of global flows, the declining role of the state, and the expanding role of
2

market couldn’t explain accurately the actual nature of these new urban trends in the
Middle East. Although the end product in many of these cities might resemble places in
Western top world cities, the process of production of these new places is significantly
different.
This has shifted my research focus from analyzing the end product to the understanding
of the process of production itself. I started investigating the agencies or forces beside
global flows, which might play a major role in the production of these places.
Understanding the dynamics of the forms of interaction and negotiation that lead to the
end urban outcome became the main of objective of my research.
Being from the region, I understand the prominent role of the state in the process of urban
development. Although many of these cities have been transforming their economies to
capitalism, states remain very powerful and influential players in the process of urban
development. In most of the Middle Eastern cities, the role of the state is not limited to
regulatory functions. It actually includes partnership with the private sector and in some
cases, the monopolization of particular services. In the case of Dubai for example, the
state is run as private enterprise headed by Sheikh Mohamed, the ruler of the city. The
state invests in mega urban projects. Besides, it competes with the private sector in most
of the economic sectors as tourism, trade and financial investments. It is the major
driving force of urban development in the city. Same trend could be traced in many
globalizing cities in the region such as Doha, Cairo, Jeddah and Bahrain.
3

It is also important to acknowledge the local will and intentions in many Middle Eastern
cities to develop a new contemporary urban image that reflects advancement and
progression or what is referred to as a “world city image.” The quest for this image is
influencing the development trends in these globalizing cities. It is worth noting this
quest also faces some resistance posed by cultural, social and religious ideals. In other
words, the tensions are not only between the local and the global, but also within the
locale
1
itself.
The production of these new trends of development is complicated and the forces
involved in the process cannot be reduced to only global flows. It is critical to understand
how other agencies negotiate and interact with these flows in order to reach an urban
resultant. In this dissertation I investigate the dynamics of interaction between the major
agencies that shape the production of these new types of places in globalizing Middle
Eastern cities. I focus on the Middle East for two main reasons. Firstly, many globalizing
Middle Eastern cities are experiencing rapid and dramatic forms of urban transformation
and the emergence of massive world city types of developments. Secondly, the dynamics
of the production of these places do not necessarily fit in many of the theoretical
constructs on globalization and world cities.
One of the major distinctions between globalizing Middle Eastern cities and top global
ones is that the former are actually being transformed for globalization more than by it. In
other words, they are embracing particular models of urban development that primarily

1
I mean by locale, the local setting. It includes features as local culture, religion, heritage, traditions and
even climatic and environmental characteristics.
4

aim to attract global flows of capital, goods and people, and accordingly, upgrade their
‘world city’ status. These cities are simply reversing the process experienced by core
world cities where urban forms were transformed gradually to fulfill the continuously
emerging needs of globalization.
This dissertation aims to challenge the assumption that the major agency behind the
emergence of these world city types of places in globalizing cities is global flows. In
most of these cities the state, domestic market and local intentionality play the major role
in the production of these places in an attempt to transform their cities to top world ones.
They are starting by transforming their urban structures which they expect will trigger
global flows to their cities.
The dissertation is composed of five main parts. Part I (chapters 1 & 2) introduces the
study and its theoretical context. In chapter one, I introduce the research hypothesis,
research methods and questions. I also discuss the importance of this research and its
contribution to the field of urban planning. In chapter two, I review the literature on
globalization and urbanism. I focus on the tendency of scholars to generalize the patterns
of urban transformation in Western world cities on globalizing ones. I argue that this
generalization is problematic as it ignores the roles of critical agencies as the state and
local forces.
In part II (chapters 3 & 4), I introduce the proposed analytical framework. It mainly
focuses on analyzing the process of place production in globalizing Middle Eastern cities.
Firstly, I identify the four major agencies of place production: state, market, locale, and
5

global domain. Secondly, I discuss the dynamics of interaction between these agencies
using the proposed “vector of intentionality heuristic device”. Finally, I argue that five
main dimensions of place are influenced by these four agencies. These are: places as
realms of flows, places as imaginaries, places as text, places as landscapes of resistance,
and places as reflection of authenticity.
In part III (chapters 5 & 6), I apply the proposed analytical framework on Cairo as a case
study. First, I discuss the dynamics of interaction between the four agencies. I focus on
the major historic shifts that featured dramatic changes of the powers and intentionality
of these agencies. The transformation of the Egyptian economy from capitalism to
socialism and then back to capitalism are examples of these shifts. Secondly, I trace the
role of these agencies in shaping the five dimensions of place during the era of
globalization.
In part VI (chapters 7 & 8), I apply the analytical framework on Dubai. I focus on the role
of the state, as the most influential agency in the process of place production in the city. I
trace the emerging roles of domestic market and global flows and the problematic of the
limited role of local forces. I analyze the role of the four agencies in shaping the
dimensions of place.
Part V (chapter 9) includes the conclusion and an evaluation of the proposed analytical
framework. I explain both the potentials and deficiencies of the framework and how it
could be modified in future research.
6

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
1- Introduction:
During the last decades cities like Cairo and Dubai have been experiencing dramatic
urban changes that invite for research and investigation. Spectacles, themed architecture
and urban replicas are dominating urban development in these cities. Particular place
typologies as financial cities, media cities, international universities, gated communities,
spectacular hotels, shopping malls and iconic office buildings consume a large portion of
real estate investments in these cities. Projects like Beverly Hills and Hyde Park
residential communities in Cairo, or Mercato Mall, Ski Dubai and Burj Al Arab in Dubai
are new types of places that are shaping the contemporary urban form of these cities.
These trends of urban development are usually explained as products of globalization and
in particular global flows of capital, people, and ideas. In literature on cities and
globalization much emphasis is given to these flows which are perceived as the major
agency of urban transformation in both global and globalizing cities. They have the
power to override other agencies such as state, domestic markets, and local civic
organizations. This has led to the emergence of many studies that search for indicators in
order to measure the impact of these flows on global cities. These indicators are used to
rank cities and determine their “world city” status (see Hall 1966; Dear et al. 1981;
Friedmann 1986; Abu Lughod 1999; Beaverstock et al. 1999; Simmonds & Hack 2000;
Taylor 2004). Places such as financial centers, business headquarters that host
transnational corporations, major airports, and spectacular hotels are examples of these
7

indicators. They mainly focus on global flows and more particularly, what Manuel
Castells calls “spaces of flows” (Castells 1989). According to Castells, these spaces of
flows are composed of multiple layers. First is the infrastructure layer which facilitates
social practices in the technological age. Second is the layer of nodes and hubs that host
social practices and link them to the global network. Third is the organization of elite
layer who dominate these practices (Castells 1996, p. 412- 416). According to Castells,
spaces of flows supersede spaces of places since it is more dynamic and not restrained by
physical boundaries (Castells1989, 1996).
This emphasis on the notion of flows in studies on globalization and urbanism in Western
top world cities is logical since these cities were exposed to enormous flows of capital,
people, and ideas. Their urban forms responded to the impacts of these flows which have
led to the emergence of what I call the world city urban typologies such as financial
centers, business headquarters, luxury hotels, and ethnic enclaves. Cities like New York,
London and Los Angeles are examples of places that have been transformed in response
to global flows. Their spatial organization reflects the presence of foreign flows of
capital, people, and ideas. It could be argued that these cities have been reshaped by
globalization.
The focus on global flows has gradually led to the emergence of what could be described
as “a stereotype of world cities.” It started by attempts to develop a set of features and
characteristics that distinguish top world cities from others (see Sassen 1991; Marcuse
2006). These features gradually became a stereotype that was generalized on top global
8

cities. This approach has contributed greatly to our understanding of the nature of global
cities and their distinct nature. However, a theoretical problematic began to emerge when
this stereotype is used to explain new emerging globalizing cities and in particular those
in the Middle East. The new urban development trends that are occurring in many major
Middle Eastern cities are usually explained from this stereotypical perspective. In other
words, these projects are directly conceived as a product of global flows (see Pizarro
2005; Forti 2007; Ruggeri 2007).
I argue that there are two problems with this conception. First, it ignores that fact that
globalizing cities are going through a different experience than that of global ones. Top
global cities were gradually transformed in parallel with the evolution of contemporary
globalization. They were exposed to flows and went through a process of transformation
and adaptation. These cities were shaped by global flows over time. On the contrary,
today’s globalizing cities are mainly trying to attract these flows. They are transforming
their built environments in order to trigger global flows to the local context. In other
words, these cities are shaped for global flows more than by it.
The second problem with conceiving global flows as the major agency of urban
transformation in globalizing cities is that it ignores the roles of other very influential
agencies such as state, domestic market and local organizations. It mainly focuses on
external influences and overlooks local ones. I am arguing that the intentionality of states
and locals play a major role in the production of these new emerging world city type of
9

projects in the Middle East. These places are locally created to link the city to the global
domain.
In this study I suggest more emphasis on the notion of place. Place is becoming a device
by which globalizing cities are trying to attract global flows and accordingly, upgrade
their “world city” status. What distinguishes place from spaces of flows is that the former
is actually situated within locale and is more responsive to contextual influences. The
new emerging projects in major Middle Eastern cities are in fact places that host
agglomerations of flows. It is critical to recognize this distinction between spaces of
flows and places. Places are mediums for the congregation of flows. They transfer these
flows from the global domain to the local context. The world city type of places such as
spectacular business headquarters, financial centers, luxury hotels, recreational facilities,
conventions centers, media centers and international airports are in fact places that
facilitate the introduction of flows to the city. Even homes, schools and internet cafes
connected to the global network through the internet or satellite dishes perform as places
that bring flows of information and ideas to the local context.
Understanding the process of production of these places can explicate the nature of urban
transformation in globalizing Middle Eastern cities. This process involves the interaction
and negotiation of multiple players such as state, market, local forces and global flows.
The dynamics of these interactions are what actually distinguish globalizing cities from
global ones. Unfolding the distribution of roles and the intentions of each of these
10

multiple agencies can contribute to the understanding of the nature of these globalizing
cities.
In this study I apply the proposed analytical framework on two major Middle Eastern
cities: Cairo and Dubai. Although these two cities share the same aspiration of upgrading
their world city status through the transformation of their built environment, they feature
significant distinctions in the dynamics of achieving this goal. I focus on these dynamics
in order to emphasize the roles of different agencies in the process of production of the
new world city type of places that are emerging in these two globalizing cities.
2- Research Objectives:
The main objective of the research presented in this dissertation is to investigate the
nature of the new trends of urban development that are occurring in many globalizing
Middle Eastern cities. The proposed analytical framework facilitates the understanding of
the process of production of these new emerging places. It deconstructs the process of
place production in order to understand the impact of different forces on the multiple
dimensions of place. The research has the following objectives:
• Identify the major agencies that influence urban development in globalizing
Middle Eastern cities
• Reintroduce the notion of place to discussions on globalization and urbanism.
Place has been relatively replaced by spaces of flows. In this research I identify
11

five main dimensions of place which I argue are crucial to the understanding of
the impact of globalization on the urban form of globalizing cities.
• Develop a comprehensive methodology that can analyze the dynamics of
interaction between major agencies and their roles in the process of urban
transformation.
• Test the proposed analytical framework on Cairo and Dubai as two distinct
globalizing cities. Although both cities share the quest of constructing a world
city image, they feature a distinction in the roles of the four agencies and the way
they influence the five dimensions of place.
• Emphasize the distinctions between the nature of the process of place production
in global and globalizing cities. I argue that globalizing cities are mainly shaped
for global flows more than by it.
• Accentuate the fact that diverse processes can lead to the same world city image.
Many globalizing cities are constructing relatively similar types of places.
However, I argue that the dynamics of the process of their production are
significantly different.

12

3- Research Questions:
This study addresses the following questions:
• Can theories that explain the transformation of Western global cities be
generalized on globalizing Middle Eastern cities?
• What are the major agencies that contribute to the process of place production
in globalizing Middle Eastern cities? Is the globalization of Middle Eastern
cities driven by the same agencies as other Western global cities?
• What is the role of the state in this process of urban transformation? Does the
power of the state in globalizing Middle Eastern cities feature a decline as
what has been occurring in many Western global cities?
• Are local forces as religions, cultures and social values playing a role in
shaping urban development in globalizing Middle Eastern cities?
• What are the forces behind the tendency of many Middle Eastern cities to
produce spectacular western world city type of developments as skyscrapers,
extravagant hotels, theme parks, and luxury gated communities? Does this
necessarily affirm the power of global flows?
4- Analytical Framework:
In order to unfold the dynamics of place production in globalizing Middle Eastern cities I
propose a framework that investigates the role of major agencies in shaping the multiple
13

dimensions of place. The framework is composed of two main axes. The horizontal one
represents the agencies of place production. These are state, market, locale, and global
domain. The vertical axis represents the multiple dimensions of place. These are places as
realms of flows, places as imaginaries, places as text, places as landscapes of resistance,
and places as reflections of authenticity.
In the proposed framework I investigate the role of each of these agencies in shaping the
multiple dimensions of place. For example I look into the role of state in shaping places
of flows. I trace the contribution of state to the production of places such as financial
centers, business headquarters and banks. In some cities, this contribution is limited to
offering incentives. In others, state is a major investor in these places. Another example is
the role of market institutions in shaping the urban imaginaries of people. I trace the
influence of private enterprises on residents’ preferences, tastes, and imagination of their
built environment. These aspects are significantly influenced by media, advertisements,
and development preferences (see Table 1).

14

The table shows examples of the forms of interaction between the four agencies of place production and the five dimensions of place.

TABLE 1: THE PROPOSED ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK

15

In the proposed model, much emphasis is given to the dynamics of interaction between
the four agencies. Each of these agencies has multiple forces that represent its agenda and
interests. The way these forces interact and negotiate in order to achieve a final resultant
resembles the dynamics of vectors. Each vector has a power and direction that represents
its intentionality. Equally powerful and opposing vectors eliminate each other.
Orthogonal vectors merge together creating a more powerful vector. Powerful vectors
rule the process and enforce their intentions. There are endless forms of interaction that
can lead to the same resultant (see figure 1).
FIGURE 1: A SCHEMATIC DIAGRAM OF THE VECTORS HEURISTIC DEVICE

The figure shows an example of how vectors representing the different agencies can interact and the
dynamics of this process. Understanding the power of each vector, its orientation, and the angle of
divergence between them is critical to explaining the urban resultant or outcome.

Conceiving the forces that represent the four agencies as vectors allows the explication of
the dynamics of the process of place production. It emphasizes the complexity of the
Local Global
State
Market
16

process and the importance of recognizing the role of the multiple agencies rather than
just focusing on global flows. Besides, it vindicates my argument that same urban
resultant, or more specifically the emerging world city types of places in globalizing
cities, could be reached through endless possibilities of interaction between agencies. In
other words, it is the processes rather than the end product that distinguishes not only
globalizing cities from global ones, but also globalizing cities from each other.
5- Importance of Research:
This research introduces a new approach that can contribute to the understanding of the
nature of urban development in globalizing Middle Eastern cities. Attempting to explain
the trends of development in these globalizing cities using the theoretical constructs on
global cities is problematic. These constructs give much emphasis to global flows as the
major agency that shape cities and relatively ignore the roles of other agencies. These
flows are conceived as the main forces that drive urban change in globalizing cities. To a
great extent, this has contributed to the construction of a theoretical stereotype of
globalizing cities. New emerging mega projects as Skyscrapers, gated communities and
shopping malls are usually explained as products of global flows.
The proposed analytical framework can contribute significantly to the understanding of
the nature of globalizing cities. It highlights the roles of different agencies and their
impact on the different dimensions of place. The study introduces concepts as place
imaginaries, urban text and authenticity to discussions on globalization and urbanism.
Besides, it recognizes other possibilities than the commonly held assumptions of the
17

shrinking state and the threatened local identities that are repeatedly presented in
discussions on globalization and cities.
This study builds on a body of literature by scholars as William Sites, Linda Weiss, and
Eric Heikkila who address the importance of recognizing the role of other agencies as
state, local forces, and market in the process of urban change (see Sites 2000; Weiss
1997, 98; Cowherd & Heikkila 2002; Heikkila 2004). I propose a framework that brings
these agencies into the theoretical analysis of urban transformation in the era of
globalization. The proposed framework recognizes the uniqueness of the process of place
production in every city.
The dissertation presents a different perspective to studying the nature of these
globalizing cities. It fills the gap in literature on globalization and urbanism that ignores
the particularity of globalizing Middle Eastern cities and tends to explain their nature
using global cities hypotheses. Although globalizing cities might share some common
features with global cities, the nature of the process of urban transformation is
significantly distinct. This study focuses on the process of place production rather than
the end resultant. It traces the forces that contribute to the production of the new mega
projects in globalizing cities.
6- Key Research Methods
The study introduces and tests the analytical framework through a comparative study of
Cairo and Dubai. I explain the roles of different agencies as state, market, locale and
18

global flows in the process of place production in these two cities. I also discuss how
these agencies shape the multiple dimensions of place which are: places as realms of
flows, places as imaginaries, places as text, places as landscapes of resistance, and places
as reflections of authenticity. This analysis draws from both primary and secondary
sources.
A- Primary Sources:
- Governmental Records, Official Reports and Statistics: In the case of Cairo I use
data from the Central Agency for Public Mobilization and Statistics, Ministries of
Investment, Tourism, Environmental, and Communication and Information
technology. I also use statistics offered by Cairo Governorate and the Egyptian
Investment Council. In the case of Dubai, I use data offered by Dubai
government, Dubai Statistics Centre and other state owned enterprises as Dubai
Holding.
- Surveys: These were conducted among the residents of both cities. Samples of
nearly 200 individuals in Cairo and 100 individuals in Dubai are asked about their
urban preferences and perceptions of the city. Surveys are conducted online
through social networking websites as Facebook, Myspace and other local
internet forums. These websites contributed to the diversity of respondents and
assured that participation is voluntary. Social networking engines as Facebook
and Mysapce are global cyber communities. However, they allow users to form
groups based on shared aspects such as hobbies, interests, location, age, and
19

religious background. The surveys targeted individuals based on location. They
were posted on some discussion forums as Dubai Residents, Cairo Residents,
Dubai Real Estate, and Cairo Today. These forums host thousands of visitors
from the case study cities who share news, information and have discussions.
Links to the surveys were uploaded on the front pages of these forums.
Participation was voluntary and the surveys were anonymous.
In the surveys I asked participants about their urban preferences, places and
architecture styles in the city they like and those they don’t like. Participants were
also asked about their opinions regarding the introduction of new places such as
American cafes and restaurants (Starbucks, Coffee Beans, and McDonalds),
shopping malls, and gated communities to their city (refer to Appendices for the
complete surveys and results).
- Local Newspapers: Newspapers are very important source of information about
the case study cities. Al Masry Al Youm (The Egyptian Today), Almesryoon (The
Egyptians), Al Ahram (The Pyramids), Akhbar Al Youm (Today’s News), Al
Dostor (The Constitution), and El Badeel (The Alternative) are the most popular
Arabic newspapers in Cairo. Egypt Today, Ahram Weekly, Egypt Today and Egypt
Daily are the most popular English ones. In Dubai Gulf News, Khaleej Times and
Gulf Today are the major English newspapers. Al Khaleej (The Gulf) is the most
popular Arabic newspaper in the city. Some of these newspapers are owned or
20

subsidized by the state such as Al Ahram, Akhbar El youm and Khaleej Times.
They provide very valuable information and governmental data.
- Online News Agencies: In the era of globalization, these online agencies are
becoming a very important source of information in the Middle East. Al Arabiya,
Al Jazeera, BBC Arabic and Reuters provide analytical social and economic
studies of Middle Eastern cities. They also conduct polls and surveys.
- Studies and Data: These include materials published by organizations such as
the United Nations, International Monetary Fund and the World Bank.
- Visuals: The study includes visual materials such as photos, maps and diagrams.
These are developed by the author or provided by governmental agencies, public
newspapers or the press rooms of real estate enterprises.
- Field Observations: These are based on personal observations in the case study
cities.
B- Secondary Sources:
These sources include studies on globalization and urbanism and scholarly
research on the case study cities such as:
- Globalization and World Cities Study Group & Network: This group provides a
data base of studies on issues related to globalization and urbanism such as global
connectivity, spatial reorganization, world city indicators and cultural economies.
21

The group was founded by renowned scholars such Saskia Sassen, Peter Hall,
Manuel Castells and Nigel Thrift and is directed by Peter Taylor. Their network
offers some information on the case study cities.
- Literature on Globalization: This is a major source of information for this study.
The work of scholars such as Saskia Sassen, Peter Taylor, Manuel Castells,
Michael Dear, Mike Davis and David Held is critical to the theoretical arguments
discussed in this dissertation.
- Literature on the Case Study Cities: The work of scholars such as Janet Abu
Lughod, Andre Raymond, Nezar Al Sayyad, Salah El S Yasser Elsheshtawy,
Salah al Shakhs, Samir Amin, and Christopher Davidson provide very valuable
data and information on the two case study areas.
7- Terms and Definitions:
A- Cairo:
In the context of this research, I mean by Cairo, Greater Cairo which is an agglomeration
of the Governorates of Cairo, Giza, Helwan, New Cairo and some parts of Qalyubia and
Sixth of October. There are no official boundaries for what we refer to as Greater Cairo.
However, the term refers to the continuous urban fabric across the previously mentioned
governorates. The population of Greater Cairo is nearly 17 million, around 23% of
Egypt’s whole population.
2
It also hosts at least two million visitors everyday coming

2
The Egyptian Ministry of Transportation Website: http://www.mot-eg.com/in/Transport.aspx?t=2
22

from others parts of Egypt for work, business, education, health care, and major
governmental services. Cairo or Al Qahira (means the conqueror) was founded during the
late 10
th
century. The city kept expanding over time. It is hard to identify exactly the area
of Greater Cairo since it has no clear borders. However, it could be argued that the core
part of the city exceeds 1000 km
2
(nearly 247,105 acres).
IMAGE 1: GREATER CAIRO IN EGYPT

Since its origin, Cairo has been the political capital of Egypt. It hosts all the major state
buildings, the majority of international organizations, embassies, transnational firms,
recreational facilities, and top Egyptian universities. Cairo is by far the most important
city not only in Egypt but also in the Middle East. It is the political capital of the Arab
World and the permanent host of the Arab League. The city has been also the cultural
capital of the region and the gate to fame for Arab artists, actors and musicians. It is also
a major tourist, educational and health care hub in the region.
23

The urban fabric of the city could be classified into four distinct types each reflecting a
particular era and set of ideologies. There is the old medieval city, the colonial district,
the modern neighborhoods and the new suburban expansions. These four parts make
Cairo one of the most diverse cities in the region culturally and architecturally. It is
difficult to trace a prevailing architectural style that identifies the city. Cairo is mix of old
and new, Western and Eastern, local and global cultures, styles and social patterns.
B- Dubai:
Dubai is one of seven emirates that make the United Arab Emirates (UAE). The city is
run by a federal governmental system and ruled by Sheikh Mohamed Bin Rashid Al
Maktoom. The city has been ruled by Al Maktoom family since the late 19
th
century. In
the context of this research, I refer by Dubai to the metropolitan area that currently
features massive urban growth and development in the Emirate of Dubai. The population
of Dubai is estimated by 1.4 million; more than 85% of them are foreigners. The
demographics of the city reflect its excessive reliance on foreign labor. The area of the
emirate of Dubai is nearly 3,885 km
2
. However, the populated city is nearly a 1000 km
2

(nearly 247,105 acres). It extends along the edge of a narrow 10 kilometers long creek
which divides the southern section of Bur Dubai and the city’s old center, from the
northern area of Deira.
3

Dubai is the second largest emirate in the UAE after Abu Dhabi, the capital of the
country. Although Dubai is more popular than all other emirates, Abu Dhabi is actually

3
http://www.uae.gov.ae/Government/emirates1.htm
24

the richest and most important emirate in the country. Much of the money that support
development in Dubai comes from Abu Dhabi whose economy is based on oil revenues.
Dubai relies on service economy and trade. The city is becoming one of the major tourist
hubs in the Middle East. Besides, it has been successful in attracting major transnational
financial corporations and banks. Dubai has one of the largest ports in the region and is
becoming one of the major trade centers in the Middle and Far East.
IMAGE 2: THE EMIRATE OF DUBAI IN THE UAE

C- Place Production:
I mean by place production the process of formation and transformation of place. Places
are composed of physical spaces that host people. I am arguing that place is shaped by
four main agencies: state, market, locale, and global domain. Place is dynamic and
features continuous transformation due to the changes in the intentionality and roles of
these four agencies. In this study, I focus on the distinction between place and space. My
Dubai
25

point is that place is the inhabited space and this makes it a critical notion to our
understanding of the nature of globalizing cities. In many of these cities, place is
becoming a device that can trigger global flows to a city. This brings new agencies other
than global flows to discussions on globalization and urbanism. In chapter 2, I discuss the
definitions of place in further details.
D- Globalizing Cities:
In this study I mean by globalizing cities the ones that are still in the process of
improving their world city ranking. They are neither core world cities nor peripheral
ones. These cities are trying to become more influential in the new global economy and
are gradually playing a role in the global arena. In the Middle East, many cities such as
Cairo, Dubai, Abu Dhabi, Jeddah and Doha are pursuing this quest. It is becoming a
prominent objective and is dominating urban development in many of these cities.
One of the major distinctions between global and globalizing cities is that the former are
shaped by global flows while the latter in more shaped for these flows. In other words,
new globalizing cities are transforming themselves to attract flows. Many of the new
developments are mainly planned and designed for this purpose. On the contrary, top
world/global cities react to global flows. Their urban development is planned and
designed to respond to the needs and impacts of these flows.
Globalizing cities deserve further investigation because they don’t necessary fit in the
hypotheses made by scholars on global cities. The agencies of place production are
26

among the major distinctions between global and globalizing cities. Explaining urban
development in globalizing cities based on theories on global cities is problematic
because it gives most of the emphasis to global flows and ignores other agencies. Many
of the mega projects that are emerging in many globalizing cities are disproportionate to
the global flows in place. This accentuates the importance of investigating the possible
roles of other agencies as state, market, and locale. In the following chapter I discuss this
theoretical problematic by reviewing literature on globalization and urbanism.
27

CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW

1- Introduction:
This study draws from literature on globalization, urban planning and Middle Eastern
urbanism. I mainly focus on notions as globalization, place production, and the world
city. My objective is to understand how globalization with its flows of capital, people
and ideas has affected the process of place formation and transformation in globalizing
cities. I mean by globalizing cities those attempting to improve their world city status, or
the cities that are still seeking a role in the global arena. These cities are experiencing
dramatic urban transformation as part of pursuing this quest. It is critical to distinguish
the difference between global and globalizing cities and in particular, their response to
global flows. I am arguing that globalizing cities are being transformed for global flows
more than by it. My point is that these cities are investing in the development of places
that can seduce flows and accordingly allow them to become more influential players in
the global domain.
In this chapter I emphasize the problematic of generalizing the features of global cities
on globalizing ones and in particular, those in the Middle East. My point is that the
process of urban transformation in the era of globalization has been reduced to the role of
global flows and its impact on the locale. These flows are perceived as the major driving
forces that shape the process of urban change in globalizing cities. The roles of other
agencies or players as state and local forces have been relatively ignored.
28

In this review I focus on investigating three main issues. First, I look at literature that
discusses the agencies which contribute to urban transformation in globalizing cities. My
argument is that the role of some agencies as state and local forces have been relatively
ignored compared to global flows. This has contributed to the development of a
stereotype of globalizing cities that explains urban change from a global flows
perspective. Second, I investigate the notion of place which I am arguing has been
overshadowed by the emphasis on spaces of flows. Finally, I tend to relate the process of
place production in major Middle Eastern cities to the doctrine of Orientalism. I am
arguing that imaginative constructs of the Orient are still influential in Middle Eastern
societies. Although these constructs were created by Europeans, it has been influencing
the way the Orient has perceived itself. I relate the Orientalists’ constructs of the Orient
as the less developed retarded “others” to the tendency of Oriental cities to import
Western models of development in order to negate this stigma. I consider this tendency
an example of local forces or intentions that contribute to the production of place in
Middle Eastern cities.
2- What is Globalization?
Globalization is what happens when the movements of people, goods, or ideas between
regions accelerate (Coatsworth 2004). “It is the expanding scale, growing magnitude,
spending up and deepening impact of transcontinental flows and patterns of social
interaction” (Held & McGrew 2002). It is the interdependency of the world caused by
many transnational relations, processes and flows (Schuerkens 2004). Globalization is a
matter of increasing long distance connectedness, at least across national borders and
29

continents, a process that includes the restructuring of spaces (Hannerz 1996). It involves
forms of interconnection, inter- dependence (Held 1995) and global consciousness
(Robertson 1992). It implies connectivity and interdependence of developments in
different parts of the world where steady multiplication and intensification of links and
flows occur (Petras & Veltmeyer 2004).
It is worth noting that the concept of flows of capital, people and ideas is not limited to
modern periods. Interconnectivity through trade and economic exchange or what is
referred to as economic world system have existed since early civilizations (Wallerstein
1974). The eight overlapping circles of long-distance exchange that linked china in the
East with Europe are examples of these forms of interdependence (Abu Lughod 1989). In
Globalization in World History (2002), Hopkins classifies the history of globalization
into four phases: archaic, proto, modern and Post- Colonial (Hopkins 2002). He argues
that during the archaic phase, which according to him predates industrialization and ends
by the 16
th
century, there were significant forms of universal interaction and exchange of
knowledge. Bayly argues that many of the civilizations in this period encouraged forms
of luxury consumption relying on long distance trade (Bayly 2002). Many forms of
urban communities of traders, scholars and administrators featured the world cities at that
time. They supported the cross diffusion of knowledge, power, and faith (Braithwaite &
Darhos 2000).
The concept of global interaction and flow of knowledge have played a significant role in
shaping pre-modern urban settings. However, some scholars argue that the traditional
30

forms of connectivity between different nations should not be equated with the concept of
globalization (Petras and Veltmeyer 2004). They note that trade, although facilitated
cross-borders interaction was not capable of establishing what we call today a global
society.
Studies on urbanism in the era of globalization are usually interdisciplinary in nature.
Scholars have embraced different approaches in order to explicate the nature of global
cities. These approaches usually adopt one of two conceptions of globalization. There is
the political- economic conception, which focuses on the impact of capital, and labor
flows on the economic and urban structure of cities, and the socio-cultural conception,
which is more concerned with the impact of the flows of ideas and information on places.
The work of Saskia Sassen, Peter Marcuse, Joseph Stiglitz, Roger Simmonds, and Gary
Hack are examples of the former category (see Sassen 1991, 1995; Marcuse 2006;
Stiglitz 2002; Simmonds & Hack 2000). Much emphasis is usually given to the economic
and institutional forms of transformation in response to capital flows. In Global Networks
Linked Cities (2002), Sassen discusses the denationalization of the nation- state as a result
of the emerging cross border geography. She uses international firms as a unit of analysis
to emphasize how technical connectivity is allowing them to reshape the urban form of
today’s world cities (Sassen 2002). John Friedman refers to these emerging financial
centers as “citadels” for the elites (Freidman and Wolff 1982). In Globalizing Cities: A
Spatial Order? (2006), Marcuse and Kempen argue that global capitalism has created a
new urban spatial order that feature hollowed-out, manufacturing zones, revitalized
waterfront sites, edge cities, and increasing internationalization of urban real estate
31

markets (Marcuse & Kempen 2006). In Global City Regions: Their Emerging Forms
(2001), Roger Simmonds and Gary Hack argue that the flow of capital to major cities has
supported the emergence of scattered economic centers. This has contributed to the poly-
nuclear form of these cities and the decreasing density of cities’ main centers (Simmonds
& Hack 2001).
The second category or the socio-cultural conception of globalization focuses on the
impact of the flows of ideas and information on places. Scholars like Arjun Appadurai,
Manuel Castells, Anthony Appiah, Nezar AlSayyad and Michael Dear give much
emphasis to issues like cultural identity, traditions, and hybridity (see Castells 1989,
1996, 1997; Appadurai 1990; Dear & Leclerc 2003; Appiah 2006). Appadurai (1990)
discusses the notion of imagery which he argues is composed of five dimensions of
cultural flows. These are ethnoscapes, mediascapes, finanscapes, technoscapes, and
ideascapes (Appadurai 1990). Appadurai refers to these “scapes” as the critical players
that shape the social practices in the era of globalization. In The Case of Contamination
(2006), Anthony Appiah argues that globalization “can produce homogeneity, but it is
also a threat to homogeneity” (Appiah 2006). It can contribute to the hybridity of some
places. However, it can also overwrite others’ unique identities and impose some sort of
genericness on places. In The Power of Identity (1997), Castells discusses the resistance
identity which he argues, emerges in response to forces that tend to enforce changes.
According to Castells, “resistance confronts domination” and accordingly, a collective
identity of rejection begins to emerge (Castells 1997).
32

In Cultural Complexity: Studies in the Social Organization of Meaning (1992), Ulf
Hannerz describes the Western domination of the process of cultural flows that feature
globalization saying “when the center speaks, the periphery listens, and mostly does not
talk back” a statement that could be contested today where the process is of cultural
interaction is gradually becoming more mutual and balanced. Arlene Macleod (1991)
describes this process and the shift towards local traditions saying: “turning in the
direction of traditional symbols, customs, images and behavior forms an important
countertrend in a modernizing world” (Macleod 1991). Lenchner and Boli use the term
‘Westoxication’ to describe this process and the way fundamentalists perceive the
intrusion of foreign ideas, symbols goods, and lifestyles (Lenchner and Boli 2004). Stuart
Hall argues that local identities usually strengthen in response to the process of cultural
globalization (Hall 1992).
James Watson questions the power of the process of “Americanization” which is a form
of global flows. He notes that people might embrace some of the patterns of the
American lifestyle; however, this doesn’t mean that they have been stripped of their
cultures (Watson 2004). According to him, these forms of Americanization usually take
superficial forms and in many cases face local resistance.
These two conceptions of globalization give much emphasis to global flows. These flows
have been perceived as the most powerful agencies that are capable of transforming, if
not overriding, the nation state and local cultural identity.

33

3- Globalization and the Nation State:
Hypotheses on the new spatial and social order, and organization in response to global
flows of capital, people, ideas, and information gradually became a stereotype to explain
urban transformation not only in global cities, but also globalizing ones. Cities have been
perceived as respondents to global flows and the roles of other players as state and local
forces were relatively ignored. The nation state in particular has been widely conceived
as a diminishing power that is losing its role for globalization. At least from a neo-liberal
perspective, state is perceived as an obstacle that limits freedom of markets or the
denationalization of economies (see Friedman 1962; Reich 1991; Ohmae 1995; Castells
1997). As observed by Castells, in core world cities “state control over space and time is
increasingly bypassed by global flows of capital, goods, services, technology,
communication and information (Castells 1997 p. 243). According to this conception, the
power of global flows is gradually overriding the state in top world cities. As noted by
Dear & Flusty (2002),
The territorial state’s administration organs are increasingly elided, dictated to,
and, in many instances, purchased outright by the primary players in the
international financial markets: transnational corporations (TNCs) and their
shadowy twin, transnational criminal organizations (TCOs) (Dear & Flusty 2002,
p. 355-356).
Many scholars argue that deregulation, free market and economic openness are essential
for any top global city. David Held et al. call this school of thought the hyperglobalizers
(Held et al. 1999, p.3). According to them, hyperglobalizers believe that the traditional
nation state doesn’t fit in the new global economic world order. From the
hyperglobalizers perspective “traditional nation states have become unnatural, even
34

impossible business units in a global economy” (Held et al. 1999, p.3). The work of
Milton Freedman supports this approach. According to Friedman, privatization and
deregulation are critical in order to assure a free market (Friedman 1962). Susan Strange
presents a similar viewpoint. According to her:
The impersonal forces of world markets . . . are now more powerful than the
states to whom ultimate political authority over society and economy is supposed
to belong . . . the declining authority of states is reflected in a growing diffusion
of authority to other institutions and associations, and to local and regional bodies
(Strange 1996, p.4).
Other scholars have a moderate conception of the role of state in the era of globalization.
In Globalization and the Nation State (1998), Robert Holton argues that globalization and
the nation state can exist and evolve together. However, Holton focuses on the cultural
identity aspect of the nation state which according to him is reemerging in the forms of
anti-globalization tendencies (Holton 1998). The work of Saskia Sassen recognizes the
still existing role of the state. She traces the forms of transformation in its power in
response to global flows (see Sassen 1998). Anthony Giddens focuses on the pre-eminent
powers of the state as military, surveillance and its capability of shaping people’s
ideology (Giddens 1985). This position as noted by David Held et al. (1999), perceive
globalization “as a powerful transformative force which is responsible for a ‘massive
shake-out’ of societies, economies, institutions of governance and world order (Held
1999). Held calls this school of thought the transformationalist since it focuses on the
transformation of state in response to globalization (Held et al. 1999).
35

This problematic of these two schools of thought is that it conceives global flows as the
main agency that has the power of transforming not only the state but also local identity
and culture. This excessive emphasis given to global flows has justified the
generalization of forms of transformation on both global and globalizing cities. Since
global flows are universal in nature, and they are assumed to be the major player in the
process of urban change, then their impact on the built environment is expected to be
similar. This conception has shifted the focus to the explicit forms of urban change that
could be associated with global flows. Most of the scholarly attempts to rank world cities
focused on these forms of urban change as indicators of the degree of globalization of a
place. This has also contributed to the development of what I refer to as “the world city
stereotype.”
4- The World Cities Ranking:
The concept of ranking cities is not new. Medieval cities were mainly ranked according
to their size and population, which usually reflected their power and status. As noted by
Jean Gottmann (1989), the term ‘world cities’ actually emerged during the 18
th
century
(Gottmann 1989, p. 62). It was used by German scholars as Goethe in 1787 to describe
Rome and Paris (Gottmann 1989, p. 62). Goethe referred to the cultural eminence of the
two cities as an indicator of their world city status (Gottmann 1989, p. 62). Many decades
later, in Cities in Evolution (1915), Patrick Geddes introduced new dimensions to
defining world cities. He argues that some cities deserve to be called world cities because
of their political and economic role in the world system (Geddes 1915).
36

When John Friedmann introduced the world city hypothesis in 1986, it drew much
attention to spatial transformation of some cities and more specifically the core ones, in
response to the new global economy. Friedmann categorizes world cities into core, semi
peripheral and peripheral based on some indicators such as the number of financial
centers, headquarters for transnational firms, manufacturing centers, transportation nodes,
and population size (Friedmann 1986). Some of the features of world cities, as noted by
Friedmann, are their capability to attract domestic and/or international immigrants, the
concentration and accumulation of capital and, spatial and class polarization (Friedmann
1986).
Friedmann’s thesis and many other studies have focused on identifying common features
that can be used as indicators to rank cities and their importance in the world system.
Rankings varied from broad categorizations as Richard Knight’s identification of global
cities as the ones where development is driven by globalization rather than
nationalization (Knight & Gappert 1989) to more specific ones that searched for
measurable indicators to rank cities.
Some studies look at global accessibility, signs and symbols, advertisement and the
hosting of global events (Short 2004, p.4). Top world cities according to Sassen are
production sites for the leading service industries (Sassen 1991) and centers of global
control (Sassen 1995, p. 63). However, she argues that the power of transnational
corporations is not enough to create the capability of global control. This capability needs
to be produced by an infrastructure that allows global transmission. Sassen notes that one
37

of the other features of world cities is the transformation of the manufacturing oriented
cores in world cities towards new urban service economic ones (Sassen 1995, p. 65). She
argues that manufacturing plays a critical role in serving production services. However, it
can do this whether located in the city or overseas (Sassen 1995, p. 63).
Peter Taylor and the Globalization and World Cities Group in Loughborough University
focus on identifying more specific indicators that can be used to measure the degree of
engagement of a city with the global system. For example, they look at the number
international firms, international NGOs, air flights to and from the city and the number of
airlines that use its airport. They use these indicators to rank top world cities. These
criteria again focus on global flows of mainly capital and people and their contribution to
the urban transformation of the city (see Taylor 2006, 2008). David Keeling also focuses
on transportation linkages and in particular the airlines network (Keeling in Knox and
Taylor 1995, p. 115-131).
Other scholars such as Sir Peter Hall argue that these cities are centers of leading finance
centers and headquarters of trading banks and insurance organizations (Hall 1966, p.7).
They provide a quality of life in order to attract skilled professionals from around the
world (see Simon 1995, p. 144). These cities feature spatial segregation based on
economic class where the rich tend to create enclaves or what Goetz Wolff calls
“citadels” (Friedmann & Wolff 1982). World cities are places that attract transnational
corporations. They provide what Stephen Hymer (1972) describes as “face-to-face
contact at higher levels of decision making” (Hymer 1972). The same concept was used
38

by Robert Cohen (1981) in developing a global cities hierarchy. Cohen used the locations
of non-US corporations across the world to identify the main financial centers (Cohen
1981).
Janet Abu Lughod uses seven indicators to identify world cities. Two of them are
demographic: size and diversity, and five are economic: foreign trade, power of corporate
headquarters, presence of international markets, transnational investment, and
predominance of producer and corporate services in the mix (Abu Lughod 1999). David
Simon (1995) argues that world cities usually feature the existence of a sophisticated
financial and service complex that hosts transnational corporations and NGOs, a hub of
international networks of capital and information and communications flows, and a
quality of life that attracts the skilled international immigrants (Simon 1995, p. 144).
In World City Network: A Global Analysis (2004), Peter Taylor illustrates in an
interesting table, the cities cited in world city research. Referring to sixteen of the most
renowned studies on globalization and world cities, Taylor shows that scholars have
failed to agree on a specific criterion to identifying world cities (Taylor 2004, p.40).
Taylor names 82 cities identified at least once as a world city in the sixteen studies.
London, New York, Paris and Tokyo top of the list as being the most citied in the
selected studies. The table includes cities as Warsaw, Cairo and Prague that have been
cited at least once as a world city. In a similar vein, Klaus Kunzmann in World City
Regions in Europe (1998) illustrates how four studies developed different rankings of the
European world cities using different economic indicators (Kunzmann 1998). In Global
39

Cities (2004), Mark Abrahamson is more specific in ranking world cities. He uses the
term economic hierarchy to describe his criteria of ranking major world cities.
Abrahamson uses four indicators which determine the economic power of cities in the
world economy. These indicators are stock exchanges, banks and financial institutions,
multinational corporations, and service firms (Abrahamson 2004, p. 74- 86).
All these indicators have created a stereotype of world cities that mainly focuses on what
Manuel Castells refers to as “spaces of flows” (Castells 1996). He notes that:
People do still live in places. But because function and power in our societies are
organized in the space of flows, the structural domination of its logic essentially
alters the meaning and dynamic of places. Experience, by being related to places,
becomes abstracted from power (Castells, 1996, p.426).
According to Castells, spaces of flows supersede the spaces of place simply because the
latter with its physical boundaries is less capable of coping with the dynamics of flows
(Castells1989, 1996). The notion of “spaces of flows” is critical to the understanding of
the nature of global cities. However, I argue that place still matters especially in
discussions on globalizing cities. The emphasis on spaces of flows contributes to a great
extent to the generalizations of features of global cities on globalizing ones. As noted
earlier, the focus on spaces of flows limits the agencies of urban transformation to global
flows.
5- Stereotyping Globalizing Cities: A Theoretical Problematic:
The physical features of core world cities discussed in literature on urbanism and
globalization have contributed to the construction of a stereotype that tends to generalize
40

these features on all world cities. Besides, urban transformation that has been occurring
in globalizing cities has been always explained from this stereotypical perspective. The
new emerging high tech skyscrapers, business headquarters, trade centers, airports and
mega malls in many Middle Eastern cities as Cairo and Dubai are perceived as products
of global flows. And although most of these projects are mainly developed by the state
and/or private investors, more emphasis is usually given to global flows.
For example Rafael Pizarro et al. (2003) argue that flows of capital,

people, information,
and culture are the agencies of globalization in the Third World. They trace their impact
on different dimensions of urban form such as urbanism, public realm, social ecology,
and architecture vernacular (Pizarro et al. 2003). Their study focuses on the response of
Third World city forms to global flows and ignores other agencies such as the civil
society or the state which I argue, play a significant role in shaping the process of
globalization.
In Jihad vs. McWorld (1996), Benjamin Barber looks at the response of cities to
globalization as being either surrender to homogenization, or an extreme resistance. He
refers to the latter as the jihad response where the former is the McDonalidization of
world cultures (Barber 1996). Again, Barber’s thesis focuses on the idea of action and
reaction where global flows are the major player and local forces are the respondents. In
Globalization and Culture (2003), Jan Nederveen Pieterse looks at this response from a
relatively moderate perspective. He argues that there are three paradigms that describe
the how local cultures react to globalization. These are: 1) Differentialism, where some
41

aspects of the culture don’t change and tend to stand distinct from others, 2)
Convergence, where cultures dissolve in the main stream global culture, and 3)
Hybridization, where the local and the global interact and mix to enrich each other (see
Nederveen Pieterse 2003). Pieterse’s thesis recognizes to some extent, the role of local
forces in determining the impact of globalization on place. However, these forces are
perceived as respondents rather than players. Saskia Sassen briefly touches on this issue.
In The Global City: New York, London, Tokyo (1991), She argues that “globalization is
not simply something that is exogenous” (Sassen 1991, p.347). According to Sassen, in
many cases local actors trigger change by their own will (Sassen 1991).
The role of other payers as the state and local forces in shaping place in the era of
globalization is relatively ignored in literature on contemporary urbanism. Few studies
focus on those agencies. Gordon Clark & Michael Dear (1981), note that the role of state
in urban development is ignored and interpreted in isolation from market forces (Clark &
Dear 1981). In their study, they review the role of the state in the capitalist space
economy. Linda Weiss (1997) contends that state is a critical player in shaping change in
the era of globalization (Weiss 1997). She argues that asserts made by some scholars
regarding the powerless states are simply a myth (Weiss 1998). She uses the term
“embeddedness” to refer to state capacities which build on historically framed national
institutions (Weiss 1997). She criticizes the focus on global flows arguing that
“proponents of globalization overstate the extent and novelty value of transnational
movements” (Weiss 1997, p.4). Weiss notes that some states are more capable of
42

benefiting from the global economic changes than others” (Weiss 1997). This is
attributed to their capacity and capabilities to deal with the global system.
William Sites (2000) uses Carl Marx’s term “Primitive Globalization” to emphasize the
role of the state in shaping change in the era of globalization (Sites 2000). According to
Sites:
Common depictions of globalization—as a self-generating economic logic, or as a
myth belied by the persistence of national economic differences and strong states,
or as a set of processes of localization before which national governments stand
helpless and irrelevant—tend to overlook the ways in which states may be
increasingly fragmented and yet remain highly significant actors in this social
transition (Sites 2000, p.122).

William Sites (2000) traces the ways state institutions contribute to transnational linkages
and networks. He notes that states respond differently to globalization. They could act as
facilitator rather than victims of global flows (Sites 2000, p.125). He also notes that the
state can play an active role in favor of market.
In Orange County, Java (2002), Robert Cowherd and Eric Heikkila discuss the role of the
state in the development of new projects that emulate Western places. They argue that
these developments seek the replacement of “backward” local patterns by modern forms
and practices (Cowherd & Heikkila 2002, p.197). In their study they acknowledge the
power of local forces in shaping these places to fulfill residents’ needs. They note that
this is usually done behind the facades to keep the Western image (Cowherd & Heikkila
2002, p.197).
43

In this study I continue on the same vein. I argue that states in many Middle Eastern cities
have been investing in the construction of places that can trigger global flows and
accordingly, upgrade their “world city” status and ranking. Global flows are not always
the main forces that drive change in these globalizing cities. These projects are as
described by Cowherd & Heikkila (2002), “state-led” (Cowherd & Heikkila 2002). The
quest of becoming influential players in the global system is what triggers this tendency
to build new world city type of projects. In many globalizing cities, the scale of the new
emerging developments is significantly disproportionate to the global flows in the place.
However, these places are built betting that flows will come later on.
No doubt that many of these projects look like ones in Western world cities. However,
assuming that global flows are the major forces that contributed to their production is
actually problematic. These places are created in order to attract global flows and
accordingly, it is important to recognize the actual forces that shape their production.
This brings a critical question to the context of this discussion. Why do these places look
like or in many cases replicate Western models?
I argue that this could be attributed to two main reasons. Firstly, there is willingness in
these cities to avoid starting from scratch. According to Leon Trotsky, “in appending new
forms, backward society takes not their beginnings, nor the stages of their evolution, but
the finished product itself” (Knei-Paz 1978, p.91 cited by Davis 2007). Trotsky argues
that these societies tend not to go through the process of development. They simply copy
the ideal type that might not even exist with the same degree of perfection in its countries
44

of origin (Knei-Paz 1978, p.91). Since they started the process of modernization, many
Middle Eastern cities have been relying heavily on Western prototypes of development.
Cairo for example, adopted the exact principles of Haussmann’s plan for Paris to build its
new extension outside the walls of the medieval city (Abu Lughod 1971). The process
was led by the state and local private enterprises.
4
In some cases, Western models were
introduced to the place from the outside, mainly by colonial powers.
5
The concept of
starting from where others have ended appealed to many Middle Eastern societies
considering the rapid path of change in the Western world and the necessity of coping
with it.
The second reason behind the tendency of these societies to search for solutions in the
Western world is what Edward Said describes as the sense of superiority (Said 1978). It is
a product of the distorted image constructed by Orientalists for the Orient to serve
imperial interests (Said 1978). According to Said, depicting the Orient as the ‘irrational
other’ supported Western superiority and justified the occupation of the Orient. The
Orient was always presented as the contrast to rationalism.
In colonial cities, emulating the Western lifestyle has been always pursued by local elites
to distinguish themselves from the rest of the locals. This distinction has been obvious in
the contrast between their urban settings and those of the lower classes. In many North
African cities, during the early 20
th
century, lower classes were kept inside the walled

4
Cairo suburbs during the early 20
th
century like Maadi and Heliopolis are examples of these projects.
5
The work of Henri Prost in Morocco is an example of colonial forms of urban transformation.

45

indigenous city while the elite lived in the modern Western style extensions. Their
lifestyle, education and even clothes were more influenced by the Western culture than
the local traditions. This emphasizes the local tendency in these cities to mimic Western
patters in an attempt to upgrade the social status. In this sense, the concept of replication
seems to emerge from the locale. The choice of following Western prototypes is made by
locals and their state. It is not imposed from the outside. Governments in many Middle
Eastern cities are dealing with the world city project as a national mission. In fact, they
encourage and in some cases participate in the development of the new emerging mega
world city types of projects. They provide incentives to developers and give priority to
projects contributing to the new contemporary urban image.
This actually emphasizes the problematic of generalizing the hypothesis of the
diminishing role of the nation state in the era of globalization on globalizing cities.
Edward Soja (2000) criticizes the focus on the nation state and its “perforated
sovereignty.” He argues that the even in the case of global cities conclusions made by
scholars regarding the end of the nation state and the emergence of borderless world “are
not just gross exaggerations but a deflection away from making practical and theoretical
sense of the significant changes triggered by globalization” (Soja 2000).
6- Why Place Matters in the Study of Globalizing Cities?
The emphasis on spaces of flows and their power of reshaping cities has shifted the focus
from the notion of place which I argue is very critical to our understanding of the nature
of globalizing cities. My point is that place is becoming a crucial medium that hosts the
46

interaction between flows and locale. It is a device that can trigger more flows to a city.
The notion of place involves much more than the static conception presented by Castells
(see Castells 1989). In fact, places are dynamic and the dimension of time is a major
component of its structure.
According to The Oxford English Dictionary, place is defined as “a portion of space in
which people dwell together.” Places are perceived as the focus of meanings or intention,
either culturally or individually defined (Godkin 1980, p. 73). Edward Relph (1976) notes
that places are defined by special and particular significances for us and can be
remembered rather than immediately present (Relph 1976; Godkin 1980). Yu- Fi Tuan
(1977) argues that when people gain confidence in moving in a space and can identify it
by familiar landmarks and paths; it becomes a place (Tuan 1977 P. 71). For Leibniz space
is “indiscernible’ (Lefebvre 1991 p. 169). Place is a discrete, temporally and perceptually
bounded unit of psychologically meaningful material space (Godkin 1980, p. 73).
The idea of place implies a meaningful portion of geographical space (Berdoulay 1989, p.
125). It is a meaning for its users and inhabitants. David Ley (1989) argues that
modernism created spaces not places, masses not meaning (Ley 1989, p.44). His
argument emphasizes that physical forms cannot be considered places unless they
respond to, and interact with, people’s continuously changing intentions and needs.
Places as described by Jonathan Raban in Soft City (1998) “await the imprint of an
identity” (Raban 1998). Edward Relph (1985) argues that places "are constructed in our
47

memories and affections through repeated encounters and complex associations. Place
experiences are necessarily time-deepened and memory-qualified" (Relph 1985).
Place reflects the social, economic, political and cultural changes in a city. It is formed
and transformed by multiple forces. Besides, it is the medium that hosts the interaction
between different cultures and ethnics. It is the core urban element that facilitates the
exposure of the local to the global. It is place which facilitate flows of capital, people,
and information between the global domain and the local context. This makes place
critical to the understanding of the nature of globalizing cities.
Literature on cities and globalization has been focusing on spaces of flows and less
emphasis is given to the notion of place. This could be attributed to the conception that
place is more locally based. In the context of this research, I am concerned with the role
of place in connecting the local to the global. Place is becoming a very effective device
that can trigger global flows to a city and accordingly, contribute to the upgrading of its
world city status.
Many globalizing Middle Eastern cities are using place to pursue their quest of becoming
top world cities. They are investing heavily in the construction of particular types of
places as business centers, hotels, airports and mega malls that can serve this quest. In
most of the cases, the forms and architectural styles of these new emerging places
resemble similar ones in Western top world cities. This contributed to the assumption that
these places are mainly shaped by global flows. In the following section I dispute this
48

assumption. I argue that this tendency to import Western models of development is
inherited from the era of colonization.
7- Orientalism and the Tendency to Emulate Western Models:
As mentioned earlier in this literature review, the tendency of some Middle Eastern cities
to import Western models of development has been usually conceived as a response to
global flows. I am arguing that local intentions play a significant role in shaping this
tendency. I draw from literature on Orientalism which can explain why these cities look
at the Western world for urban solutions. Orientalism is the study of Western perception
and constructs of the Orient that were mainly developed during the 19
th
and early 20
th

century. Most of the constructs developed by Europeans during this period tended to
romanticize the Orient. European artists during the 18
th
century depicted the Orient in a
distorted romantic and extravagant manner (Lewis 2000, p. 251). The Orient has been
perceived as the “irrational other.” These constructs were criticized by many scholars as
Edward Said and Anwar Abdel Malak who argue that they were distorted and were
constructed to mainly serve imperial interests (Said 1978). In Orientalism (1978) Edward
Said (1978) argues that depicting the Orient as the “irrational other” supported Western
superiority. He notes that portraying the Orient in a particular image was intended to
justify its colonization (Said 1978).
Edward Said focuses on the factors that influenced the way Orientalists have formulated
the image of the Orient in their literature. He observes three main issues. First is the
belief in the idea of domination or the superiority of the West over the Orient which made
49

Western norms the only reference to idealism. Secondly, there was a conception that “the
Orient is an insinuating danger” (Said 1978, p. 57) or a threat that targets the Western
civilization. Thirdly, a distinction was always made between the rational Western mind
and the mystical oriental way of thinking. The Orient was always presented as the
contrast to rationalism and its spirituals and mysteries were not taken seriously in the
Orientalist’s literature (Said 1978). When the notion of reasoning began to dominate
Western thought during the Enlightenment period, it was critical to keep a distinction
between the rational West and irrational East. These images not only influenced the way
the West has perceived the Orient, but also the way the Orient has perceived itself. It has
created some sense of superiority of the West over the Orient. This sense could be sensed
today in many Middle Eastern cities.
In this research I focus on this conception to explain the tendency of Middle Eastern
cities to look for Western urban solutions to upgrade their world city status. My argument
is that many of these cities embrace this approach in an attempt to negate the stigma of
backwardness.
8- Conclusion:
Through this literature review, I integrated literature on globalization, urbanism and
Orientalism. My intention is to highlight the gaps that defect our understanding of the
nature of globalizing Middle Eastern cities. My argument is that global flows are not the
major agencies that shape urban transformation in these cities. Literature on globalization
and urbanism has focused significantly on global flows as the driving force that shape
50

world cities. This has contributed to the construction of what could be described as the
world city stereotype. This stereotype has been used to explain the new spectacular word
city type of developments in many cities as Cairo and Dubai.
In fact, Middle Eastern cities don’t fit into this stereotype. There are many other major
agencies that contribute to the emergence of these types of developments. The state is one
of these agencies. Although state has been always referred to as the diminishing power in
the era of globalization, the case of some Middle Eastern state presents a different case.
State is actually a major player in the process of urban development in many globalizing
Middle Eastern cities. Locale is another very critical agency. The role of local forces has
been always reduced to forms of resistance to global influences. In this research I argue
that in many Middle Eastern cities, local intentions are a major force behind the
emergence of many world city types of developments. Many of these projects are built
for the sake of the world city image. Constructing these projects aims to improve the city
status and in turn, support its quest of attracting global flows.
Bringing the notion of place to literature on globalization and urbanism is critical since
place, unlike spaces of flows, is locally based. Accordingly, it can explicate a better
understanding of the role of agencies as state, locale and domestic market in the process
of urban transformation.
51

PART II: ANALYTICAL MODEL

In this section of the dissertation, I propose an analytical model to understand the nature
of the process of place production in globalizing cities. The model is composed of three
main parts. The first part is the agencies that shape the process. I argue that four main
agencies are critical to understanding the nature of urban transformation in the era of
globalization. These agencies are: 1) State; 2) Market; 3) Locale; and 4) Global domain.
The second part is the vectors of intentionality heuristic device which unfolds the process
of interaction between the four agencies. Forces enforced by each agency are represented
as vectors that interact and lead to an urban resultant. This urban resultant is basically
place which is the third part of the proposed model. The four agencies shape multiple
dimensions of place. These dimensions are: 1) Places as realms of flows; 2) Places as
imaginaries; 3) Places as text; 4) Places as landscapes of resistance; and 5) Places as
reflections of authenticity.
In the following chapter, I discuss the five dimensions of place and their theoretical
context. Then I discuss the four agencies of place production in chapter four.
52

CHAPTER THREE: AGENCIES OF PLACE PRODUCTION- THE
VECTORS OF INTENTIONALITY MODEL
6

1- Introduction:
In this chapter I discuss the four agencies that shape the process of place production.
These are: state, market, locale, and global domain. I also introduce the vectors of
intentionality model which deals with urban transformation as a resultant of the
interaction of forces imposed by the four main agencies. Each of these forces has a power
and intentionality. They simply act as “vectors” that lead to an urban resultant, which
neither directly reflects the intention of any of these forces nor equally fulfills intentions
of all of them. The device focuses on three main points of analysis. 1) The power or the
degree of influence imposed by each force contributing to the process of urban
transformation. 2) The orientation or direction of each of these forces and its tendency to
deflect the process to fulfill its intentionality. 3) The angle of diversion between these
forces, which reflects the degree of homogeneity of intentions between the interacting
vectors in the process of place transformation.
In order to explain why places look the way they do, it is critical to understand the
dynamics of their transformation and the forces or agencies that shape them. The key
issue to understanding how these forces interact and negotiate the production of place, is

6
This chapter includes parts of my paper titled: “Place Production in the Era of Globalization: The Vectors
of Intentionality Model,” Published in Seeking the City: Visionaries on the Margins, Proceedings of
Association of Collegiate Schools of Architecture 96
th
Annual Meeting, 2008
53

to identify both the power and intention of each. In this sense, these forces could be
perceived as vectors that together lead to an urban resultant.
In studies on cities in the era of globalization, much emphasis is given to global flows as
the major agency of place production. In this section of the dissertation, I propose more
emphasis on other agencies. First is the state, and I mean by state the form of
government, bureaucracy and other institutions that have the right to exert power in order
to retain order and have the authority to govern, control, and legislate. The concept of
state, its power and roles have been widely discussed by theorists.
7
Second is market, or
the arena of exchange and commercial activities with its institutions that govern trade and
flows of capital. It is the structure run by private entities which hosts exchange of goods,
transfer of property rights and services.
8
Third is locale, which includes all forces
emerging from the local context which reflect its physical and nonphysical features, and
the interests and intentions of its people. It refers to the features of a defined location or
setting. Examples of these features are geography, climate, religion, and local culture.
Traditions, culture, urban heritage, and geography all fall in this category. Fourth is the
global domain or the non-local context from which foreign ideas, money and people flow
to the place. It is the indefinite geography that extends across the globe and features what
David Harvey calls time-space compression (Harvey 1990). It is worth noting here that
the notion of global flows is not limited to contemporary globalization. It refers to all

7
Refer to the work of Max Weber; Carl Marx ; Rawls 1971; Clark & Dear 1981; William Sites 2006;
Weiss 1997, 1998.
8
Refer to Adam Smith 1776; Milton Friedman 1962; Hayek 1960; Barber 1996.
54

forms of foreign cultural, ideological, economical and political influences that tend to
shape the process of place production such as those imposed by colonization for example.
In the proposed model, each of the four agencies is represented in the process of place
production by a set of vectors that vary in power and intentionality. The notion of
intentionality is critical in this process. To emphasize its importance, we can imagine a
set of vectors at the point of interaction. It is possible that two very powerful vectors with
opposite intentions might eliminate each other leaving a less effective force to lead the
process. In some cases, it is possible that a single powerful vector might neutralize the
influence of many others and deflect the whole process towards its intention. In other
cases, a group of weak vectors might form a coalition that can stand in the face of a
single powerful one. There are endless possibilities of interaction. However, what really
matters is the fact that same resultant could be reached through different forms of
interaction.
The process of interaction itself is always in a state of transformation since over time,
some forces disappear from the scene and others emerge. The proposed Vectors of
Intentionality Model not only focuses on the power and orientation of interacting vectors,
but also the angle of diversion between them. This angle reflects the degree of
homogeneity of intentionality between the interacting forces. The more diverse and
heterogeneous the interacting forces are, the larger this angle, and the more complicated
is the process of negotiating a resultant.
55

FIGURE 2: SCHEMATIC DIAGRAM OF THE VECTORS OF INTENTIONALITY MODEL
WITH THE FOUR MAIN AGENCIES

FIGURE 3: THE ANGLE OF DIVERSION AS AN INDICATOR OF THE DEGREE OF
HOMOGENEITY OF INTENTIONS BETWEEN INTERACTING VECTORS

2- Theoretical Context:
Places are always exposed to forces which subject them to a continuous state of
transformation. Different needs and intentions tend to reshape places. Henri Lefebvre
calls this process “diversion” or re-appropriation where places are reshaped to fulfill the
continuously changing needs and interests. He argues that “every space is already in
place before the appearance in it of actors… seeking to re- appropriate it” (Lefebvre
GLOBAL
DOMAIN
STATE
Market
Local State
Global
Domai
n
MARKET
LOCALE
56

1991, p.57). Understanding the nature of a place requires the unfolding of the strata of
diversion that took place over time.
In the proposed analytical model I focus on the oppositional relationship between state
versus market, and the local versus the global in order to unfold the process of place
production. Understanding the role of each of these agencies and the way they interact
can explain the nature of urban transformation in globalizing cities.
A- State and Market Relationship:
Over history, the relation between state and market has featured swings in domination.
The nature of state as discussed by many theorists as Rawls, Max Weber and Hegel
implies coercive authority to prevent social injustice that might be created by market
dynamics. A major distinction between different models of states as the socialist,
capitalist or liberal state lies in the distribution of powers between state and market. For
example, Rawls’ conception of social state proposes four branches of government that
should interfere in the operation of market to protect individuals from unreasonable
market power and maintain social wellbeing (Rawls 1971, p. 245). This is opposed by
neo-liberal theorists like Robert Nozick for example, who believes in minimal state that
doesn’t interfere in market dynamics or wealth redistribution (Nozick 1974). These
contrasting positions emphasize the relatively oppositional relationship between the
vectors of state and market. Many of the arguments on the nation state in the era of
globalization attribute its diminishing role to the empowerment of market capitalism (see
Castells 2000).
57

- State:
As described by Maurice Zeitlin (1980) “the state is a concept for the
concentrated and organized means of legitimate class domination” (Zeitlin 1980,
p.15). As noted by Louis Althusser (1971), state often has “repressive and
ideological state apparatuses (see Althusser 1971, p.123-73). It "stands for … a
number of particular institutions which, together, constitute its reality, and which
interact as parts of what may be called the state system" (Miliband 1973, p. 49).
Influenced by Max Weber, Michael Mann describes state as a differentiated set of
institutions and personal, embodying centrality, exercising some degree of
authority on a particular territorial area (Mann 1986, p.55). Mann differentiates
between the despotic and infrastructure powers of state. He defines the former as
“the distributive power of state elites over the civil society” where the latter is
“the institutional capacity of a central state, despotic or not, to penetrate its
territories and logistically implement decisions” (Mann 1986, p.59). Mann uses
this distinction to compare the nature of power of different types of states.
According to him, bureaucratic- democratic states feature high infrastructural
power and low despotic power while authoritarian states tend to maximize their
use of both types of power. Mann’s analysis sheds light on the importance of
unfolding the forces of states in order to understand how they interact with global
flows. Max Weber’s assumption that the increase in infrastructural power
empowers despotic power is challenged by Mann who argues that sometimes the
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former enables the civil society to control the state (Mann 1986, p.59). Hegel
notes that:
The state works and acts in obedience to conscious ends, known principles
and laws, which are not merely implied, but expressly before its
consciousness. So, too, it works with a definite knowledge of all the actual
circumstances and relations, to which the acts refer (Hegel 1942, p. 270).

A major distinction between the welfare-social and liberal conceptions of state
lies in the relation between state and market. In the case of the social state, market
is controlled by government institutions to assure social justice. According to
Rawls, these institutions could be divided into four branches. The first is the
allocation branch which “keeps the price system workably competitive and to
prevent the formation of unreasonable market power” (Rawls 1971, p.244). The
second is the stabilization branch which is responsible for “bringing full
employment in the sense that those who want work can find it and the free choice
of occupation and the deployment of finance are supported by strong effective
demand” (Rawls 1971). According to Rawls, these two branches are the ones that
deal with market economy. They tend to regulate and control the performance and
the intentions of market forces.
The other two branches cover the social dimension. The transfer branch is
responsible for maintaining the social minimum or as described by Tony Smith
(2006) to “ensure that all citizens and their dependents attain a certain minimal
level of well-being” (Smith 2006, p.25). This should occur regardless of the
59

market intentions. According to Rawls, achieving this social minimum should
come first and then the rest of the total income may be settled by the price system
(Rawls 1971). The fourth branch in Rawls thesis is the distributive one. The main
task of this branch is “to preserve an approximate justice in distributive shares by
means of taxation and the necessary adjustments in the rights of property” (Rawls
1971). If we unfold the intentions of these four branches, it becomes obvious that
state forces usually tend to adjust the intentions of market in order to serve social
intentions. According to Rawls, stabilizing the market and the society as a whole
requires the intervention of the state.
The role of the state does not necessarily diminish in response to global forces. In
fact the social state as Smith notes “has the ultimate responsibility for instituting a
just and efficient global order” (Smith 2006, p. 30). It is the central institution that
assures social justice and deal with inequalities generated by capitalist market.
Modern states as described by Stuart Hall et al. (1992) are “large, interventionist,
administratively bureaucratic and complex systems of powers sui generis, which
intervene to organize large areas of social life” (Hall et al. 1992, p. 3).
In the case of the liberal conception of the state, market becomes the central issue
of most of the theoretical arguments. Joseph Nye notes that in the era of
globalization, state power has been transformed from military to economic
capabilities (Nye 1998 cited in McGrew 1992, p.88). The state is no longer
perceived as the container that controls economic activities within its territory.
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The revolution in communication and information technology has facilitated exit
options of capital. The role of the state is limited to enforcing laws and
regulations that protect economic activities and prevent fraud. Globalization has
imposed tighter limits on state autonomy (McGrew 1992). As noted by Smith
(2006), the liberals’ conception of the state “situates it between a porous national
economy and a global market” (Smith 2006, p.56).
Leslie Sklair (1991) argues that many states, especially in the developing world,
have actually made effort to attract multinational investments (Sklair 1991, p.87).
They had to wear what Thomas Friedman calls the “Golden Straightjacket” or in
other words adopt some rules as making the private sector the primary engine of
its economic growth, shrinking the size of state bureaucracy, removing
restrictions on foreign investments, getting rid of domestic monopolies,
privatizing state owned industries and utilities (Friedman 2000 cited in Smith
2006). In some cases, these states become “local machinery for implementing
regional or international policies” (McGrew 1992, p.92). In fact, McGrew argues
that nation states are facing two types of threats in the era of globalization. First is
the threat from above or the tendency of regional and global forces to shape state
authority. Second is the threat from below which is triggered by the fragmentation
of the civil society and the rise of what Rosenau (1990) calls sub-groupism
(Rosenau 1990, p.40; McGrew 1992, p.92). According to David Held (1989),
Globalization enforces:
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A set of forces which combine to restrict the freedom of action of
governments and states by blurring the boundaries of domestic politics,
transforming the conditions of political decision making, changing the
institutional and organizational context of national politics, altering the
legal framework and administrative practices of governments and
obscuring the lines of responsibility and accountability of national states
themselves (Held 1989, p.222).

- Market:
The power of market and its role in any urban system is closely related to the
power of state and the degree of its interference in market dynamics. Market
socialism calls for state intervention to adjust market performance and control
prices. It features state control of private ownership and means of production.
Market socialists as Oskar Lange, Fred Taylor and Dickinson evoke the role of
central planning or planned economy in managing market performance (Taylor
1929; Lange & Taylor 1964; Dickinson 1939). This conception of market allows
the state to control the dynamics of market and make major decisions regarding
pricing and distribution of wealth. This contrasts with the concept of market
capitalism which calls for minimal state intervention in market performance.
Theorists as Adam Smith, Milton Friedman and Friedrich Hayek advocate the
minimization of the role of state in market performance for the sake of social and
political freedom (Smith 1776; Friedman 1962; Hayek 1960).
In the Wealth of Nations (1776), Adam Smith uses the term ‘invisible hand’ to
describe the optimum form of market mechanism based on the freedom of choice
62

of both production and consumption. According to Smith, this freedom will lead
to pricing and distribution systems that benefit all member of the society (Smith
1776). Hayek argues that market order cannot be planned nor designed.
According to him, order emerges spontaneously as a result of the interaction
between market actors (see Hayek 1948, 1952, 1960). For Milton Friedman,
market capitalism is essential for political and social freedom. In Capitalism and
Freedom (1962), Friedman limits the role of state to enforcing laws and order and
protecting property rights (Friedman 1962).
B- Locale and the Global Domain Relationship:
Global forces are usually generic in nature. They are universal which makes their impact
on locale “a process of contamination” (Appiah 2006). Regardless of its possible role in
enriching local culture or identity, global forces usually bring to the place foreign
intentions that rarely collide with local ones. When global forces dominate the process of
place production, this usually implies shrinkage in the role of locale. In some cases, local
forces overpower global ones or at least neutralize part of its impact. As noted by Kevin
Cox (1997), “the local and the global are deeply intertwined” (Cox 19997, p. 138).
According to Cox, local actions affect global flows and the opposite is true. Cox uses the
term “glocal” to describe the ideal scale of perceiving the relationship between the local
and the global. As observed by Janet Abu Lughod (1999):
Common forces originating at the level of the global economy operate always
through local political structures and interact with inherited spatial forms. They
are therefore always manifested in particular ways that differentiate cities from
63

one another and that militate against the facile generalizations that have hitherto
been made about a class of cities called global (Abu Lughod 1999, p. 417).

- Locale:
I mean by “locale” a bounded space with particular features and characteristics. It
refers to the physical and non-physical features of a defined geographic location.
Physical features include climate, geography, resources, urban heritage and
existing built environment. Non-physical features include for example, culture,
traditions and local experiences. These features contribute to the production of
place. In studies on cities and globalization, less emphasis is usually given to local
forces and its role in the process of urban formation and transformation.
Anthony King (1997) describes the nature of local forces as being either defensive
or expansive (King 1997, p. 36). For the former case, he argues that when local
identities are threatened, they retreat and become exclusivist. This is translated
into rejection of external forces and any tendency to change (King 1997, p. 36).
Frank Lechner (2004) argues that fundamentalism is a response to the invasion of
global culture. It is an attempt to restore the sacred traditions that is threatened by
greedy universalizing ideologies (Lechner 2004).
Mike Featherstone (2003) discusses the interaction between localities and external
forces of change. He notes that theorists should not “remain trapped within the
particularism of [their] fantasy-laden projections” (Featherstone 2003, p.335).
64

These projections usually assume one-way form of communication from the
global to the local. Featherstone emphasizes the importance of considering
locality in discussions on postmodernism.
In the context of this dissertation, I focus on local forces that play a significant
role in the production of place in the era of globalization. Religion, local culture
and traditions are becoming one of the most influential local forces in Middle
Eastern cities. These forces tend to reshape the impact of global flows to fit the
interests and intentions in the place. Local forces do not necessarily reject
globalization. In many cases locals support urban transformation towards the
construction of the global city image. This image is perceived as a national project
and source of pride and dignity.
- The Global Domain
The global domain refers to the borderless geography that extends across globe. It
is the compressed global space that features unprecedented movements of capital,
people, goods, and ideas. This domain has been shrinking due to the revolution in
information technology. It featured a time and space compression (see Harvey
1990). This has contributed to the emergence of a global culture which according
to Stuart Hall (1997) has two main features. First, it remains centered in the west.
Second, it has a peculiar form of homogenization (Hall 1997, p.179).
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The power of global culture is represented by its flows which are continuously
empowered by progress in communication technology. Flows of capital, people
and information contribute to the spread of this culture. In the case of Middle
Eastern cities, the role of local forces in the early postmodern era was superseded
by a wave of Western ideals enforced by global flows. This has created what
Manuel Castells calls resistance identity (Castells 1997).
Global forces have triggered the emergence of counter religious, social and
cultural movements. Flows of capital, people, goods, and information are among
the most influential forces that emerge from the global domain. However, there
are other forces that are relatively ignored in literature on globalization. Global
political forces for example, play a significant role in shaping local decisions in
most of Middle Eastern cities. It is impossible to separate local politics in any
Middle Eastern city from what is happening in the global domain.
Narrowing the focus to only the impact of global flows overshadows many critical
urban issues that deserve further investigation. For example, are places that
feature dramatic transformation in response to globalization, necessarily exposed
to more global forces than others? In fact, local forces could play a significant
role in neutralizing the impact of global forces, which makes some places seem
relatively static despite their exposure and interaction with intense global flows.
This raises another critical question. Do all places have the same tendency to
66

change? In other words, do some relatively static places have more inertia than
others?
It could be argued that any spatial transformation is a response to changes in
either the power or the orientation of one or more of the forces applying on place.
Transformation could also be attributed to the introduction of a new vector. In this
sense, places that don’t experience significant transformation are in fact either not
exposed to forces that intend to change it, or are under the influence of powerful
forces that simply neutralize the impact of each other. In the latter case, those
places hold what could be described as “static energy” that can lead to dramatic
spatial transformation if one of the major forces features significant changes in
power or orientation.
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CHAPTER FOUR: DIMENSIONS OF PLACE

1- Introduction:
In this chapter I discuss the five dimensions which I argue, are critical to the
understanding of the nature of place in the era of globalization. These dimensions are: 1)
Places as realms of flows; 2) Places as imaginaries; 3) Places as text; 4) Places as
landscapes of resistance; and 5) Places as reflections of authenticity. These dimensions
distinguish the notion of place from that of space. They cover the main aspects that
feature place in the era of globalization.
2- Places as Realms of Flows:
Places as realms of flows are the nodes of agglomeration that attract and host global
flows. These nodes represented the first dimension I am looking at, to understand the
nature of place in the era of globalization. In order for capital, people and ideas to flow to
a city, there must be places that transfer them to the local context. Although global flows,
as noted by Castells (1996), are capable of penetrating national and local boundaries, they
still need places to host their interaction with the locale. These places invite global flows
to the city and trigger its globalization. Places of flows could be classified into three
types: 1) Places of capital flows; 2) Places of people flows; and 3) Places of information
and ideas flows. It is worth noting that these three types overlap, or in other words, the
same place can host multiple forms of flows.

68

A- Places of Capital Flows:
International banks, stock markets, financial corporations and trading firms are all
examples of places of capital flows. As estimated by the United Nations in 2005, the
number of multinational corporations is about 50,000, dealing with about 25% of the
world’s GDP, and virtually half of the total world trade.
9
The location preferences of
these corporations have been a core issue in discussions on world cities and their ranking.
The revolution in information technology has facilitated transnational trade and
communication between sites of production and those of consumption. It allowed what
David Harvey calls “space and time compression” (Harvey 1990). One of the
consequences of this compression is the separation of production and managerial sites.
According to John H. Dunning (1998), many factors have influenced the decision of
multinational corporations to relocate:
Firstly, the growing significance of firm-specific knowledge intensive assets in the
wealth-creating process, and the kind of customized assets, e.g., skilled labor and
public infrastructure, which needed to be jointly used with these assets if they were
to be effectively harnessed and deployed; secondly, the reduction of many natural
and artificial impediments to trade, but the rise of other spatially related transaction
costs; and thirdly, the growing need and ease with which firms are able to
coordinate their cross-border activities and form alliances with foreign firms
(Dunning 1998).
The revolution in information technology has allowed the relocation of corporate offices
far from manufacturing sites. However, new forms of concentration began to emerge.
Corporate headquarters, international banks and transnational enterprises preferring to

9
United Nation Conference Trade And Development (UNCTAD) (2005) World Investment Report:
Transnational Corporations and the Internationalization of R&D, United Nations: New York.
69

locate close to service firms such as lawyers, accountants, designers and brokers are
forming new nodes of agglomeration. Besides, they seek places that can offer an
extraordinary lifestyle for their top executives and intellectuals elites. This has led to the
emergence of new forms of concentrations or what Saskia Sassen calls “production
complexes” (Sassen 1995). These complexes offer these corporations not only services
but also infrastructure, access to labor, and in many Middle Eastern cities, financial
incentives as tax cuts and subsidized office spaces.
Business headquarters hosting major multinational corporations became an essential
urban typology in any top world city. Cities that are seeking to upgrade their world city
status tend to establish these headquarters in spectacular forms to attract the attention of
multinational corporations. According to Saskia Sassen (2001), in the new service
economy, the consolidation of economic activities occurs on four levels: 1) Old fashion
traditional business districts at city centers with high intensity of multinational
corporations and service firms; 2) Nodes of intense economic activity built in the form of
grids outside old city centers proximate to conventional forms of communication
infrastructure as highways, airports or train stations; 3) Transterritorial centers in the
form of regional or global networks partially connected by digital space and partially by
conventional forms of transportation; and 4) Centers totally constructed on cyber space
(Sassen 2001, p. 411-418).
Many major world cities as London and New York for example, were able to appropriate
parts of their old city centers to host production complexes and financial headquarters.
70

Other cities as Los Angeles and Beijing have developed new nodes of economic activities
outside their central business districts. Cities that seek the construction of a global image
in order to attract capital flows tend to establish new centers outside the old business
districts. This could be attributed to the difficulty of transforming old historic city centers
on the one hand, and the tendency of these cities to develop spectacular places in order to
attract global attention on the other.
Although capital can be transferred from one place to another through cyber space, there
is a continuous need to establish business centers at both poles of these transactions. The
flow of capital to a city is triggered by economic activities which are designed and
managed by both governments and corporations in the place. Places of capital flows are
essential for any city aiming to become a major player in the global economy. The quality
and quantity of these places indicate the scale of capital flows to the city and its role in
the global economy.
B- Places of People’s Flows:
As argued by Smith and Timberlake (1995), “the world system is constituted, on one
level, by a vast network of locales that are tied together by multitude of direct and
indirect exchanges” (Smith & Timberlake 1995). On the scale of global flows of people,
these ties include modes of transportation that facilitate their move and hubs that host
them. The concept of flows of people from one place to another has gained much
attention after the revolution in modes of transportation, especially air travel. The number
71

of flights in 2007 has exceeded 24 millions. This huge figure indicates the intensity of
human flows between cities on the domestic and international scale.
Human flows from one place to another require both modes of transportation and nodes
of agglomeration. Places as airports, seaports, highways and train stations facilitate
mobility. They contribute to what Donald Janelle (1969) describes as “space-time
convergence” or the diminishing time needed to connect two places due to the advances
in transportation technologies (Janelle 1969). Hotels, resort areas, tourist attractions,
immigrants and foreign labor enclaves, universities and convention centers are all
examples of nodes of agglomeration that attract people and trigger their movement from
one place to another. These places are important indicators of the scale of human flows to
a city.
Flows of people take different forms as tourism, business travel, labor immigration and
migration. Although modes of transportation of these different forms flows are similar,
the nodes of agglomeration are significantly different. According to the World Tourism
Organization, nearly 900 million international tourist arrivals were recorded around the
world in 2007.
10
This huge figure reflects the scale of human flows for the sake of
tourism only. These arrivals have mostly relied on conventional modes of transportation
as air flights, trains, buses, ships and vehicles. Tourists arrive to their destinations
through places as airports, seaports, train and bus stations or border check points. Gareth
Shaw and Allan Williams (2004) note that:

10
The UNWTO World Tourism Barometer, October Issue, Volume, No. 3, 2007.

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The direct distance between potential points of origin and destination no longer
matters. Instead, scapes [modes of mobility] create inequalities in tourist and
related flows as they bypass some areas, while connecting others with channels
enriched with transport and tourism facilities (Shaw and Williams 2004).

Modes of mobility as airports for example are not only places of flows but also hubs of
interaction between the local and the global cultures or what is described by Gottdiener as
“walled cities” (Gottdiener, 2001, p. 34-5). They host movements of diverse ethnics and
cultures. The size and intensity of use of these places reflect the scale of the globalization
of a city. They play a significant role in determining the degree of flows of people, capital
and ideas.
Places of tourists’ agglomeration as hotels, resorts, museums and other attractions are
another indicator of the scale of human flows to a city. No doubt that information
technology has created what John Urry (2001) calls “virtual and imaginative travel”
through internet, radio and TV (Urry 2001). However, “there is no evidence that virtual
and imaginative travel is replacing corporeal travel” (Urry 2001). Today, tourism is one
of the largest sectors of the global economy. Cities that don’t have natural or urban
attractions tend to create ones in order to draw part of global tourism. Invented tourist
attractions are emerging in many of the globalizing cities and in particular the Middle
East. These places tend to trigger flows of people to the city. These places are gradually
becoming commodities that can generate wealth to their cities.
Migration is another form of human flows in the era of globalization. In 2008, the
number of people living outside their countries of birth was estimated to be 200 million,
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up from 82 million in 1970.
11
Nearly 75% of all international migrants are in 12% of all
countries.
12
Migrants usually use the same modes of mobility as tourists. However, their
nodes of agglomeration are different. Depending on their race, culture and number, some
immigrant groups might create enclaves or little communities within the city they live in.
Others prefer to assimilate into the local culture. However, there are always places that
reflect the presence of immigrants as their religious and cultural centers, ethnic
restaurants, and schools.
Places, created for, or by immigrants feature multiple forms of interaction between the
local and the global. They expose local cultures to foreign influences and accordingly
create hybrid environments. These places are another indicator of the scale of human
flows to a city. Most of the major world cities as London, New York, and Los Angeles
have these nodes of agglomeration. As observed by Laguerre (1999), “a global city is any
urban environment housing a multiplicity and diversity of transnational niches” (Laguerre
1999, p. 19).
These niches or enclaves as described by Featherstone and Lash (1995) are “global
creation of locality” (Featherstone & Lash 1995). Mark Abrahamson describes these
enclaves as any named locale that hosts a subculture and features some sort of attachment
between its residents (Abrahamson 1995). They are either constructed little cities within
the city such as Chinatowns and Koreatowns in many American cities, or less defined

11
International Organization for Migration: http://www.iom.int/jahia/Jahia/about-migration/facts-and-
figures/global-estimates-and-trends
12
United Nations' Trends in Total Migrant Stock: The 2003 Revision.
74

agglomerations that feature some distinct qualities as the Muslim neighborhoods in
London. The presence of these enclaves triggers more immigrants’ flows to the city.
They provide haven for new comers who don’t master the local language nor are familiar
with the new lifestyle. In these enclaves immigrants can find “middleman minorities”
who can help them settle and find a job (see Cobas 1987).
Immigrants’ enclaves are not necessarily less privileged places in the city. In many
Middle and Far Eastern cities, enclaves that host Westerns are the finest urban settings in
the city. They are gated communities that offer all the urban practices that might not be
available in the city. These gated enclaves are in many cases owned by multinational
corporations as Shell, Mobil or even American universities as in the case of Sharjah,
UAE.
Immigrants’ enclaves are important indicators of the flows of people to a city. They are
part of the urban fabric of most of the top world cities. These enclaves might not appear
in a well defined form. They could be in the form of networks of services and places of
agglomeration across the urban fabric of the city. These places could be traced by reading
the urban text. They produce symbols and signifiers that distinguish them within the local
urban structure.
In many cases, places of flows of people are also nodes of global capital agglomeration.
In 2006, remittance flows are estimated to have exceeded $276 billion worldwide, $206
75

billion of which went to developing countries.
13
In the same year, international tourism
has generated $733 billion, or $2 billion a day.
14
These flows of capital are associated
with flows of people who in turn trigger flows of ideas and information. In this sense,
some places as immigrants’ urban settings for example, act as nodes of intense
agglomeration of multiple types of flows.
C- Places of Flows of Information, Ideas and Knowledge:
Unlike people, ideas can flow from one place to another in enormous speed. Through the
internet, satellite channels or any other digital form, ideas can penetrate local boundaries
and territories. In the context of this research, I am mainly concerned with places that
receive these flows and transmit them to the local context. The internet and TV channels
are modes of connection between the local and the global. Homes, internet cafes, movie
theaters, libraries and universities are examples of the hubs or nodes of agglomeration
that host these flows.
According to Castells, information is the raw material of the new technological paradigm
that shape contemporary life (Castells 1996). It could be argued that flows of
information, knowledge and ideas have reached places that other forms of flows could
not reach. Flows of knowledge and ideas that featured early phases of globalization
occurred to a great extent, spontaneously or on individualistic level through new modes
as internet and satellite channels. Today, flows of knowledge is more institutionalized
and managed by organizations and institutions. The concept of the knowledge economy

13
World Bank’s Global Economic Prospects 2006, http://www.worldbank.org/
14
World Tourism Organization
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or the production and management of knowledge is becoming crucial in discussions on
globalization and cities. Knowledge management is defined as “the systematic process of
identifying, capturing, and transferring information and knowledge people can use to
create, compete, and improve.”
15
It is the “production and services based on knowledge-
intensive activities that contribute to an accelerated pace of technical and scientific
advance, as well as rapid obsolescence” (Powell & Snellman 2004).
The World Bank has developed the Knowledge for Development (K4D) Program which
offers advice to countries on four Knowledge Economy (KE) pillars: economic and
institutional regime, education, innovation, and information and communication
technologies (ICTs) to help them make the transition to a KE. According to the World
Bank, “making effective use of knowledge in any country requires developing
appropriate policies, institutions, investments, and coordination across the above four
functional areas”.
16
This program is an example of institutionalized forms of knowledge
flows to a place. These flows require nodes of agglomeration that transmit them to the
locale or what Kris Olds calls “global knowledge-based hubs” (see Olds 2007).
Education is one form of this institutionalized flow of knowledge. Many of the cities
seeking an upgrade of their world city status are establishing world class universities.
According to Olds, the internationalization of education occurs in four different modes:
1) Cross-border supply such as on-line distance education; 2) Consumption abroad of

15
The American Productivity and Quality Center (APQC)
16
World Bank website: Education for the Knowledge Economy

77

education services by sending students to study in other countries; 3) Commercial
presence in the form of establishing foreign campuses in the city; and 4) Presence of
faculty teaching in another country or bringing foreign faculty (Olds 2007). The new
emerging transnational educational institutions also include schools, libraries and training
centers. Partnership between local and foreign educational institutions is becoming a
common trend in many globalizing cities. These institutions are becoming places of flows
of knowledge and information.
Although contemporary forms of information and ideas flows via internet, phones and
satellite channels offer some alternatives to face-to-face communication, they also
contribute to the emergence of what Howard Rheingold (2006) describes as the “smart
mobs” (Rheingold 2002). He means by smart mobs, groups of people who manage to use
communications technology to activate and organize social actions and events in the real
world (Rheingold 2002). These flows of information agglomerate in places such as
plazas, squares, and streets. They initiate events, protests and political activities. In this
sense, public places become a core hub for flows of information.
3- Places as Imaginaries:
The second dimension of place I discuss in this study is places as imaginaries or the way
the city is perceived and conceived by its inhabitants. As noted by James Donald, “the
city… is above all a representation…the city constitutes an imagined environment”
(Donald 1992). These forms of representation are shaped by strata of social interactions.
They conceptualize individuals’ preferences and their urban fantasies. In some cases,
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“urban imaginaries” provide an escape from urban reality or at least an alternative to the
imposed urban conditions. Cinar et al. (2007) observe that “the city is always
conceptualized in relation to its externality, even if that externality is internalized and
represented locally” (Cinar et al. 2007). In this sense urban imaginaries and forms of
representation cannot only reflect the local conditions, but also its relation with the global
domain.
The concept of places as imaginaries focuses on the non-physical aspects of place such as
mental images, forms of representation and cognition as well as sentiments and sensory
experiences. These images are as described by Kevin Lynch a product of “both
immediate sensation and the memory of past experience, and it is used to interpret
information and to guide action” (Lynch 1960, p.4). Lynch notes that “it is the shape,
color, or arrangement which facilitates the making of vividly identified, powerfully
structured, highly useful mental images of the environment” (Lynch 1960, p.9). Michel
Foucault (1977) calls it imaginative spaces. He observes that:
True image is now a product of learning. It derives from words spoken in the past,
exact recensions, the amassing of minute facts, monuments reduced to
infinitesimal fragments, and the reproductions of reproductions (Foucault 1977).
The concept of place as imaginaries is important in order to understand how people
perceive their built environment and the forces that shape their perceptions. As Gary
Bridge et al. (2000) observe “cities are not simply material or lived spaces, they are also
spaces of the imagination and space of representation” (Bridge et al. 2000, p. 7). Scholars
have used different terms to describe the notion of place imaginaries. Benedict Anderson
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(1983) introduces the concept of imagined communities referring to the constructed
national cultures (Anderson, 1983). Edward Said (1978) calls it “imaginative geography”
(Said 1978). He emphasizes the power of constructed imaginaries in shaping the
Westerns’ perceptions of the Orient (Said 1978). According to Said, the distinction
between the East and the West that was created by Orientalists “is more than anything
else imaginative" (Said 1978, p.55).
The built environment, spatial experience, sentiments and memories are among the forces
that shape place imaginaries. However, place imaginaries also contribute to the
production of the built environment. As noted by Henri Lefebvre (1991), imaginations
can contribute to the production of space (Lefebvre 1991). Place imaginaries not only
reflect people’s perception of their environment but also their experience, sentiments and
memories. As noted by Kevin Lynch “there may be little in the real object that is ordered
or remarkable, and yet its mental picture has gained identity and organization through
long familiarity” (Lynch 1960, p.6). In the same vein, Edward Said notes that “the
objective space … is far less important than what poetically it is endowed with, which is
usually a quality with an imaginative or figurative value we can name and feel” (Said
1978, p.55).
According to Arjun Appadurai (1996), three features distinguish urban imagination in the
era of globalization. Firstly, it becomes the mental work of ordinary people and no longer
limited to art and rituals. In other words, it is not exceptional. Secondly, imagination in
the era of globalization is no longer a fantasy. “Imagination is today a staging ground for
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action and not only for escape” (Appadurai 1996, p.7). Thirdly, imagination is becoming
more collective rather than individualistic. According to Appadurai, technology managed
to create this shift since it spreads images and ideas on a huge scale. Appadurai notes that
this sense of collective imagination creates “communities of sentiment” that share
feelings and imaginaries (Appadurai 1990, 1996).
In the era of globalization, global flows, mainly of ideas and images, are influential
contributors to the construction of place imaginaries. These flows carry images and
imaginations across the globe shaping local imaginaries and globalize their scopes of
imagination. Arjun Appadurai describes his five “scapes” of global cultural economy as
“worlds which are constituted by the historically situated imaginations of persons and
groups spread around the globe” (Appadurai 2000). Urban imaginaries are constructed
overtime and are stimulated by the exposure to spatial and visual urban experiences.
According to Bridge et al. (2000), “the effect of the city on the imagination contains a
tension between the conditions of the city stimulating or constraining the imagination”
(Bridge et al. 2000, p. 7). They note that cities that stimulate imagination usually feature
diversity of ideas, knowledge and cultural exposure (Bridge et al. 2000, p. 7). These
cities also host places that can trigger interaction and interconnectivity between people.
Global flows have contributed to this process of stimulation. It introduced new forms of
interaction and exposure to cities. On the other hand, cities that constrain imagination are
as argued by Bridge et al. (2000) the ones ruled by authoritarian powers that limit
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innovations and changes of identity (Bridge et al. 2000, p. 7). These powers include
religious and cultural forces that reject exposure to new ideas and ethos.
Place imaginaries in this sense can indicate to a great extent, the degree of exposure and
interaction of a particular locale with the global domain. These imaginaries usually
reflect influential urban images and significant experiences. As observed by Cornelius
Castoriadis (1987) “instituted time as imaginary (socially imaginary, we mean) is the
time of signification, or significant time” (Castoriadis 1987, p. 132). The concept of
places as imaginaries not only reflects individuals’ urban experiences and exposure to
images, but also explicates their architectural preferences and spatial behavior.
4- Places as Text:
The third dimension is places as text, the signifiers, signs and forms of representations
that reflect the degree of global influences on the urban structure. These include aspects
as language, music, art and architecture. The use of foreign terms in local street language,
signs and names of projects are all examples of global culture signifiers. Reading these
signifiers can contribute to the understanding of the way the built environment is
transformed in the era of globalization.
The analogy of places and text is critical to explicate of the nature of place in the era of
globalization. Both text and place are composed of signs and signifiers that when set
together transfers a meaning to the reader or observer. Places are perceived as text in the
way they display reflections of accumulative influences that have contributed to their
formation. The way urban elements are put together resembles the linguistic syntax that
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sends specific meanings to the reader. As described by Donald Preziosi (1979), places are
like a verbal language, what could be called architectonic code, a sign system developed
in the place for visual communication, representation or expression (Preziosi 1979).
Interpreting the meaning of these signs is influenced by many cultural, historic and even
personal forces. It is a dynamic process of interaction between people and place, a unique
experience which depends on both the linguistics of the place and the intellectuality of its
observers. Text should be read within its context which is usually in a state of
transformation. James Heath et al.(1985) describes the contextual nature of text
mentioning “signs by themselves have no meaning; their meaning consists in the
syntagmatic relations they have with the signs that come before and after them and the
paradigmatic oppositions between them and the signs that might have been used in their
stead” (Heath et al.1985).
In the era of globalization, reading postmodern urban structures places and decoding its
signs and signifiers is a relatively sophisticated process compared to modern ones.
During the modern era, places were designed to explicitly display direct messages and
meanings. This conception was much influenced by the modern ideals regarding honesty
of expression, transparency and purity. These messages and meanings, according to
modern architects such as Le Corbusier and Mies Van De Rohe, don’t require
interpretation. According to them, the built environment should send direct and clear
meanings to its readers. Same concept applies to modern writing which as described by
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Garrett Stewart in Reading Voices (1990), “was born to acknowledge rather than to
construct” (Stewart 1990, p.15).
Modern architects and urban designers attempted to transfer their individual visions to
users through what could be described as urban syntax. Places became the media that
transfer the designers’ messages to the users. It is an approach that doesn’t allow the
receivers to express their viewpoints, a relatively one-way type of communication. In this
sense, reading modern urban settings is relatively easier than postmodern ones. The
modern conception of place as text has limited to a great extent the notion of readers’
interpretation. Stewart (1990) argues that in modern text, “much ground is being lost as
the concept of textually is stretched to cover anything that bears interpretation” (1990
p.16). Modern urban text was meant to be clear sending a single message to all readers.
“High modernist tradition, has typically assumed that buildings transmit meaning
autonomously to the receiving observer” (Crysler 2003).
The standardization of modern urban solutions has contributed to this directivity of urban
text. The significance of content in modern products always stems from its function
(James1982). Modern architects “tended to stress the functional aspects of architecture to
the detriment of any semantic dimension” (Leach 1997). In The Language of Architecture
(1972), Hesselgren argues that the first meaning gained by a spontaneous perception of a
place usually indicates something about its function (Hesselgren 1972). Function has
been a core notion in modern architecture and planning. Another important notion is
rationalism. Modern writers and text composers believed that it is a logical mental
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behavior that orients the process of cognition to the direction of meaning. This
sovereignty of logic has created what Roland Barthes calls sterile text (Barthes 1975). It
is a type of text without fecundity or productivity (Barthes 1975).
As noted by Robert Venturi (1966), the shift from modern to postmodern urbanism is a
shift from simplicity, purity and honesty of expression to complexity, illusion and
contradictions (Venturi 1966). In The History of Postmodern Architecture (1988),
Heinrich Klotz explains the distinction between modernism and postmodernism as a shift
from function to fiction (Klotz 1988). It is a shift that acknowledges the notion of
interpretation. Places are no longer autonomous representations as perceived by
modernists (Crysler 2003). They don’t send direct messages to their observers.
“Emphasis was shifted from the study of logic-like sentence meaning to that of the
cognitive construction which sentences help to set up- metaphoric projection … cognitive
schemas and cultural models (Fauconnier & Sweetser 1996).
In postmodern urbanism, reading urban text refers to the process of interpreting the
meanings of urban signs and signifiers. Postmodern places don’t display their identity in
an explicit way. In other words, it is hard to read its signifiers directly without unfolding
the forces that contribute to its formation. As noted by Heath and et al. (1985), “text can
only be gazed at, and the gazing at would soon become a gazing through …a world in
which heard voices tell things to whoever listening” (Heath et al. 1985). “Space should
be experienced as much through the echoes of singing in the cathedral evoked by
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Lefebvre or the odor of drying raisins in Bachelard’s Oneiric House, as it is through any
visual means of representation” (Leach 1997, p. 83).
The main distinction between modern and postmodern urban text lies in the directness of
meaning of the former. The complexity of postmodern places and its hybrid nature invites
interpretation. As observed by Heath et al. (1985), “text is a galaxy of signifiers, not a
structure of signifiers; it has no beginning; it is irreversible; we can gain access to it by
several entrances” (Heath et al. 1985). These entrances or approaches to reading text are
not determined by its composer. The process of reading postmodern places is shaped by
many factors as history, culture and geography. As noted by Ferdinand De Saussure
(1959), “the pronunciation of a word is determined not only by its spelling but by its
history” (De Saussure 1959, p.30). He argues that language is created through a
collective process.
One of the important factors that shape the process of urban text interpretation is what
Jacques Derrida calls ‘logos.’ In Of Grammatology (1974), Derrida criticizes the way
people privilege some interpretations based on the accumulation of old conceptions that
in many cases do not exist today. He uses the term “metaphysical essence” to describe
this privileging. Derrida believes that this has created some sort of directness in meaning,
which limits the possibility of interpretation. His deconstruction approach mainly
uncovers the influence of these metaphysics in order to understand the actual structure of
text. It is a shift from the modern and postmodern conceptions of interpretation towards
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“a discourse that says neither “either/or” nor “both/and” nor even “neither/nor” while at
the same time not abandoning these logics either” (Johnson 1987, p.12).
Derrida criticizes the way Western thought conceives for example the “binary
oppositions” or opposites. Many terms usually occupy higher status than their opposites.
These privileged terms have gained this value through accumulative impacts of thousands
of years of philosophical history. An example of this sort of privileges is advancing
rational over emotional or present over absent. Derrida argues that, in each such case, the
first term is classically conceived as original, authentic, and superior, while the second is
thought of as secondary, derivative, or even "parasitic" (Derrida 1974). He argues that
these binary oppositions must be deconstructed. They usually affect the message
displayed by text and cover much of the meanings that could be interpreted from a
signifier. Derrida calls this approach the “traditional reading” of text where much of the
viewpoints are suppressed and ignored. It deals with dichotomies from rigid perspective.
On the contrary, deconstruction perceives this type of opposition as being fluid and
impossible to separate fully. “A deconstructive reading is a reading which analyzes the
specificity of a text's critical difference from itself" (Johnson 1980). Deconstruction
inverts oppositions and then gives privilege to the subordinate term. In this sense, it
challenges the power of historical unbalances in search for new possible interpretations.
“The term deconstruction refers in the first instance to the way in which the accidental
features of a text can be seen as betraying, subverting its purportedly essential message"
(Rorty 1995).
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The deconstruction conception of reading places may share the postmodern approach the
way they both consider that the directness of textual meaning ends once the signs are
being marked or what is called the state of immediacy. What we deal with is always the
impact or momentum of the text within its ever changing context. And accordingly, the
process of reading is usually influenced by personal viewpoints and illusions.
Derrida’s criticism of Western thought regarding the way it conceives binary oppositions
applies greatly on the way we read places. For example, the rational vs. spiritual
opposition has been the subject of many analytical studies on modern and medieval urban
structures. In modern thought, rationality usually occupies the advanced status. This
could be attributed to the fact that modern ideals and ethos were mainly built on scientific
reasoning. The way planners perceive places shaped by emotional or spiritual ideals
usually features a degree of skepticism in the sense of efficiency and functionality.
However, if the historic- contemporary opposition accompanied this dichotomy, the
place usually gains more value that is directly proportional to its age. In this sense,
romanticism is conceived as being the force that contributed to the authenticity of the
place rather than a cause for its inefficiency. Another relevant opposition is new versus
old. New always occupies an advanced status that features value, fashion and durability.
But again, once this opposition is perceived from a historic- contemporary perspective,
the old becomes more privileged. In urban structure much of these meanings could be
traced.
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The process of recognizing places deals with much of these oppositions. A critical
question is how does human mind recognize these dichotomies? Besides, do humans
have the capability to control the mental images of places by using different approaches
of cognition? Actually, the way people recognize their environment and its image in their
memories are shaped by both physical and intellectual influences. Human minds manage
to integrate different kinds of information from different barely comparable sources.
Once we acquire information from visual experience, our mind integrates it with
information gained from other sources and structures them together in our memory. This
reflects the role of intellectuality in shaping the place cognition process.
As noted by Kitchin (2000) “a person’s mental model of an environment represents the
person’s learned knowledge of the environment at a point in time that can be updated as
new information is acquired from additional experiences with the environment” (Kitchin
2000). It is a dynamic process that responds to both physical and non-physical influences.
Researchers have suggested that mental models integrate spatial and verbal information
into a single structure (Glenberg & McDaniel 1992).
In a similar vein, Derrida perceives text as textile in the sense of its interweaving which
produces a sophisticated and intense overcodings (see Derrida 2004). It is a fully
semiotized model of textuality that has gained much consideration in the architecture and
urban design fields (Grosz 1995). Derrida’s model explains the interlocking nature of
signifiers and their interdependence. Donald Prezionsi (1979) perceives the built
environment like any semiotic system (Prezionsi 1979). Heisenberg (1958) describes
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place “as a complicated tissue of events in which connections of different kinds alternate
or overlap or combine and thereby determine the texture of the whole” (Heisenberg
1958).
In The Pleasure of the Text (1975), Roland Barthes describes text as:
Text means tissue; but whereas hitherto we have always taken this tissue as a product,
a ready-made veil, behind which lies meaning (truth), we are now emphasizing, in the
tissue, the generative idea that the text is made, is worked out in a perpetual
interweaving; lost in this tissue - this texture - the subject unmakes himself, like a
spider dissolving in the constructive secretions of its web (Barthes 1973).
Derrida notes that “no text can ever be complete or self-sufficient, which in turn implies
that every text stands in need of a supplement” (Westphal 1999). The supplement in this
case provides what cannot be said in the original text. “It is what cannot be said without
rending the fabric the textile, as Derrida calls it, of the text; in other words, what makes
the text the text. That is not a failing of the original, but it does represent the inevitable
limits to which all texts are subject" (Westphal 1999).
Signifiers that compose urban text could be classified into either expressive signifiers or
ones of indication. For Husserl, signifiers of expression are the meaningful ones. He
perceives signs of indication as being just marks or notes to something that might happen
or could be expected. However, it has no meaning in the present (Derrida 1973).
Experiencing a place is a process that requires much prediction and expectations. This
actually explains much of people’s spatial behavior. It introduces a new dimension of
perception based on interpretation, a reading into the future rather than just attempting to
unfold the layers of the past.
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The process of reading places usually deals with both types of signification. The forms of
representation and the meaning/s transmitted to the readers are the key issues in
distinguishing the difference between modern, postmodern and deconstruction
philosophies of encoding. The reflections of functionality, transparency and honesty of
expression could be detected in modern urban signifiers whether being expressive or
indicative. Indication should lead to a single and clear meaning that doesn’t require any
interpretation.
FIGURE 4: EXPRESSIVE VERSUS INDICATIVE SIGNIFICATION
Sign Meaning/s Sign Meaning/s

Expressive signification Indicative signification

The figure emphasizes the relation between the sign and meaning/s in both expressive and indicative
signification. In the former there is a mutual attachment and interdependence where in the latter, it is one
that leads to the other or may lead to nothing.

In Complexity and Contradiction in Architecture (1966), Robert Venturi mentions: “we
were calling for an architecture that promotes richness and ambiguity over unity and
clarity, contradiction and redundancy over harmony and simplicity" (Venturi 1966).
Indicative signifiers might lead to multiple meanings. Encoding the urban signs became a
wicked problem that can have many alternatives. Combining design elements in
unexpected ways or even using commonly known forms for other purposes became a
feature of much of the postmodern work. It tends to reflect the complexity of real life and
its contradictions.
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This multiple interpretations approach differs from the one based on the deconstruction
philosophy in the sense that the latter invokes hidden meanings or layers and layers of
meanings that allow endless reinterpretation. In some cases, the writer himself might not
be able to unfold all these layers due to the fact that “the context of any text is other
texts” or what could be called intertextuality (Duncan 1990).
The role of indication in this case may not be as effective as in the case of modern or
postmodern approaches except in the sense it introduces the possibility of interpretation
and the uncovering of hidden meanings. Approaching the notion of place from the
perspective of its textual readability is helpful in understanding the role of multiple
agencies in its production. Places are means of communication that hold layers and layers
of information over time. Unfolding such layers is a dynamic process that never ends.
Urban text could be enjoyable and attach people to the place. It can either invite them to
join the flow of editing or it could be unbearable and create a gap between people and
their environment.
Quoting from Barthes’s The text of Pleasure:
Text of pleasure is the text that contents, fills, grants euphoria; the text that comes
from culture and does not break with it. The text of bliss is the text that imposes a
state of loss… unsettles the reader’s historical, cultural, psychological
assumptions… It brings to a crisis his relation with language (Barthes 1975).

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5- Places as Landscapes of Resistance:
The fourth dimension is landscapes of resistance or the local tendency to respond to
some of the changes enforced by global flows. Local intentions are not always in a state
of opposition to global flows. In many cases, these intentions support the globalization of
place. However, in other cases, local intentions collide with global forces which lead to
the production of landscapes of resistance. These landscapes tend to both reject and
neutralize the impact of global flows. Examples of these landscapes are cultural centers
that tend to revitalize local culture and folklore, radical movements and religious
revivalism which lead to the production of urban enclaves that reject the influence of
global culture.
Places of resistance are emerging in many globalizing Middle Eastern cities to confront
the aggressive invasion of global flows, and in particular those of ideas. Places like
religious clubs, folklore centers, modern schools run by religious institutions, gender
separated beaches, and even cafes are emerging in many MECs. These places are
responding to urban changes that are occurring as a result of globalization.
The emergence of the places of resistance is always determined by the degree of
inconsistency between the local intentions and the global ones. Edward Said notes that
the way the West constructed the image of the orient was the base of the distinction
between the two worlds, where the former represents rationalism, control and capability
to rule where the latter is its obverse (Said 1991). In this sense, the early stages of
contemporary globalization featured one-way forms of interaction or in other words, a
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Western domination of the process that tended aggressively to penetrate the boundaries of
many indigenous societies and reshape its identity. Flows of capital, people and ideas
were perceived by indigenous communities as forces of invasion that tend to overwrite
local identity.
From an economic perspective, globalization, as noted by Holton (2005), is perceived as
“the latest conspiracy of the rich against the poor” (Holton 2005). It might have brought
cellular phones and satellite dishes to many indigenous societies. However, it failed to
provide any real economic opportunities or progress. Many of the promises made by the
advocates of the global economy were never fulfilled. This, added to the cultural
rejection, explains the uprising rejection of globalization in many developing countries.
Local cultures can no longer be seen as “a realm of reproducible practices and
dispositions “(Schuerkens 2004). The one-way form of interaction is diminishing in favor
of locality. Forms of local resistance don’t necessarily take the form of counter
movements or protests (see Amoore 2005, p.25). In many cases, locals tend to create
places that provide cultural, social and economic shelters from the impact of global
flows. Resistance can take the form of collective action (see Smith & Johnston 2002,
p.3). In other cases, it occurs on individualistic scale. These landscapes of resistance are
critical to the understanding of the nature of globalizing cities. They represent the local
response to the capability of global flows to penetrate existing social and cultural
boundaries.
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In the context of this research I focus on places that act as landscapes of resistance.
Examples of these landscapes are places that aim for the revitalization of local indigenous
culture. Many folklore and cultural centers are emerging for the sake of preserving local
art, music and crafts that are threatened by the global culture. These landscapes tend to
create counter flows of ideas in order to neutralize the impact of global forces.
The same phenomenon features media. In many Middle East cities, new satellite channels
and movie production companies are emerging to offset the impact of Western media.
These channels represent local voices and opinions that are relatively overshadowed by
global Western media. Religious satellite channels and websites now compete with
entertainment media in the number of viewers or visitors
New clubs, recreational areas and resorts exclusive for conservative and religious
individuals are also emerging. These places have strict rules regarding dress code, cross
gender interaction and even types of recreational activities. For conservatives, these
places represent an escape from the rapidly westernizing way of life that is featuring
many MECs. In some cases, these enclaves take the form of colonies for radicals or states
within states from which violent movements emerge.
Schools and educational institutions run by religious organizations is another form of
landscapes of resistance. These places tend to filter the flows of knowledge and
information in order to fit certain conservative norms and ideals. These religious
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institutions don’t take the form of traditional madrasas.
17
They are modern, high-tech and
multi language schools mainly for the elite. In many Middle Eastern cities, these places
are run by Islamic organizations or Christian churches. They feature gender separation
and more emphasis on religious studies.
On the economic scale, landscapes of resistance to globalization take multiple forms as
local chains providing alternatives to global ones. In many MECs local fast food
restaurants fashioned after famous Western chains are becoming very popular. These
places offer similar menus and even names to local customers. Mecca cola is a perfect
example of attempts to compete against global brands.
The nature of places that represent forms of resistance to global flows can explain the
response of a city to globalization. These places reflect the interaction between the local
and the global, and the role of the latter in adapting the impact of flows on the local
context. “Places as landscapes of resistance” is a critical dimension in the study of
globalization and urbanism.
6- Places as Reflection of Authenticity:
The fifth dimension is reflections of authenticity or the degree of originality of the urban
product. In the era of globalization, authenticity is becoming a very important notion,
considering the homogenizing nature of global flows. In the context of this study, I focus
on urban aspects that reflect the tension between local identity and cultures versus global
influences. Architectural styles, urban typologies, forms, materials, and patterns of social

17
A madrasa is a traditional Islamic school that teaches religion.
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behavior are examples of these aspects. I am mainly concerned with the process of
decision making and whether choices are enforced on the place, or are generated by local
wills and intentions.
The definition of authenticity varies depending on the context of its use. The most
significant difficulty that arises in attempting to define authenticity lies in the
philosophical nature of its meaning (Golomb 1995). In order to understand the notion of
authenticity, philosophers have associated its definition with many other notions. German
existentialist philosopher Martin Heidegger perceives authenticity from the perspective of
Dasein or being. He argues that Dasein's authenticity is "being-one's-self as concern for
being-alongside what is ready-to-hand and the solicitous care of being-with-others”
(Mills 1997). Heidegger discusses implicitly the same concept of contamination using the
term “absorption” calling it the process of “being-lost in the public-ness of the ‘they’”
(Heidegger 1962). For him, authenticity is a uniquely temporal structure and a process of
unfolding possibility (Mills 1997). It is “a state of ‘being’ that is active, congruent,
contemplative, dynamic, and teleological--an agency burgeoning with quiescent
potentiality” (Guignon 1984). Authenticity is then “to be in selfhood that is a
fundamental openness rather than a self-enclosed, self-enslaved participation in
everydayness. It is the relatedness of being-toward-transcendence in its purest form”
(Mills 1997). For Heidegger, enclosure of one’s self doesn’t lead to authenticity.
Heidegger’s argument gradually introduces the concept of hybridity to the meaning of
authenticity. Openness to others is critical to the construction of authentic self. However,
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Heidegger argues that “human beings are authentic when they make their existence their
own by deciding for themselves what it is to be a human being” (Heidegger 1962).

According to Heidegger, a critical issue for the understanding authenticity is the notion of
independency in the decision making process which governs the relation between the self
and others. To put this in the context of this study, Heidegger’s argument highlights the
importance of local independence and its role in shaping place despite its acceptance of
ideals and values from the outside. According to Heidegger, authenticity would be
threatened if forces of change were enforced whether from the inside or the outside.
Locals should exercise full authority in dealing with forces that tend to shape their place.
Sartre (1984, 1992) relates the notion of authenticity to good and bad Faith. He believes
that authenticity is usually a product of a situation that people go through, recognize, and
become conscious of the responsibilities it involves. Existentialists generally argue that
authenticity is one way in which the self acts, and changes in response to pressures. The
choices that people make while dealing with this situation are what determine their
authenticity. For Sartre an authentic choice must feature “proper coordination of
transcendence and facticity in order to avoid the falling in the trap of uncoordinated
expression of the desire for being” (Mills 1997). Sartre argues that inauthentic self or bad
faith is constructed in the form of self-deception; what he describes as accepting a
situation as fact on what the person knows is objectively faulty evidence (Sartre 1992).
He perceives an inauthentic act as “not being the cause of the conduct it calls for” (Sartre
1992). In War Diaries Sartre describes inauthenticity as something that seeks out “a
foundation in order to lift the absurd irrationality and facticity” (Sartre 1940). Although
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he believes that freedom is essential for authentic being, he notes that absolute freedom
can lead to inauthentic living. The key issue in Sartre’s discussions of the meaning of
authenticity is the freedom of making decisions that reflects one’s true beliefs and ideals.
For him, authenticity is threatened when people use this freedom to deceive themselves
and make choices based on the available evidences rather than the true ones. In the
context of the discussion of globalization and authenticity, Sartre’s concept highlights the
problem of universal models that provide easy urban solutions that neither fulfill local
needs nor respond to the ideals and ethos in the place. According to Sartre’s argument,
albeit locals have the freedom to choose these models, this might lead to inauthentcity if
their choice is based on what is available rather than what is true. Sartre’s argument again
emphasizes how hybridity or openness to others doesn’t threaten authenticity if
individuals make choices based on examination rather than availability.
Lionel Trilling relates authenticity to the notion of sincerity. He means by sincerity
“whether outward behavior is consistent with public declarations” (Trilling 1972 cited in
Golomb 1995). His argument adds a new dimension to the definitions provided by
Heidegger and Sartre. For Trilling, the resultant should be examined and in particular, the
consistency between the ways it performs (reality) and how it was intended to perform
(declaration). David Hume perceives authenticity as genuineness or what he defines as
“things being what they profess in origin or authorship” (Hume 1751, 1777 cited in
Golomb 1995).
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In Becoming More Authentic: The Positive Side of Existentialism (1991), James Park
discusses the main features of an authentic act arguing that it should transcend
enculturation, invent its own patterns by rising above circumstances (Park 1991). It
should be unique, self-defining, self-creating and have its own meanings and goals. There
should be no roles or games imposed by the culture. However, it should gather the past,
present, and future into the wholeness of our resolute selves (Park 1991). His analysis
highlights the difference between rejecting imposed forces either by culture or traditions
and, referring to the origin or the past and integrating it with the present and the future. In
other words, authenticity cannot be achieved without the aspect of rootedness albeit the
need of revising inherited ideals and beliefs.
Charles Taylor (1992) notes that authenticity is a moral ideal (Taylor 1992). He argues
that freedom is essential to achieving authenticity and that for humans to be authentic;
they must be free and decide for themselves what concerns them, rather than being
shaped by external influences (Taylor 1992). “Self-determining freedom demands that I
break the hold of all such external impositions, and decide for myself alone” (Taylor
1992). The notion of freedom seems to be a common issue in most of the philosophical
discussions of authenticity. “Freedom consists in negating the current ethic, in
overcoming the demands of one’s personal history by not defining oneself according to
present or future historical predicaments. Rejection of the ethos of the honest individual
makes way for the pathos of authenticity” (Golomb 1995). James Park argues that
authenticity means organizing our lives around whatever we choose as our central
meanings and purposes. Even if we cannot overcome ultimate absurdity and
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meaninglessness, we can always choose to live what we regard as worthy human lives
(Park 1991). He discusses the difference between conformity and autonomy and how the
latter confronts inauthentic existence.
The way freedom is defined in this context highlights the complicated tension between
the need of freeing the self from imposed influences including those of culture on the one
hand, and the role of origin or roots in shaping one’s identity on the other. These two
distinct positions are discussed by Chen (2004) in Being and Authenticity where he
argues that some Western philosophers as Rousseau perceive culture as a corruptor of
authenticity (Chen 2004). This contrasts with the Confucian philosophers’ position for
example, who see culture as a source of inspiration for authenticity (Chen 2004). In
understand how freedom fits in the definition of authenticity, it is critical to refer to
Sartre’s concept of “responding to situations” or what Chen calls “examined life.”
Human acts become inauthentic when they choose the easy way and “fall back upon
common opinions concerning what one should do and think” (Baugh 1988). In other
words, authenticity could be threatened when people avoid revising (not rejecting)
inherited ideals and traditions. Authenticity requires an incessant movement of becoming,
self-transcendence and self-creation (Golomb 1995). In this sense, filtered traditions that
fit contemporary ideals might act as sources of inspiration rather than limitations of
human freedom. The concept of “origin” is important to understanding authenticity. An
authentic urban structure is described by Appleyard as the one where “the origins of
things and places are clear” (Appleyard & Jacob 1982). However, the degree to which the
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origin can shape the resultant must be proportionate to its actual extended role in
contemporary life.
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PART III: CAIRO AS A CASE STUDY

In this part (chapters 5 & 6) I apply the proposed analytical framework on the city of
Cairo in order to understand the dynamics of its urban transformation during the era of
globalization. Firstly, I provide a brief historic background of the city. Secondly, I
discuss some of the shifts of powers and intentions of the four agencies during critical
eras in the history of the city. Then I analyze the role of each of these agencies on the
proposed five dimensions of place during the era of globalization.
What we call today Cairo is a huge urban area whose origin was called Al Fustat, a small
city established by Muslims during the seventh century. Al Fustat was built when the
Muslims arrived to Egypt in 641 AC and started their settlement next to a fortress town
called Babylon and the Hanging Church. The city grew to the northern direction along a
main spine with a slight inclination to the east till Bab Al- Futuh which is considered the
northern gateway of the Islamic city. This orientation of the main spine or Shari’ Al-
Mo’ez allowed the mosques to face the Qibla without much inclination from the street
(see Behrens 1989; Abu Lughod 1971; Raymond 2000).
The location of the city was chosen on the eastern side of the Nile to allow easier
communication with the caliphate Omar Ibn Al Khatab in the Arabian Peninsula without
crossing the Nile. As most of the early Islamic cities, the mosque was the center of the
city. It was a simple structured mosque named after Amr Ibn Al- As the leader of the
armies that conquered Egypt.
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After the Abbasids overthrew the Umayyed caliphate of Damascus in 750, they sent
troops to Egypt and founded a new capital to the north east of Al- Fustat named Al-
Askar.
18
In 868, Ahmad Ibn Tulun, the ruler of Egypt decided to build a new capital
called Al- Qatai.
19
The city was located to the north east of Al- Fustat and Al- Askar. He
constructed his famous mosque and another palace.
In 905, the Abbasids ended the Tulunid era and AL- Muizz Li- Din Allah with the aid of
his general Gawhar Al- Siqilli began to construct a walled city to host the caliphate
residence. Al- Muizz first named the city Al- Mansuriyya after his father, but then
changed the name to Al- Qahira which means the conqueror. In 1171, Salah Al- Din Al-
Ayyubid, a Mamluk ruler, began to construct a wall to enclose both Al- Qahira and Al-
Fustat. The development of the city continued after that and in particular, during the
Mamluk period. It led to urban legacies that still exist until today.
The most dramatic changes in the urban form of the city took place during the 19
th

century when Mohamed Ali began the process of modernization of Egypt. Ali sent
students in order to study in Europe and bring back the fresh ideals of modernism. Ali
and his ancestors were keen to change the urban conditions of the city. They strongly
favored Baron Haussmann recommendations for Paris. New patterns of development
fashioned after European models began to emerge outside the indigenous city.

18
The word Askar means Soldiers.
19
The word Qatai means the wards.
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The 1952 revolution was another critical era in the history of the city. Egypt gained its
independence from Great Britain. Besides, it experiences a shift from capitalism to
socialism. This was reflected on the trends of development which focused on the
redistribution of wealth and equality. This era lasted nearly two decades until Anwar Al
Sadat, the president of Egypt between 1970- 1981 began a process of socio-economic
transformation to capitalism again or what was called in Egypt infitah Iktisadi (economic
openness). This transition again had an impact on the form of the city as discussed later
in Chapter Five.
Today what we call Cairo or Greater Cairo is an agglomeration of many governorates:
Cairo, Helwan, Giza, Qalyubia and Sixth of October. The population of these
governorates together exceeds 16 million making Greater Cairo one of the largest
metropolises in the world.
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CHAPTER FIVE: CAIRO AND THE AGENCIES OF PLACE
PRODUCTION

1- Introduction:
In this chapter I investigate the dynamics of interaction between the four agencies of
place production in Cairo. I focus on the critical eras that featured dramatic shifts in the
powers and orientation of the vectors representing these agencies. I categorize the
relation between the four agencies into two main oppositional relationships that represent
the tension between the state and market, and between the local and the global. The most
dramatic shifts of power and intentions between state and market could be traced in the
transition of the Egyptian political economy from capitalism to socialism during Gamal
Abdel Nasser period, and then its return back to capitalism during the era of Anwar El
Sadat. These shifts and the redistribution of roles between the state and market were
reflected on urban development.
The dynamics of the relationship between locale and the global domain have also
experienced shifts of powers and intentions through history. Since the medieval times,
Cairo has experienced different forms of global exposure. Islam, colonization and
modernization have all brought foreign ideals and ethos to the locale. The negotiation and
interaction between the local and the global has contributed significantly to the nature of
the process of place production in the city.
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In the following section, I begin by discussing the shifts of roles and power between state
and market and its impact on the process of place production in Cairo. First, I discuss the
importance of understanding the relationship between state, market and urbanism in the
case of Cairo. Second, I trace the history of this relationship since the mid 19
th
century
when Cairo started to experience urban modernization.
2- State and Market as Agencies of Place Production:
In Yacoubian Building (2005), one of the most popular novels published in Egypt during
the last decade, Alaa El Aswany, the author, was able to capture the dramatic shifts in
political and socio-economic structure in Egypt during the 19
th
century. His novel focuses
on a real and still existing apartment building in Cairo downtown. It was built by Hagop
Yacoubian in 1934. As most of the buildings in Cairo downtown, the architecture of
Yacoubian Building was significantly influenced by the colonial European styles.
In the novel, Al Aswany traces the transformation of this building, its form and socio-
cultural structure in response to the changes of the political systems in Egypt. It was built
for the aristocratic class who were living in the area during the 1930s. When the
revolution, with its socialist agenda, took place in 1952, the building was gradually taken
over by military officers and other revolution supporters. This shift in the socio-economic
structure was reflected on the physical form of the building. The new residents, mainly
the revolution officers who came from lower social and economic classes, began to adapt
and transform spaces to fit their daily life patterns and needs. Roof spaces that were used
by maids and servants were rented to low income families and more rooms were added.
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During the 1970’s, when the Egyptian regime started to embrace capitalist ideals or
economic openness, new changes took place in the building. Al Aswany captures the
transformation in the social relationships within Yacoubian community. He shows how a
new less educated rich class (nouveau riche) began to emerge in the building bringing
new ideals and lifestyle. This has created conflicts and inequality, which according to Al
Aswany, triggered violence and later fueled religious fundamentalism. The gap in wealth,
power and even social respect kept expanding in favor of the nouveau riche class.
IMAGE 3: THE YACOUBIAN BUILDING BOOK COVERS

The images on the book covers of The Yacoubian Building reflect the new social patterns that emerged
after the revolution and its impact on the form of the building that once hosted the elite. The images show
some forms of spatial adaptation to fulfill the needs of the new residents who replaced the aristocratic class.

Al Aswany’s novel manages to capture many of the shifts in power between state and
market and its impact on the built environment. The history of these shifts in Cairo goes
108

back to the early 19
th
, an era that witnessed the early development of an actual Egyptian
modern state. The multiple shifts of powers and roles in urban development between state
and market in the modern history of Cairo have contributed significantly to the
complexity and diversity of the city’s urban fabric. Understanding these shifts can
explicate a better understanding of the nature of urban transformation and dynamic of
place production in the city.
A- State, Market and the Modernization of Cairo:
The early 19
th
century represents a critical period in the formation of the modern state in
Egypt. During that time, Mohamed Ali who ruled Egypt from 1805 to 1848 started what
could be described as the process of modernizing Egypt. Ali who headed a monarchy
state was impressed by Western modernity during that time. He sent many educational
missions to Europe, especially to France. His period has featured one of the most
dramatic shifts in the history of the city. It was a turning point from the traditional
medieval era to modernization and industrialization.
The modernization of the physical form of Cairo began by introducing many of the
Haussmann planning ideals for Paris. Straight boulevards and open squares were
introduced to the city’s indigenous urban fabric. The objectives were similar to those of
Napoleon III. The new network of boulevards was introduced to the city not only to bring
light, ventilation and facilitate flow, but also to empower the state and its control on the
city. The Egyptian state that was partially controlled by the colonial British establishment
focused on emphasizing its power by enforcing architectural visual order. The wide
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boulevards facilitated the movement of armies and police. It also displayed governmental
buildings at major intersections and visual focal points.
The modernization of Cairo continued accompanied by a gradual process of
secularization of government. The state contribution to urban development began to
gradually diminish in favor of both market and foreign flows of capital, people and ideas.
Foreign investments started to flow into the city encouraged by the new privatization
policies. The Western influences were obvious in the Cairenes’ way of life during that
time. The city was opened to the Western culture more than ever. The modernization of
the city was a movement of the elite who benefited economically and politically from
these changes. As noted by Tignor (1984), in the period before World War I, three groups
dominated development in Egypt. These were the British political and military
establishment; metropolitan capital; and landed oligarchy (Tignor 1984, p.8). The source
of metropolitan capital was European individuals and enterprises. New projects as Al-
Maadi, Garden City and Heliopolis began to emerge by the beginning of the 20
th
century.
These residential districts were developed by private domestic and foreign enterprises.
Garden City district was developed by Frantz Sofio, Charles Bacos and George Maksud,
the owners of the Nile Land & Agricultural Company. Heliopolis district was developed
by Belgian industrialist Baron Empain. He started this project in 1905. These residential
developments were built for the local elite and Europeans who were living in the city. It
has created new forms of class spatial segregation that didn’t exist in Old Cairo.
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IMAGE 4: CAIRO 19
TH
CENTURY DOWNTOWN

The figure shows the introduction of wide boulevards similar to the Haussmann’s plan for Paris, featuring
order in heights, façade treatments and major squares where governmental buildings are located.
Source: Egyptian Ministry of Culture

IMAGE 5: SULTAN HASSAN MOSQUE IN THE 19TH CENTURY

The image shows the introduction of the geometrical pure forms of modern planning adjacent to the
indigenous city. The mosque in the image is Al Sultan Hassan built in the 16
th
century where the square is
part of the late 19
th
century modernization plan for Cairo.
Source: Egyptian Ministry of Culture
During the period between World War I and World War II, local industrial and
commercial bourgeoisie started to play an important role in the Egyptian economy. This
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bourgeoisie class was composed of both foreigners and Egyptian business elite (Tignor
1984, p. 5). Low income classes didn’t benefit from modernization compared to the elite.
They were deprived from land ownership, university education and high governmental
positions. The role of locale in the process of place production diminished allowing
European influences to overwrite the identity of the city.
IMAGE 6: A VILLA IN HELIOPOLIS DESIGNED BY ALEXANDRE MARCEL DURING THE
EARLY 20
TH
CENTURY

The image shows an example of the trends of development and the introduction of European architectural
styles to the city during that era.
Source: Mr. Samir Raafat: http://www.egy.com/landmarks/97-05-01.1.shtml

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IMAGE 7: THE CHANGES IN THE URBAN FABRIC OF CAIRO BETWEEN 1800- 1874

This image shows the distinction between the indigenous and modern urban fabrics in Cairo. The eastern
part (shown by the dotted line) represents the old indigenous city. The western part (shown by the
continuous line) is the modern extension. The latter features geometrical urban fabric that is very distinct
from the irregular compact patterns of the old city. Original map is made by L. Thuillier in 1888.
Source of background map: Le Caire, Itinerare de l'Orient, Egypt, Dresse par L. Thuillier, Paris Hachette,
1888.
During the first half of the 20
th
century, the state contribution to urban development was
minimal. It was limited to providing infrastructure and basic services. The role of market
expanded on the expense of the state. Market was controlled by both European and
Egyptian elites. It was for the interest of the British colonial power to keep the state weak
and controlled by foreign political and military establishments. It could be argued that
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market and external forces flowing from the global domain were the major agencies that
contributed to the production of place during this era. The exclusion of locale from this
process and many other political and economic aspects has led to the gradual emergence
of what Manuel Castells (1997) calls resistance identity.
B- State, Market and the Shift to Socialism
In 1952, the military revolution in Egypt led by Gamal Abd El Naser managed to end the
foreign occupation and the domination of the aristocratic elite. In order to neutralize the
Western influences, Nasser introduced for the first time in the history of the country the
concept of nationalism, a break from the old concept of Umma or Islamic nation. For
centuries, Egyptians has always associated themselves with the Islamic identity before
the national one. Nationalism by itself was not enough to initiate a significant social
change or to convince the Egyptians who were missing the feeling of Islamic solidarity
that has been weakened by two centuries of state- imposed westernization (Goldschmidt
2004). During that time, the Muslims Brotherhood was the main social organization the
called for the revitalization of Islamic fundamentalism. This threatened the role of the
revolution which was socialist and forced Gamal Abd El Nasser to come up with the
concept of “Arab Socialism” to fill the emotional gap among the Egyptians. In other
words, he wanted to shift their sense of belonging from the notion of religious Islamic
Umma to the relatively more secular notion of Arab nationalism. The new ideology
combined the ideals of socialism and Arab solidarity. This represented a dramatic
transformation from the early twentieth century orientation towards capitalism. The
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definition of socialism was not in fact the pure Marxian one. It was still shaped by
Islamic beliefs that can never deny the primacy of the one God above material interests
(Goldschmidt 2004).
The new socialist movement imposed new regulations that limited ownerships and of
course caused foreign investments to flow out of the country. This movement was backed
by locals, except for the elites who lost most of their fortune and properties. People
perceived this socialist movement as a remedy of decades of suffering under the Western
colonization. This new social paradigm had a significant impact on the form of Cairo.
The concept of Arab solidarity required the creation of a universal (on the scale of the
Middle East) architectural style that represents all races, religions and cultures in the
region. Modern generic architecture was the most convenient alternative at that time.
Combining this concept with the socialist ideals, new box- like public housing projects
began to emerge even in the heart of the old Islamic city. The concepts of efficiency,
standardization and functionality were the most dominant during that time responding to
the scientific rationality of modernity. For a while, these forms of development seemed
appealing to the residents of Cairo. However, later on, the state had to exercise much
authority to force rapid and comprehensive changes which after some years proved
significant failure due to the lack of civic engagement.
During Nasser’s era, Egypt embraced import substituting industrialization. Mega
industrial cities with residential districts for workers began to emerge. Each of these cities
was established around a particular industry. El Mahala hosted a mega factory for textile,
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Al Hawamdyia was specialized in sugar, and Helwan for steel. These industrial
compounds were built following the ideals of modern architecture and planning as
efficiency, standardization and simplicity. The state responsibility for urban development
required a comprehensive and efficient approach. The bureaucratic authoritarian regime
was able to impose standard urban forms across the country. This was reflected on public
housing projects that were built in many parts of the city.
The lack of competition in a socialist economy have created urban stereotypes that were
replicated everywhere. The close relation between the Egyptian regime and the Russian
one has introduced many communist patterns to the Cairene society. For example,
markets lacked diversity of goods. Many essential goods as electronics and cars were
considered luxury goods and were taxed up to 300%. These goods were even called selaa
estefzazya which means irritating goods referring to the possible social instability and
sense of inequality it might cause when low income classes cannot afford them. Extreme
restrictions were put on the importation of these goods.
Many public housing projects were influenced by Chinese and Russian models. Suits
fashioned after the Chinese Chungshan suit that was usually associated with Mao Zedong
became very popular in Egypt. Many government officials including Gamal Abd El
Nasser wore them. The popularity of Nasser and his regime among Egyptians has
facilitated the acceptance of the socialist ideals in general and these new patterns in
particular. For the middle and low income Egyptians, Nasser was a hero. As noted by
Lippman (1989), Nasser “had a seemingly unassailable place in the national esteem, as
116

the son of Egypt who had thrown off the foreign yoke” (Lippman 1989, p.27). However,
after the loss of the 1967 war, public opinions began to change. The Egyptians felt that
socialism has failed them and led to many economic and social problems.
C- State, Market and the shift to Capitalism
After Nasser’s death in 1970, Anwar Al Sadat became the President of Egypt. Sadat had
to deal with deteriorating economic and military conditions. He gave priority to
upgrading the military with the help of the Soviet Union until Egypt won the 1973 war
against Israel. During the mid 1970s, the Egyptian regime began to lean towards
capitalist ideals. When Sadat proposed peace to Israel, the relationship between Egypt
and the Western world, and in particular the USA, started to improve. This has
encouraged foreign enterprises to started cautiously investing in Egypt. Besides,
economic aid from the U.S. began to flow to the country.
The shift to the open door economic policy (al-infitah) mainly impacted industrialization
which began to decline in favor of importation. As noted by Adel Hussein (1989), the
share of industry in the GDP fell from 19% in 1973 to 14.9% in 1978 (Hussein 1989 cited
in Soliman 1999, p.12). Besides, the share of industrial investments in the total national
investments declined from 29.3% in 1971 to 21.4% in 1980 (Ghoneim 1986 cited in
Soliman 1999, p. 13). The share of private investments in the GDP increased from 25.2%
in 1970 to 28.5% in 1977. As noted by Soliman (1999), private investments in the
construction sector increased during this period by 50% (Soliman 1999, p. 13).
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These changes in the market dynamics benefited many small investors and entrepreneurs
who took advantage of the new business opportunities in general, and the starvation of
market for imported goods in particular. A new class of nouveaux riche began to emerge
mainly in Cairo. This class had new needs and demands which began to reshape the
urban development trends in the city. This shift in powers and roles in urban development
from state to market significantly impacted the urban form of Cairo. New urban
development began to emerge fulfilling the new market needs.
New residential districts such as El Mohandeseen and Madinat Nasr targeting the high
and middle income classes were established. These districts were planned by the state.
Parcels were sold to individuals and small investors who soon began building new
residential structures to reside in and sell some of its apartments. These new
developments contributed to the reemergence of residential ownership which was very
rare during the socialist era. Because of rent control laws, developers preferred selling
their projects rather than leasing it. Even those who had apartments for rent started to ask
for very large contract fees commonly known in Egypt as Khelew regl (evacuation
compensation) which means a compensation to the previous renter to evacuate the unit
under rent control.
These shifts in the market dynamics have gradually led to the exclusion of low income
classes and created new forms of class segregation. When the new emerging rich and
powerful class began moving to the new areas, they took with them state services and
private investments. This has contributed to a relative deterioration of many areas that
118

once hosted the elite as El Abbasiya and the downtown. These areas suffered from rent
control which discouraged landlords from maintaining their properties and many cases
wish its collapse to reclaim the land.
During the 1980’s, state investments in urban development was limited to providing
public housing projects for the low income class. Many of these projects were built on the
edges of the city in what was called mogtama’at omranyia jadida (new urban
communities). These public housing projects lacked services, security and in many cases,
basic modes of transportation to the city. Accordingly, many of these projects were
abandoned.
After President Sadat was assassinated in 1981, his vice president Hosni Mubarak was
elected as a president. Until the late 1980’s, Egypt’s experience with market openness
didn’t lead to economic prosperity. This could be attributed to the continuing influence of
many of the socialist ideals which have shaped many of the Egyptian economic
legislations many of which are still in act until today. Besides, the concept of openness
was relatively limited to importation, and mainly consumption goods as food, cars and
electronics. Most of the major industries and services remained public and run by the
state. They suffered from corruption and inefficient management which burdened the
state budget by significant financial losses. Foreign investors rarely contributed to
production. It was all about importing consumers’ goods from the west.
During the early 1990s, the Egyptian state faced much pressure from the World Bank to
start economic reform. Aid from the bank was conditioned. Egypt had to start liberating
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its market from many of the socialist laws that hindered the flow of foreign investments
to Egypt. One of the most significant legislative changes undergone by the Egyptian state
was allowing the privatization of many public enterprises, and mainly the industrial ones.
The process of privatization faced much local resistance. The notion was new to a
generation that was fed for decades with socialist ideals. For many Egyptians,
privatization was a process of selling the state to the elite and foreign investors.
According to the Business Sector Information Center - Egyptian Ministry of Investment,
147 public enterprises were privatized between 1993 and 2004.
20
The total revenue of
privatization till 2008 was estimated by 50 billion Egyptian Pounds (around 9.16 billion
U.S. dollars calculated in September 2008).
21
Many of the privatized enterprises were
suffering from financial losses and administrative bureaucracy. However, the
government’s rush in selling many of these enterprises has raised many questions
regarding corruption in the process of privatization. The Egyptian state started by selling
the enterprises that were making profit like the Cairo Sheraton Hotel for example.
However, it kept 30% of the shares till 2005 when they were sold for $50 million.
22

The privatization process was heavily criticized for contributing to unemployment. It
faced much local social and political resistance, which to some extent, discouraged
Western foreign investors from investing in Egypt. The impact of the shift from socialism
to capitalism on the economy was slow due to these forms of resistance. Although by

20
The Egyptian Privatization Encyclopedia: http://www.bsic.gov.eg/whitebook.asp
21
Egypt State Information Service official website:
http://www.sis.gov.eg/Ar/EgyptOnline/Economy/000007/0202000000000000006779.htm
22
Alsharq Alwasat Newspaper August 9, 2005.
120

2001, the roofs of Cairo were covered by satellite dishes and cell phone towers, the city
was not by any means, an active player in the global economy. Communication
technology and global networking managed to bring entertainment to the people in the
city. However, it failed to provide more job opportunities or economic prosperity to the
majority of them.
After the 9/11 attacks and the war in Iraq, many Arab investors withdrew their money
from the West fearing the freezing of their accounts. Cairo was able to attract some of
this capital in the form of foreign investments in tourism, media production, shopping
malls, and real estate. The success of many of these projects has encouraged other large
global foreign investors to follow this flow of capital and begin to invest in the Egyptian
market.
Although the shift of powers and roles in urban development from state to market started
in the late 1970s, the most dramatic impact on the process of places production could be
traced to the late 1990s. The role of new players in the process could be traced in the
forms of urban transformation in the city. Many of the public housing projects that were
built by the socialist regime during the 1960s and 70s are now surrounded by gated
communities for high income classes built by the private sector and foreign investors.
Public industrial cities are being privatized. Private universities and institutes are
gradually outnumbering public ones. Market and global flows are gaining power and
their roles have been significantly expanding.
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In the following section, I discuss the second oppositional relationship, between the local
and the global domains. I begin by tracing the history of this relationship in the case of
Cairo. I focus on the dramatic shifts in powers and roles starting from the medieval
period until reaching the era of globalization.
3- Locale and the Global Domain as Agencies of Place Production:
Since its origin, Cairo has been exposed to foreign forces. Because of its strategic
location, the city has been playing an important role in world trade. This has facilitated
the interaction between its local and foreign traders, travelers and even colonizers.
A- The Local Versus the Global During the Medieval Era:
During the medieval era, Islam was one of the most powerful engines of globalization
both economically and culturally (Simons 2003). National boundaries didn’t exist and
accordingly, Islamic ideals and laws were the ruling paradigm that governed the social
structure of all Islamic cities from South East Asia at the east to Andalusia at the west.
These ideals were universal and were derived from the Quran and Sunna.
23
They
introduced universal guidelines for social order that were new to locals who were living
in the place before Islam.
Despite the universal nature of these religious laws, its impact on the urban form of
Muslim cities was not generic. Local forces actually managed to translate these universal
laws into acts that responded to the local cultures and ethos in the place. Local forces
were not forces of resistance facing the new ideologies. However, their role was to

23
The Sunna is the second reference of Islamic Laws after the Quran. It includes the documented sayings,
approvals and patterns of living of the Prophet Mohamed.
122

translate the intentions of these universal laws into acts that fit the place. This is a very
critical issue in order to understand how Cairo dealt with its first experience with
globalization. Although the laws were universal, the process of city formation was shaped
by rational decisions that extended its reasoning from the intellectual experience and
knowledge of the people in the place.
Andre Raymond (2000) discusses a model of this process of interaction between
universal ideals and local forces. He notes that when Arab Muslims approached Egypt in
639 AC to introduce the new religion, their early settlements were very rapidly replaced
by more sophisticated dwelling models that were not known to any of the Arabs at that
time. Raymond suggests that the Egyptians who were more advanced builders at that time
had provided these models responding to the new needs and way of life but through a
local vision (Raymond 2000, p. 15). The process of building the city followed the same
path. There was an appreciation of local knowledge where the city derived its creative
energies from the diversity of its people being natives or immigrants from the Arabian
Peninsula.
The forces brought to the local context by Islam and the Arabs contributed to the process
of place formation without overwriting the local identity. Islamic ideology recognized the
power of local forces and the inherited experience in the place. The appreciation of
knowledge wherever it comes from is one of the main principles in Islamic philosophy
which was reflected on urbanism (see the work of Al Kindi and Averrottes, the Medieval
Muslim Philosophers). Islam conceived contradictions and polarization in the places it
123

conquered as potentials to enriching its collective identity (Pereira 2004). Although, as
argued by Abu Lughod (1987), it is easy to visually distinguish Muslim Cities from other
medieval ones, the former themselves feature probably more distinctions than
commonalities (Abu Lughod 1987).
On the economic level, Cairo was one of the core world cities during the medieval times
due to its location on the trade routes. During that time most of the major cities whether
Islamic or Western have experienced interconnectivity through trade and economic
exchange or what Wallerstein refers to as economic world system (Wallerstein 1974).
Cairo was a center within a bigger network that connects many other major cities not
only around the Muslim world but also in Asia and Europe. One of the main building
typologies in the city center was the Wekala; a complex of hotel rooms, meeting rooms
and trading halls only devoted to serve traders who used to come to the city. These
wekalas were specialized according to the type of trade they host. For example, there
were wekalas for textile, spices and grains. These wekalas were the business centers
around which specialized markets emerged. They were places of flows of capital, people
and ideas. The success of Islamic cities at that time was measured by the performance of
these wekalas and the degree to which they managed to attract traders from around the
world. It is a similar concept to the indicators used today to measure the importance of
cities in the world cities network.
Cairo as described by Max Rodenbeck (1999) was a cosmopolitan city where ties of trade
linked it to Andalusia, Samarkand and even across the Indian Ocean (Rodenbeck 1999,
124

p.74). During the 12
th
century, Cairo became one of the largest world cities. Commercial
treaties with Ceylon, Venice, Florence and Genoa made the city an international trading
center. Traders and travelers from around the world played the main role in connecting
the city to the global network. They brought to Cairo diverse cultures, ideals and
knowledge. The glory of Cairo at that time made many of those travelers document their
experiences in the city, scenes of it is social life and most importantly, its physical built
environment. This made the city more influential and allowed it to play a role in shaping
other Islamic cities at that time.
The architecture of Cairo and many of its building typologies have influenced and been
influenced by other cities in the region. These influences or external forces could be
easily traced in many places in the city as Ibn Tulun Mosque for example. However;
these foreign influences were gradually digested and integrated into the local context.
Local forces managed to deal with these influences by adjusting it to enrich the local
identity. The cultural interaction between Cairo and other world cultures was mutual and
balanced. It was a two-way form of communication where local forces played a role in
filtering the imported influences, resisting whatever contradicted with the values in the
place, and adjusting others to fit and enrich the local culture.
B- Modernization and the Tension between the Local and the Global:
The modernization of Cairo began after the French occupation of Egypt between 1798
and 1801. The most significant impact of this occupation is that “it wiped clean the
historical slate and allowed Mohamed Ali to organize a new government, a new society
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and a new economy” (Raymond 2000). The three years of occupation were not enough to
leave a significant physical impact on the urban form of Cairo. However, it paved the
way for reform led by Mohamed Ali and his successors.
The implementation of the new models of development required a shift from collectivity
represented by local contribution to the place formation towards individuality in decision
making by either the ruler or the designers during that time. The imported Western laws
and ideals were directly allowed to shape the place; a process that contrasts with the
medieval model that recognized the power of local forces.
During this period, Cairo was exposed to a new set of universal ideals imported from the
outside, a process similar to what happened during its early ages. However, there was a
clear gap between the imported ethos and the culture in the place. The clash was not
between modernity and religion. It was actually the way modern philosophy perceived
the role of locale that created much of the tension. Modern ideals didn’t find its way
easily among the Cairene society. Most of the decisions that embraced modern ideals
were enforced by the rulers. For example, on August 4
th
, 1778 a decision to demolish the
gates closing the alleys in the old city to enforce social order and facilitate movement of
police marked the beginning of the clash between the locals and the modern state. The
decision simply ignored the importance of these urban elements to the locals.
The ideals of European modernity imposed scientific rationality over local values.
Decisions were mainly shaped by scientific logic regardless of its impact on local culture.
The irregular narrow streets, that shaped the fabric of the city for centuries, became an
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obstacle to modern developments. Straight wide boulevards designed after Haussmann’s
plan for Paris began to cut through the existing dense urban fabrics. A grid pattern of
streets was implemented with squares at major intersections where statues of royal
figures were erected (Raymond 2000). It was a new concept that never existed in the
medieval city where statues of human figures were strictly prohibited according to
religious traditions.
The idea of importing European models of developments became more dominant to the
extent that strict building codes were set to assure that new buildings would have a
European style not an oriental one (Raymond 2000). The oriental Islamic arch was
replaced by rectangular windows with iron grillwork imported from Europe. An order
was issued to make it illegal to use Mashrabiyahs
24
in new buildings. It was a clear
rejection of traditional values and any reference to the past (Abu Lughod 1971). External
forces played a major role in reshaping the form of the city. In response to the complaints
of foreign trader regarding the narrowness of major streets, Mohamed Ali purchased all
lands and building on main streets then demolished them to make wider paths. By the end
of the nineteenth century, during the British occupation of Egypt, Cairo experienced
dramatic urban transformation. More than twenty thousand new buildings were built in
Cairo between 1897 and 1907 (Adham 2004, p. 143).
Although many of these building were influenced by Western models, there were always
local attempts to revive the traditional Islamic architecture. Modernization was perceived

24
Oriental wooden lattice windows.
127

as a synonymous of westernization (Mohammadi 2002). It was usually associated with
colonization and accordingly new forms and movements of resistance began to emerge.
The adherence to tradition was always an obstacle in attaining modernity (Lerner 1958).
Movements of resistance began to emerge during the early 20
th
century rejecting the
Western domination over the country. Many of these movements called for religious
revivalism. Groups like Muslim Brotherhood started to emerge rejecting the
secularization of the Egyptian society.
4- Conclusion:
The shifts in powers and intentions of the four agencies explain the socio-economic
transformations experienced by Cairo. These shifts could be summarized as shown in the
following tables:

128

TABLE 2: THE DISTRIBUTION OF POWERS AND ROLES IN THE PROCESS OF PLACE
PRODUCTION DURING THE EARLY 20
TH
CENTURY
State
- Authoritarian monarchy regime
- Embracing Western ideals of
modernization
- Minimal contribution to urban
development
Global Domain
- The introduction of Western ideals
through colonization
- The role of foreign investors in urban
development
Locale
- The exclusion of local forces from the
process of place production
Market
- Private domestic and foreign investments
dominated urban development

TABLE 3: THE DISTRIBUTION OF POWERS AND ROLES IN THE PROCESS OF PLACE
PRODUCTION BETWEEN 1952- 1972
State
- Authoritarian socialist regime
- Embracing socialist ideals
- Dominated urban development
- Promoted Arab Nationalism
Global Domain
- The introduction of ideals of socialism
- Flows of foreign capital and people were
minimal
Locale
- The role of local forces were hindered by
the ideals of socialism
Market
- Private domestic investments were
minimal

TABLE 4: THE DISTRIBUTION OF POWERS AND ROLES IN THE PROCESS OF PLACE
PRODUCTION BETWEEN 1972- LATE 1980S
State
- Authoritarian regime leaning towards
capitalism
- Embracing economic openness
- Diminishing role in urban development
- Break from Arab Nationalism
Global Domain
- The introduction of ideals of capitalism
- Flows of foreign capital and people
started to increase cautiously
Locale
- A gradual reemergence of the role of local
forces in the process of place production
Market
- Private domestic investments increased
drastically

129

CHAPTER SIX: AGENCIES AND THE
DIMENSIONS OF PLACE IN CONTEMPORARY CAIRO

1- Introduction:
In this chapter I discuss the way the five dimensions of place: places as realms of flows,
places as imaginaries, places as text, places as landscapes of resistance, and places as
reflections of authenticity are shaped by the four agencies: state, market, locale and the
global domain in the case of Cairo.
2- Places as Realms of Flows:
Places as realms of flows describe the new emerging urban typologies that serve the
global phenomenon of flows of capital, people and information. These places are
produced in order to facilitate these flows and act as hubs that attract capital, people and
information. It is worth noting here that flows have a two-way nature. It moves from the
global domain to the local context and vice versa. Some places act as realms that host
these movements. They conduct them to the locale and are the essential elements that
contribute to the integration of a city with the rest of the world.
State, market, locale and the global domain collectively contribute to the production of
these places. In the case of Cairo, the state inclination towards the service economy and
the privatization of the public sector has empowered the role of market in the process of
urban development. Cairo, as many other cities, has been influenced by the revolution in
communication and information technology. Global flows of capital, people and
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information are playing a role in the process of place production. However, local forces
are responding to these flows and in many cases, are able to reshape their impact on the
physical built environment.
A- Places of Capital Flows:
Places of capital flows are the hubs that encourage and facilitate the movement of money
to and from the city. Places such as stock markets, international banks, financial centers,
business headquarters, and tourist attractions are all examples of places of capital flow.
Besides, new mega projects also play a significant role in attracting foreign direct
investments. These projects assure a continuous supply of capital flow to the city.
New huge residential projects in Cairo such as City View, Beverly Hills, and Dreamland
which offer palaces and luxury villas managed to attract much foreign capital especially
form the Arab gulf. Mega shopping malls, theme parks and business headquarters began
to emerge in order to absorb these flows of capital to the city. Other forms of global
capital flows as remittances and capital brought with Iraqi refugees have also contributed
to the emergence of these new typologies. It is estimated that in Egypt there are nearly
170,000 immigrants more than 50% of them are refugees. Remittances flows to Egypt
have been estimated to be $5.86 billion in 2007.
25

New luxurious hotels such as Hyatt and Four Seasons in Cairo are other examples of
projects which attract global investments. Both projects are located in the city center
overlooking the River Nile in the most expensive areas in the city. They target tourist

25
Source: Migration and Remittance Factbook 2008, World Bank website.
131

elites mainly from the Arab Gulf countries who consider Cairo as one of their favorite
regional destinations. It is estimated that hotels and restaurants in Egypt has contributed
to the national GDP by 22.75 billion Egyptian Pounds. The private sectors contribution of
this figure is 22.5 billion Egyptian Pounds.
26

TABLE 5: REMITTANCES IN EGYPT

Source: Migration and Remittance Factbook 2008. World Bank website

FIGURE 5: NET FDI INFLOWS TO EGYPT IN BILLION USD

Source: Central Bank of Egypt

26
Egyptian State Information Service
132

FIGURE 6: NET FDI INFLOWS/ GDP IN EGYPT
Source: Central Bank of Egypt

TABLE 6: SECTORAL DISTRIBUTION OF NET FDI INFLOWS- VALUE IS IN MILLION USD
2004/2005 2005/2006 2006/2007 Q1 2007/2008 Q2 2007/2008 Q3 2007/2008
New establishments and
expansions
925.6 3,347.8 5,227.2 1,650.6 1,805.0 2,212.6
Sale of assets to non-
residents
390.8 905.7 2,772.2 259.5 1,098.5 402.3
Real estate 16.5 25.7 39.0 23.9 8.7 44.4
Inflows in the
petroleum sector
2,540.2 1,832.2 3,014.8 1,035.1 1,888.2 822.9
Net FDI inflows 3,873.1 6,111.4 11,053.2 2,969.1 4,800.4 3,482.2
Source: Central Bank of Egypt

133

FIGURE 7: FDI BY SECTOR

Source: Central Bank of Egypt

The flow of capital to Cairo also requires the development of financial centers and
headquarters that manage investments and stock market transactions. New projects as
Cairo Financial Center with estimated cost of $200 million, Capital Business Park with
estimated cost of $408 million, and many other office parks and business headquarters
are spreading across the city. These places are built by the private sector and are offering
a world class business environment for transnational corporations and firms.
The introduction of global chains as Starbucks, McDonalds, Coffee beans and Papa
John’s to the city also contributes to this world class environment. Elegant brands as
Guess, Kevin Klein, Mango and Zara have opened new stores in Cairo. These places
134

bring investments to the city and create jobs. They also export capital, in the form of
profits to their owner global enterprises.
Although the majority of these new projects are privately funded, the state still plays a
significant role in the production of places of capital flows. The Smart Village is an
example of projects developed by the state to encourage flows of capital to the city. The
project is a joint venture between the state and the private sector. It was founded in 2003
by The Smart Village Company on 741 acres. The Village hosts many international
corporations as IBM, Oracle, Microsoft and Vodafone. The total number of professional
working in the Village’s 100 corporations is estimated by 12,000 and is expected to reach
80,000 by 2014.
27
The smart Village, as described by the developing company, is:
The first fully operational Technology and Business Park in Egypt,
accommodates Multinational and Local Telecommunications and Information
Technology Companies, Financial Institutions and Banks, together with
Governmental Authorities on three Million square meters in the west of Cairo.
The efficient mix of business services boosts the competitiveness and profitability
of enterprises taking advantage of Fiber Optic Network, multi-source power
supply, District cooling and Heating redundant network plant. Evenly,
organizations in Smart Village Cairo, profits from world class standards amenities
including Property Management & Maintenance, Event’s Management, and
Transportation Services on 24/ 7 basis. Complementary Community & Business
Services are available in Smart Village Conference Hall, Smart Village Club,
Smart Nursery, Smart School, Postal and Parcel services, Travel Agency,
Signboards Production, Copy Center, Graphic and Printing Agency, plants &
flowers and First Aid Assistance and the upcoming Smart Village Business
Hotel.
28

The new stock market in Cairo is another example of places produced and managed by
the state to facilitate the flows of capital to and from the city. National banks owned by

27
The Smart Village Website: http://www.smart-villages.com/docs/about.aspx
28
The Smart Village Website: http://www.smart-villages.com/docs/about.aspx
135

the state as Al Ahly Bank of Egypt, Misr Bank and Cairo Bank are another examples of
places for flows of capital that are run by the government. They work side by side with
other international banks in Cairo as HSBC, Societe General and Citibank. Cairo Bank in
particular has been the subject of a recent controversy when the state was planning to sell
it to be the first fully privatized national bank. The deal faced much local resistance and
was cancelled.
International banks are currently playing a significant role in the process of urban
transformation in Cairo not only by funding new projects, but also with their hundreds of
elegant branches that are opening in every major street in Cairo. HSBC Bank alone has 44
branches in Cairo and is still expanding. Societe General partnering with El Ahly
National Bank of Egypt has opened 70 branches in Cairo alone. All these branches are
affecting the dynamics of the real estate market. Leasing a space or selling it to one of the
new international banks in Cairo has become the objective of many landlords and
developers in the city. Many of the new developments are designed to attract these
international banks. They can afford paying high leases and spend much money to be
present in the best spots of the city and accordingly, build an image of superiority.
New mega developments have been essential to assure the constant flow of capital to the
city. Other projects are under construction as Madinaty, a new 8,000 acres urban
development project on the edge of Cairo that includes residential, commercial, and
recreational facilities. Its promotional slogan is “a world city on Egyptian land.”
29
When

29
Madinaty Corporation official website: www.madinaty.com
136

released in the stock market, Madinaty has sold stocks for more than $5 billion in the first
week just in Cairo and Alexandria stock markets and nearly the same figure in
international markets. The New Giza is another mega project still in the process of design.
It is expected to be as big as Madinaty.
Global flows of capital to Egypt increased from $509.4 million in 2000/01, to reach $6.1
billion in 2005/06, $11.1 billion in 2006/07 and $11.3 billion during the first nine months
(July-March) of 2007/08.
30
This increase of flows during the last few years has
significantly influenced trends of development in Cairo. It supported the emergence of
new mega projects that are changing the urban form of the city. Besides, it contributed to
the privatization of many public enterprises and services.
In the case of Cairo, the state inclination towards global capitalism is one of the major
forces that brought capital flows to the city. In other words, without the changes in the
economic system that took place in the early 1990s, and the encouragement of the
government to the private sector to engage in the process of urban development, much of
these flows would have gone to another city. It is important to acknowledge the role of
the state in this process of market empowerment.
Market also has played a significant role in attracting flows of capital to the city. The
projects discussed previously, and the local and regional demand for them triggered
global capital flows to the city. The private sector managed to perform more efficiently
than the bureaucratic state. It also focused on the types of projects which could not be

30
Egyptian Ministry of Investment
137

developed by the state such as residential gated communities, shopping malls, and luxury
hotels.
TABLE 7: EXPENDITURES OF FORMAL CONSTRUCTION PROJECTS IN 2006
Amount in Million Egyptian
Pounds
Governerate
11000 Cairo
703 Alexandria
32 Suez
2 Damietta
24 Dakahlia
21 Sharqia
25 Gharbia
9 Monufia
187 Ismailia
2 Beni Suef
2 Faiyum
40 Minya
47 Asyut
30 Sohag
15 Qena
10 North Sinai
12323 Total
Values are in Egyptian POUNDS ($1= 5.6 Egyptian Pounds)
Source: Central Agency for Public Mobilization and Statistics, Egypt:
http://www.capmas.gov.eg/nashrat1r.htm

Although many of the places of flows of capital in Cairo might look like the similar
typologies in major world cities, there are many distinctions that reflect the role of locale
in their production. Besides, local forces have played a role in determining the scale and
nature of these projects. For example, social resistance to the selling of major public
138

enterprises to the private sector has slowed, to some extent, the process of privatization
embraced by the state. The intention of the state to privatize some strategic sectors as
national banks for example, has faced much local resistance. Many Egyptians have called
the current administration hokomat bei’i misr (the administration of selling Egypt)
referring to its rush in selling the public sector. There has been a local consensus that
privatization might threaten the national security of the country. Besides it has
contributed to unemployment in Egypt. Many of the public employees in the privatized
enterprises suffered from layoffs as a result of restructuring. As noted by Saber Abou El
Fotouh, an opposition member of the Egyptian Parliament, “one of the important
problems of privatization is unemployment which has reached every home in Egypt, and
has been irritating all families, and of course has led to economic retardation in Egypt.”
31

Another form of the role of local forces in shaping places of flows of capital is the
introduction of Islamic banking. Part of the investments that flew to Egypt has been
directed to Islamic banks as Faisal Bank and the Egyptian Saudi Finance Bank. These
financial institutions comply with Islamic laws which prohibit usury. Besides, they do not
invest in any projects that violate Islamic laws as casinos, bars, and night clubs. Although
Egypt was a pioneer in the development of Islamic banking since the 1960’s, there
number has been declining since the 1980s. This could be attributed to the fear of the
state from any forms of religious revivalism. The recent flows of Arab capital from gulf

31
Official Website of Muslim Brotherhood in the Egyptian Parliament:
http://www.nowabikhwan.com/index.aspx?ctrl=press&ID=1245939a-5595-48b8-ab26-561b2338750d
139

countries have contributed to the reemergence of these institutions. Today, many of the
Cairenes prefer to save and invest in these institutions.
IMAGE 8: NEW BUSINESS HEADQUARTERS IN CAIRO

A computer rendering of Capital Business Park (left) which is a $408 million private development that
targets international firms and corporations. The Smart Village (right) is a joint state and private sector
development that offers office spaces for international financial and information technology corporations.
The architectural design of both projects considers the importance of creating a spectacular world class
images in order to compete with similar projects in the region.
Sources: Capital Business Park brochure and The Smart Village official website.
Culture and traditions are other forms of local forces that contribute to the production of
places of capital flows to Cairo. Cairenes inherited the tradition of household saving. A
famous proverb in the Egypt is ala ad lehafak med regleak (stretch your legs only if your
bedcover is long enough). The proverb means that one should not spend more than what
his/her savings can cover. Egyptians relied on savings for centuries. They also invented
the gamayias (rotating group saving systems). The gamayias works as follows: a group of
people who know and trust each other agree that each will pay a fixed and equal amount
of money monthly to the organizer of the gamayia. And in monthly turns, one of the
group members would take the whole sum. The order of receiving the large sum is
140

negotiated based on need. So those who are in urgent need go first and others who prefer
to save would go last. This traditional system allows people in need to get credit without
having to pay an interest.
Until the late 1990’s, the concept of the credit card in Egypt was not common at all. By
2001, some banks began to introduce some cards that are covered by security deposits
larger than the card limit. Many Egyptians have rejected the idea of paying interest for
borrowed money since according to Islamic laws, it is considered usury. This has delayed
to some extent, the expansion of major banks in Egypt. In the last few years, the culture
has been changing especially among the young generations. Crédit Agricole Egypt, a
major lender plans to double the number of its branches by 2010 and estimates the
number of Egyptians eligible for a bank account to grow by 25 percent a year
(Rasmussen 2008). Rasmussen notes that in Egypt, MasterCard annual growth in the
number of card users is among the highest in the world at more than 40% (Rasmussen
2008).
Another form of local forces that played a significant role in the production of places of
capital flows is the boycotting movement of American products that took place in Egypt
in response to the War in Iraq. In 2003, lists of American products and brands were
widely distributed everywhere in Cairo calling for a boycott as a form of expressing the
opposition to American foreign policy. McDonald’s, Pizza Hut and KFC topped the list.
There branches in Egypt suffered severe economic losses. As noted in Al Ahram Weekly
Newspaper:
141

Sales in US fast food chains have dropped by 35 per cent and Procter & Gamble,
the maker of Ariel washing powder (which has the misfortune to share its name
with the Likud leader, Ariel Sharon), has suffered a fall in sales of more than 20
per cent (Al Ahram Weekly Newspaper 2003).
The boycotting movement has led to the closure of some McDonald’s branches in Cairo
and Alexandria. Even prior to the Iraqi War, Sainsbury, a British supermarket was forced
to leave the country after severe losses. This has scared other American enterprises as
Starbucks, Coffee Beans and Papa John’s which postponed its investments in Egypt for
some years. They were able to cautiously enter the Egyptian market in 2006 mainly in
Cairo after the boycotting movement has relatively faded. These enterprises have limited
their presence to upscale districts and some tourist destinations where sentiments against
the U.S. is relatively less. Today, McDonald’s, the icon of globalization, as claimed by
Benjamin Barber (1996) in Jihad vs. McWorld, offers Halal meat, with Mac-Arabia and
Mc-falafel responding to the local preferences and tastes in Cairo.
B- Places of People Flows:
For decades, Cairo has been one of the major tourist attractions in the Middle East. With
its diverse Ancient Egyptian, Coptic, Islamic and Colonial urban heritage, the city has
been able to attract millions of tourists every year. Since 2004, the number of tourists to
Egypt in general and Cairo in particular has almost doubled. It is estimated that around 11
million tourists have visited Egypt during 2007. Although Cairo has lost its domination of
the Egyptian tourism market to resorts in Sinai, it remains with its 215 hotels offering
142

more than 13,000 rooms a primary destination in the region.
32
Cairo alone has around 32
five stars hotels run by major world chains as Four Seasons, Hyatt, Marriott, Le
Meridian and Sheraton. The state still owns around 1.5% of the hotels in Egypt under the
Egyptian General Company for Tourism and Hotels (EGOTH).
33
The company owns six
hotels in Cairo, one of which is run by Marriott and is considered one of the most
luxurious hotels in the city.
Bringing more tourists to the country has always been a major objective of the Egyptian
state. It is always at the top of the administration’s agenda. The state encourages both
domestic and foreign investors to invest in tourism by offering tax credits, priority in
zoning ordinances and in many cases parcels of lands much cheaper than market price.
The important role of tourism in the Egyptian economy has allowed places of flows of
tourists to occupy the best spots in Cairo. The majority of the five stars hotels are located
in three primary areas: 1) Cairo Downtown and in particular, on the River Nile, one the
most expensive sites in Egypt; 2) Near the pyramids, the major tourist attraction not only
in the city but the whole region; 3) Around the airport in Heliopolis area, an upper class
district where the presidential palace is located.

32
State Information Service official website
33
Egyptian General Company for Tourism and Hotels website: www.egoth.com.eg . Also in Central
Agency for Public Mobilization and Statistics: http://www.capmas.gov.eg/nashrat9a.htm
143

FIGURE 8: NUMBER OF HOTELS IN EGYPT

Source: Ministry of Tourism annual report 2008

The presence of elegant hotels in these areas has significantly impacted its urban form.
Because of the state prioritization of tourism, many urban restrictions are enforced in
these areas to assure its quality and the safety of tourists. Much security and police
presence is among the features of these places. Areas around these hotels are usually well
taken care of more than most of the places in the city. The public are not usually
welcomed unless they belong to the social elite who can afford using these tourist
facilities.
144

FIGURE 9: NUMBER OF ROOMS IN EGYPT (IN THOUSANDS)

Source: Ministry of Tourism annual report 2008

The state prioritization of tourism and in particular, its focus on bringing more people to
the country has been significantly reflected on urban development. Most of the new
residential mega projects in Cairo include five stars hotels such as Le Meridian in
Dreamland Compound and MGM Mirage in New Giza. Madinaty is also expected to
have more than one hotel. Even City Stars, the largest Mall in Egypt has an
Intercontinental Hotel that mainly targets Arab tourists who come to Cairo for shopping.
145

FIGURE 10: NUMBER OF HOTEL BEDS IN EGYPT

Source: Ministry of Tourism annual report 2008

FIGURE 11: REVENUES OF HOTEL INDUSTRY IN EGYPT

Values are in million USD
Source: Ministry of Tourism annual report 2008
146

TABLE 8: NUMBER OF HOTELS GUESTS IN EGYPT

Year Number of Hotels Guests in Millions
2001 / 2002 8,012,774
2002 / 2003 8,837,164
2004 11,417,941
2005 11,447,719
2006 11,926,218
Source: Ministry of Tourism annual report 2008

Market contributes significantly to the production of these places. It is estimated that 90%
of the investments in tourism comes from local market.
34
No doubt that the majority of
the five stars hotels are managed by global hotel chains. However, all the employees and
labor are Egyptians. According to the Ministry of Tourism, in 2006-2007, 2.5 million
Egyptians worked in tourism related jobs.
Although Cairo is rich with historic tourist attractions, more contemporary hubs are being
created to bring more people to the city. Investors are continuously developing night
clubs, casinos, theme parks, shopping malls and fancy restaurants. These new places
primarily target Middle Eastern tourists who might not have access to these types of
places in their countries. In 2007, two million Arab tourists have visited Egypt.
Cairo International Airport is another place of flows of people. In 2007, the airport
served 12.5 million passengers.
35
It is fully owned and run by the state. A new $400
million new terminal has been added to the airport to upgrade its capacity. As most of the

34
Egyptian State Information Service
35
Cairo International Airport official website: www.cairo-airport.com
147

new airports today, the terminal was designed to look spectacular and impress the
visitors. Convention centers, expos and sport arenas are other forms of places of flows of
people. State has created the Cairo International Convention Center in Heliopolis. The
place hosted around 660 events in 2007 most of them organized by private enterprises.
The state is planning to build Cairo Expo City which is designed by Zaha Hadid.
The political position of Cairo as the capital of Egypt, an anchor of the politics in the
Middle East also contributes to the flows of people to the city. Cairo hosts all the foreign
embassies, offices of international organizations as the United Nations and UNESCO,
The Arab League Headquarter, Egyptian Presidential Palace, media studios and all the
ministries and many consulates. The presence of this enormous number of places that
host foreign visitors in Cairo is partially influenced by the state orientation towards
centralization. Most of the main governmental offices and services are located in Cairo.
The presence near these offices facilitates the communication with the state considering
its bureaucratic system.
Cairo has been the center of all political activities in the region till the late 1990s when
the Egyptian state started organizing some international political events and summits in
Sharm El Sheikh, Sinai. Diplomatic representatives of all embassies and employees of
foreign organizations and enterprises live in Cairo. They usually agglomerate in the most
expensive neighborhoods in the city as Maadi and Zamalek. These places in turn respond
to these flows by offering services, facilities and excessive security to those foreigners.
During the last couple of years, some foreigners in Cairo began moving to the edges of
148

the city, mainly the new residential compounds, in order to escape from the noise,
pollution and traffic congestion in the city center.
IMAGE 9: A COMPUTER RENDERING OF CAIRO EXPO CITY DESIGNED BY ARCHITECT
ZAHA HADID

IMAGE 10: CAIRO AIRPORT NEW TERMINAL

Cairo Airport new terminal is a state funded project that attempt to trigger more flows of people to Cairo.
Source: Cairo International Airport Website

149

The Allocation of major international organizations and businesses in Cairo could also be
attributed to market dynamics. The population of Cairo, its residents’ incomes and their
rates of consumption are higher than any other city in Egypt. This attracts major services
and recreational facilities which makes the city the most appropriate for hosting the
international elite. Elegant residential units and office spaces rarely exist outside Cairo.
Investors in high-end neighborhoods target foreigners and consider their needs, interests
and lifestyles in their developments. Many local residents prefer to live next to
foreigners. In the conducted survey 34% mentioned that foreigners add quality to the
place. This has made the concept of attracting flows of foreigners a catalyst that can
contribute to the success of any residential development in Cairo.
Media studios are another example of places of flows of people to Cairo primarily from
the Arab World. For a century, Cairo has been the only entertainment media center in the
Middle East. Thousands of Arab movies, TV shows, soup operas and music albums have
been produced in Cairo. The city is described as the gate to fame for all Arab celebrities.
In the last few years some other cities including Beirut and Dubai are becoming hubs of
media production. However, Cairo remains the number one city that dominates this field
in the region. Thousands of artists, musicians, actors and actresses flow to the city every
year. They held concerts, press conferences and movie premieres attracting with them
thousands of fans and journalists from the Arab world.
Local forces have been playing a major role in shaping places of flows of people in
Cairo. Local heritage, monuments and natural attractions have been the major force that
150

attracts people to Cairo. These attractions shaped the location and character of the
contemporary places of flows of people produced in the city. Ancient Egyptian and
Islamic medieval architectural styles have influenced the design of many contemporary
hotels, restaurants and shopping malls in Cairo.
The conservative nature of the Egyptian society on the one hand, and its experience of
dealing with foreigners on the other have together made the relation between the local
and the global very distinct. Although Cairo is considered more open culturally than
many other major cities in Egypt, cultural values still influence the production of places
of people flows. For example many restrictions are enforced on the selling and drinking
of alcoholic beverages especially in public spaces. In 2008, there has been a huge
controversy when the owner of Grand Hyatt, a five stars hotel in Cairo, decided, for
religious reasons, to ban alcoholic beverages from the hotel. The Hyatt chain threatened
to end the contract. However, they later accepted the decision under local pressures to
avoid clashing with the majority of locals who supported the owner’s decision.
The Cairenes managed to regulate the relation between foreigners’ needs and interests on
the one hand, and local ideals and norms on the other. For example, casinos, a hub for
tourists especially from the Arab Gulf are accessible only to individuals with a foreign
passport. Locals are not allowed into these places. In hotels, Egyptian couples are not
allowed to stay in one room unless they are married and present an official proof. The
same rule is not enforced on foreigners. Hotel spas are gender separated. Many five stars
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hotels provide indoor swimming pools for women only. Hotels and restaurants don’t
serve pork anywhere in Egypt since it is not allowed by Islamic law.
C- Places of Information and Ideas Flows:
Since the mid 1990s, Cairo has been trying to cope with the global revolution in
information technology and communication. As argued in chapter 4, flows of information
require hubs of agglomeration that receive them from the global domain and bring them
to the locale. The scale and influence of these hubs varies from a computer with internet
connection at home to a huge internet or media city. In the case of Cairo, the state has
been responsible for providing the basic infrastructure that managed to connect the local
to the global.
Between 2000 and 2008, the number of internet users has increased by twelve folds. It is
estimated that in 2008, there have been nearly 9.6 million internet users in Egypt, 50% of
them in Cairo. The state provided Dial-up connections for free. DSL and other advanced
connections are still cheaper compared to other places around the world. They are
provided by both public and private enterprises. Internet cafes in Cairo, mainly developed
by the private sector were estimated by 1200 in 2006.
36

Media has been a major contributor to the flows of information to and from Cairo. The
city has been the center of media production in the Middle East for nearly a century.
Thousands of Arabic movies that are being watched across the Arab world are produced

36
Central Authority for Public Mobilization and Statistics
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in Cairo. The city also hosts the broadcasting studios of major Arabic TV channels. Its
Egyptian Media Production City (EPMC) with 31 studios is considered a hub of
information flows. The EPMC was funded by the state and has a free media zone which
allows foreign media investors to produce without any restrictions. The EPMC also
controls the only state owned Arab space Satellites named the Nile Sat 101 and 102.
More than 150 digital TV channels are broadcasted from these satellites. Besides, they
support data transmission, turbo internet and multicasting applications.
37

FIGURE 12: A COMPARISON OF INTERNET PRICES IN DIFFERENT COUNTRIES

The figure shows the affordability of internet service cost in Egypt compared to other countries which has
contributed to its rapid spread.
Source: Egyptian Ministry of Communication and Information Technology
State and market have been very active in making internet service available and
affordable to the majority of people in Cairo. The majority of homes and street cafes in
Cairo today have access to satellite channels. However, many Cairenes rely on illegal
access. According to Al Ahram, the number one newspaper in Egypt that is owned by the

37
Nile Sat official website: http://www.nilesat.com.eg/satellite.htm
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state, it is estimated that in Egypt there are 5 million families using illegal satellite dish
connections, the majority of them in Cairo.
38
Thanks to local technologies, having a
satellite dish and a receiver costs less than $50. Besides, many Cairenes have access to
coded channels that require membership. Those who cannot afford the membership can
simply buy a very cheap illegal decoding card or get a connection from one of the illegal
local service stores that offer access to these channels.
FIGURE 13: DISTRIBUTION OF INTERNET USERS IN EGYPT

The pie chart shows the distribution of internet users in Egypt where nearly 50% are in Cairo.
Source: Ministry of Communication and Information Technology: The Future of Internet Economy in
Egypt, Statistical Profile, May 2008.

Schools, universities and research centers are other forms of places of flows of
information and ideas between the local and the global. Since colonial times, Cairo had
foreign schools that brought some of the foreign educational principles and ideals to the
local context. During the last decade, many international schools started to work in Cairo.

38
Al Gergawy, Nagi 2008. “Five Million Families Use Illegal Dish Connections and the Losses of
Copyrights Piracy are 100 million L.E.” In Al Ahram Newspaper, April 12, 2008. Issue 44322.
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They offer foreign degrees as the American Diploma or the British International General
Certificate of Secondary Education IGCSE. In these programs, students study the same
syllabi and course contents as their equivalents in the U.S. or Britain.

FIGURE 14: NUMBER OF INTERNET USERS AND PERCENTAGE OF PENETRATION IN
EGYPT

Source: Ministry of Communication and Information Technology: The Future of Internet Economy in
Egypt, Statistical Profile, May 2008

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FIGURE 15: NUMBER OF MOBILE PHONES USERS AND PERCENTAGE OF PENETRATION
IN EGYPT

Source: Ministry of Communication and Information Technology: The Future of Internet Economy in
Egypt, Statistical Profile, May 2008

FIGURE 16: PROPORTION OF ENTERPRISES RECEIVING AND SENDING ORDERS VIA
THE INTERNET

Source: Ministry of Communication and Information Technology: The Future of Internet Economy in
Egypt, Statistical Profile, May 2008

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FIGURE 17: REASONS FOR NOT UNDERTAKING E-COMMERCE BY HOUSEHOLDS

The chart reflects the role of local forces in determining the degree of reliance on e-commerce as an
example of the possible tools of connectivity with the global domain.
Source: Ministry of Communication and Information Technology: The Future of Internet Economy in
Egypt, Statistical Profile, May 2008.

FIGURE 18: INTERNET USE BY GENDER AND URBAN/RURAL DISTRIBUTION IN EGYPT

Source: Ministry of Communication and Information Technology 2008 Indicators

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FIGURE 19: NUMBER OF WEEKLY VISITORS TO INTERNET CAFES IN EGYPT

The chart shows the decline of the number of visitors due to the spread of personal computers and home
internet access.
Source: Ministry of Communication and Information Technology 2008 Indicators.

International universities are another form of places of information and ideas flows. In
Cairo there are American, British, Canadian, German, Russian, Japanese (under
construction) and French universities. These places are run by both local and foreign
faculty members from these universities home countries. They are usually funded by the
foreign embassies in Egypt to promote their educational ideals and methods. Students in
these universities have access to foreign education depending on the affiliated country.
The American University in Cairo (AUC) for example, was founded in 1919. For
decades, part of its mission has been to promote American ideals related to liberty and
democracy. Quoting from its mission statement:
Throughout its history, AUC has balanced a strong commitment to liberal
education with a concern for the region’s needs for practical applications and
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professional specializations. Today, AUC emphasizes liberal education and all
undergraduate students study a common set of courses in the humanities and the
natural and social sciences as part of the university’s core curriculum. In addition,
the university maintains its strong commitment to fostering understanding across
world regions, cultures and religions.
39

All international universities and schools in Cairo are considered very expensive and
mainly serve the elite compared to governmental education which is free. Although many
international universities offer few scholarships, they remain limited to the upper class of
the society. Middle and low income classes have no access to these universities. The
private sector has been playing an important role in targeting the middle class. Many
private universities and institutes have been established since the mid 1990s. In Cairo
today, there are 14 private universities and many institutes offering services to the high
middle and upper classes. Some of these universities are affiliated with foreign ones and
offer dual degrees or study abroad programs. The affiliation with a foreign university
regardless of its rank or reputation, contributes greatly to the image of these universities.
The mention of foreign education in any university brochure appeals to most of the
Egyptians.
Local forces have been playing a significant role in shaping many of the places of
information flows in Cairo. As discussed earlier, local experiences and technologies have
contributed to the transformation of most of the homes and cafes in the city into places of
information and ideas flows. However, other forces have been clashing with the flow of
new ideas and ideals. In the late 1990s, the internet was commonly described by many

39
American University in Cairo website:
http://www.aucegypt.edu/aboutauc/HistoryandMission/Pages/history.aspx
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religious imams as the invading evil that will manage to overwrite the local Islamic
identity. In 2006, the most visited individual’s website in the world was for an Egyptian
religious scholar named Amr Khaled. According to The Independent, the number of hits
to Amr Khaled’s website was more than Oprah Winfrey’s.
40
Amr Khaled was also able to
attract millions of watchers to his TV show that is broadcasted all around the world. His
TV show in the holy month of Ramadan was available for download on 56,000
websites.
41
The same approach was embraced by many Christian Egyptian pastors as
Sameh Maurice for example. Religious scholars and movements were able to benefit
from the notion of flows to serve their missions. Today there are many privately funded
religious satellite channels broadcasting from Cairo. Besides, many of the entertainment
satellite channels include religious shows in its daily schedule.
Today, Cairenes who were obsessed by the CNN during the first Iraqi war, mainly rely
on local and regional news channels to get reliable information. In fact, there are state
owned news channels in English, French and Hebrew targeting international audiences.
All these local contributions have transformed the nature of flows received by the people
in Cairo. Places of flows in the city are now not only recipients of information but also
sources of it.
It is worth noting here that some places of flows of capital and people might act as hubs
of agglomeration of information and ideas. For example, hotels are places that allow a

40
Hardaker, David. 2006. “Amr Khaled: Islam's Billy Graham - More Popular than Oprah Winfrey, the
World's First Islamic Television Evangelist Commands an Army of Millions of Followers,” The
Independent, Wednesday, 4 January 2006.
41
Daboor, Haitham 2008. The Market of Downloading Religious Shows on the Internet, Almasry Alyoum
newspaper, September 8, 2008.
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local- global interaction and exchange of information and ideas. The nearly 11 million
tourists who visit Cairo every year bring flows of capital and information. Same applies
on places of flows of information as media production sites which also act as medium of
flows of capital between the local and the global. Flows overlap, and places of flows can
act as hubs of agglomeration of capital, people, and information. In order to understand
the forces behind the production of places of flows, it is important to explain the
dynamics of the shifts of powers and roles in urban development between state, market,
locale and the global domain. Places produced in globalizing cities are not necessarily the
product of global flows. In many cases, these places are shaped for flows rather than by
it.
3- Places as Imaginaries:
Urban imaginaries, like other dimensions of place, are shaped by multiple influences and
forces. Although imaginaries are individually constructed, many common themes could
be traced among the residents of Cairo. The state control of media, press, education,
athletics and aspects of entertainment for decades has been playing an important role in
shaping these imaginaries. The preferences of the elite, being colonial powers in the past
or rich upper classes today have significantly influenced the urban imaginaries of the rest
of the Cairenes. Market intentions and investors predilections are other forms of
influences that contribute to the construction of urban imaginaries. Another agency is
global flows, which gets most of the attention in urban planning literature as a contributor
to the formation of imaginaries in the era of globalization. In the case of Cairo, many
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aspects as literature, poetry, art, media production and individuals’ urban preferences can
explicate a better understanding of the nature of urban imaginaries in the city.
When the state in Egypt decided to embrace the ideals of modernization during the 19
th

century, Western images of urban modernity were privileged. In few years, these models
became the icons of progress and development compared to indigenous forms of
urbanism. In Cairo Modern (1945), Naguib Mahfouz portrays the influence of the West
on Cairo and its residents. His description of the Cairo University area, known by then as
King Fuad I University, reflects the French influence on the form of Cairo. Quoting
Mahfouz:
The sun had begun to slow descent from its heavenly apogee, and over the
university’s magnificent dome its disc appeared to be bursting into the sky or
returning from its rounds. It flooded treetops, verdant earth, silver-walled
buildings, and the great avenue running through the Orman Gardens with rays
gentled by frigid January, which had tempered their flame and infused them with
benign compassion (Mahfouz 1945).
The ordered wide boulevard with lined trees leading to the university main building
reflects the influences of Haussmann plan for Paris on the way Cairo was developed
during the late 19
th
century. Mahfouz contrasts this Westernized image with other parts of
the city where women were still watching the city behind the mashrabiya (latticed
window). In Palace Walk, Mahfouz (1956) describing the traditional life style, writes:
She entered the closed cage formed by the wooden latticework and stood there,
turning her face right and left while she peeked out through the tiny, round
openings of the latticework panels that protected her from being seen from the
street (Mahfouz 1956).
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These contrasts between the indigenous and the modern, the rich and poor, the
conservatives and the liberals have contributed to the construction of urban imaginaries
of the city. They have been the subjects of many movies, novels and art work. Janet Abu
Lughod (1971) uses the term “A tale of two cities” to describe forms of these distinctions
between the indigenous district and the colonial one during the mid 20
th
century. The
modern represented foreign ideals, flows of Western ideas where the indigenous
represented the local culture and traditions.
In Cairo Modern and the Trilogy, Mahfouz captures the dynamics of the relationship
between the local, global, market and state. His characters usually represent the struggle
between political power and locals on the one hand, and the coalition between market
elites and the state on the other. For many Cairenes during that time, places shaped by the
Westerns ideals of modernity represented the images of prosperity and development. It is
what Edward Said describes as the sense of superiority (Said 1978).
The Orientalists’ image not only influenced the way Westerns perceived the Orient, but
also the way the Orient perceived itself. For decades, the Orient has looked upwardly to
the West. The state in Egypt has also considered Western models of development as the
best alternative to achieving progress and prosperity. This was reflected in its tendency to
import models from the West. The state and locals’ affection with the Western lifestyle
has been reflected on the built environment. Imitating the Western lifestyle has always
distinguished the elites from the rest of the Oriental society. This distinction has been
obvious in the contrast between their urban settings and those of the lower classes. Low
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income classes in Cairo, as many cities in North Africa, were kept inside the walled
indigenous city while the elite lived in the modern Western extensions. The rich elites’
lifestyle, education and even clothes were more influenced by the Western culture than
local traditions. This emphasizes the local tendency in these cities to mimic Western
patterns in an attempt to upgrade the social status.
In this sense, the concept of replication seems to emerge from the locale. The choice of
following Western prototypes is made by locals and their state and not imposed from the
outside. Governments in many Oriental cities are dealing with the world city image as a
national project. In fact, they encourage and in some cases, participate in the development
of the new emerging mega projects. They provide incentives to developers and give
priority to projects contributing to the new contemporary urban image.
The choice of Western models of development by investors has contributed to this sense
of superiority. Garden City and Maadi are two examples of private real estate investment
projects built for the elite that replicate Western forms and architectural styles. This has
contributed to the superiority of the images of these models in the minds of the Cairenes.
The image of the saraya (mansion) of foreigners or local elites with its European style
became the dream residence of most of Cairenes. The value of local architecture, mainly
the Islamic, was downgraded since it was associated, in the minds of the Cairenes with
backwardness and retardation.

164

IMAGE 11: A SCULPTURE BY MAHMOUD MOKHTAR IN CAIRO

Egypt Awakening is a sculpture built in 1928. The sculpture reflects the orientation of Egypt towards
cultural openness during the early 20
th
century. The woman abstracted in the sculpture reveals her face by
raising the veil, a symbol of liberation from strict traditions.

IMAGE 12: THE EGYPTIAN STOCK MARKET DURING THE LATE 1940S

The stock market, 1949 a painting by the Egyptian artist Margret Nakhla expresses the struggle in a
capitalist society prior to the 1952 socialist revolution.
Source: Museum of Modern Egyptian Art.
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When the 1952 revolution took place, the new socialist regime promoted different ideals
of development. Rejection of monarchy and the lavish way of life associated with its
elite, and the call for equality and redistribution of wealth have contributed to the
transformation of urban imaginaries in the minds of Cairenes. Many movies during the
1950 and 60s have focused on issues as industrialization, militarization, independence
and most importantly, Arab nationalism. High-tech buildings featuring the simplicity and
efficiency of modern architecture became the preferred image of development in Cairo.
The Egyptian state disregarded the work of architects as Hassan Fathy who tried to
revitalize indigenous styles (see Steele 1988). On the contrary, the state encouraged
architects trained in European and Russian schools of architecture. Projects like the Cairo
Tower, the High Dam, industrial cities, public buildings and military facilities were
dominant urban typologies during Nasser’s era. This trend was reflected on media, press
and art. Very popular songs by Abd El Halim Hafez, a very popular singer referred to as
“the singer of the revolution” during the 1960s and early 70s, as ehna banana el sad el
alie (we built the High Dam) promoted the ideals of industrialization and independence.
The lyrics of the song say:
We said we will build, and indeed we have built, the High Dam
O Colonialism, we built the High Dam with our hands
We said we will build, and indeed we have built, the High Dam
O Colonialism, we built the High Dam with our hands
With our money, with our workers’ hands
With our money, with our workers’ hands
That’s the word; indeed we have built it
We said we will build, and indeed we have built, the High Dam
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The sense of independence and belief in the importance of industrialization and
modernization was also reflected in poetry. In 1963, Salah Jahin, a very well know
Egyptian poet during the 1960s wrote:
I saw you from far away so great
My country the free and proud
Your leader has made you a leader
On the road of prosperity and urbanization
Hugs to my country
Hugs to the factories, the farms, many hugs
Jahin’s words reflect many of the images that dominated the cognition of many Egyptians
of their country during that period. Rejecting foreign occupation and the images
associated with it have changed the way Cairenes perceived their city. Images of
production, efficiency and functionality represented by modern models of development
became predominant. This was reflected in the work of many artists as Mohamed Hamid
Ouweas who focused on labor and their contribution to development.
The project of modernization and industrialization became a national project. It was
supported by locals, mainly middle and low income classes who suffered from monarchy
for decades. Modern images of development dominated the architectural preferences of
the Cairenes who perceived in it equality, freshness and break from colonial influences.
The shift from socialism to capitalism during the late 1980s has changed the urban
imaginaries of the Cairenes. The open door policy encouraged importation which has led
to the transformation of the patterns of consumption. The emergence of a new nouveau
riche class or the new elite with different tastes, preferences and cultural backgrounds had
167

an impact on urban imaginaries. It was important for this class to show off their wealth. If
colonial elites wanted to distinguish themselves from the locals for cultural and political
reasons, the nouveau riche class wanted that for psychological ones. It was important for
this previously marginalized group to show the society their achievements.
Many Egyptian movies have focused on the behavior of the new elite. In Intabeho Ayoha
Elsada (Pay Attention Ladies and Gentlemen), the main character Antar, an illiterate
garbage collector who suddenly became rich by recycling garbage and investing in real
estate was able to attract the fiancé of a university scholar. Because of his money, Antar
appealed to her parents instead of the low income intellectual. The movie portrays the
new struggle between the new rich classes who were in many cases uneducated, with the
intellectual elites who had limited financial resources.
IMAGE 13: A PIANTING BY MOHAMED HAMID OUWEAS

Egyptian labor by Mohamed Hamid Ouweas, influenced by the ideals of the 1952 socialist revolution.
Source: Museum of Modern Egyptian Art.
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Ideals of industrialization, production and independence gradually changed to ones
calling for quick profit, market intelligence and ways to become a millionaire. The lavish
patterns of living of the new emerging class impacted the way average Cairenes imagined
their dream urban context. They saw the new elites living in luxury apartments in districts
as Mohandeseen and Madinat Nasr created to fulfill their needs. Besides, the new elites
drove European cars, mainly Mercedes, and consumed imported goods that were not
available during the socialist era.
IMAGE 14: A PAINTING BY REDA ABD EL SALAM

Accumulations of a City by Mohamed Reda Abd El Salam is a postmodern expression of the city with its
complexity and illusions. Some elements as TV antennas, chaotic order and the lack of distinct architectural
identity prevail in this representation of the city.
Source: Museum of Modern Egyptian Art.

During the 1990s, global media began to play an important role in shaping the urban
imaginaries of the Cairenes. Images of the American lifestyle started to shape local
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imaginaries. The preferences of the Cairenes were influenced by many of the images they
see in American soap operas and movies. Nearly 90% of the surveyed Cairo residents
think that watching American movies and TV shows had an impact on their lifestyle and
taste. According to them, the exposure to American media mainly influenced the way
they dress and their preferences of spending time of leisure. About 54% of the surveyed
sample strongly supports the ideas of having some American chains as Starbucks, Coffee
Beans and McDonald’s in Cairo. They believe that these chains are good for the city.
Around 90% mentioned that they prefer to shop in shopping malls and more than 50%
chose to live in American style gated communities.
IMAGE 15: A PAINTING BY ABDULLAH AHMED

The Complexity of the Egyptian Society by Abdullah Ahmed emphasizes the diversity and contradictions
of cultural values, backgrounds and income levels. The drawing includes rich and poor, liberals and
conservatives, Muslims and Christians, literates and illiterates all surrounded by security officers to
emphasize the power of the military state. Source: El Dostor Newspaper
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Although the surveyed sample expressed some affection with American urban images,
local forces still play a role in shaping their imaginaries. For example, 85% of a surveyed
sample of Cairo residents mentioned that they think that using American names as
Beverly Hills, Sunset and Gardenia doesn’t add to the value of any of the new
developments. Actually 40% preferred Arabic names. Also 58% preferred local
architectural styles compared to 18% who chose traditional American style single family
home.
The responses of the surveyed sample reflect the power of heritage in shaping the urban
imaginaries of the Cairenes. When asked about the most iconic buildings or landmarks in
Cairo, historic places top the list. As noted by Kevin Lynch (1960), landmarks are one of
five elements that shape city image in the minds of its residents. The pyramids, Khan El
Khalili district and cultural buildings and museums stood far ahead of contemporary
developments. Same results were obtained when the surveyed participants were asked
about the buildings in their city they are most proud of. Heritage and local identity remain
important agencies that contribute to the formation of urban imaginaries in Cairo.
The idea of the world city image is gradually becoming an important issue for the
Cairenes. In the conducted surveys, more than 52% of the participants don’t think that
Cairo is one of the top 20 world cities.
42
However, they don’t think that having
spectacular buildings or skyscrapers will improve its world city ranking. Besides, more
than 75% of the surveyed participants are not satisfied by the architectural look of the

42
Refer to Chapter One and Appendices for survey details.
171

city. According to 65% of the surveyed sample, traffic congestion and crowded streets
are the first things that come to their minds when Cairo is mentioned.
The images of the city could be also understood from the depictions in contemporary
Egyptian novels and literature. The work of Ibrahim Aslan presents an interesting
example of the urban imaginaries of Cairenes. In Nile Sparrows (2004) and The Heron
(2005), Aslan focuses on new parts of the city that didn’t exist during Naguib Mahfouz
time. Aslan presents slums and informal settings as El Warraq and Kit Kat. Same concept
could be traced in the work of Hamdi Abu Golayyel in Thieves in Retirement (2006).
Both authors display the marginalized parts of the city and their struggle with social
changes as capitalism and globalization. Many movies as Hena Maysara (God’s Will)
(2008) and Heya Fawda (Is it a Chaos?) (2008) portray these images and many of the
social and ideological struggles in the city. The rich versus the poor, the Islamists versus
the westernized, the elite versus the marginalized are examples of the struggles depicted
in many movies and novels.
Alaa Al Aswany (2005) captures the tendency of social segregation that has been
featuring the Cairene society in the last few decades. He describes it in his novel The
Yacoubian Building (2005) saying:
In fact from the first moment, just as oil separates from water and forms a
distinct layer on top, so the rich students separated themselves from the poor
and made up numerous closed coteries formed of graduates from foreign
language schools and those with their own cars, foreign clothes, and imported
cigarettes.... The poor students, on the other hand, clung to one another like
terrified mice (Al Aswany 2005).
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The images of slums and informal settings in Cairo are gradually shaping the Cairenes
urban imaginaries. Cairo hosts nearly 50% of the 16 millions dwellers of slums in
Egypt.
43
These settings are becoming an important part of the city image. They are
expanding due to the lack of regulations and governmental control. More than 76% of the
surveyed sample thinks that the city is becoming ugly. It is clear that the diversity of
styles, living standards and typologies are not working for the city. Nearly 45% of the
surveyed residents think that the excessive diversity of architecture styles on the one
hand, and the lack of any forms of order on the other, contribute to the ugly look of the
city.
IMAGE 16: IMAGES OF URBAN STRUGGLE IN SLUMS AND INFORMAL SETTINGS

The images of urban struggle in slums and informal settings have occupied a major portion of the Cairenes’
imaginaries. Hena Maysara movie poster (left) focuses on the expected violence and unrest that might
result from social and economic oppression. Thieves in Retirement book cover (right) portrays the harsh
urban conditions experienced by millions of Cairenes who live in marginalized urban settings.

43
Informal Settings in Egypt, April 2008, Central Agency of Central Mobilization and Statistics. The
percentage is estimated by 36% the Ministry of State Environmental Affairs report Environmental
Development for Urban Communities, 2007.
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4- Places as Text:
The physical features of the urban form of Cairo can partially explain the roles of the four
agencies in shaping the built environment. As noted by Allan Jacobs (1985), designers
can learn about an urban context by looking at some of its features as building styles,
conditions, landscape, users and even street signs (Jacobs 1985). These clues can provide
some information on the place.
The recent appearance of Starbucks, Coffee Beans and McDonald’s signs in most of the
major streets in Cairo for example, reflects a global impact. However, the promoted items
as Mac Falafel on McDonald’s signs indicate that local influences are playing a role in
shaping these places. Global chains which were introduced to the local market in Cairo
have contributed to the transformation of the physical form of the city. Signs, banners,
logos and special facades are all indicators of an impact from the global domain. These
signs are also becoming tools of emphasizing social status. Starbucks and Coffee Beans
for example are becoming the realms of leisure of the high class Cairenes.
The skyline of Cairo which has been always referred to as “the city of the thousand
minarets” is now shaped by cell phone towers and satellite dishes. The intensity of these
communication and information technology icons emphasizes the degree of connectivity
and exposure of the Cairene society to the global domain. However, it doesn’t necessarily
reflect a prosperous lifestyle, or local economic improvement. These icons are part of the
transformation of consumption behavior of the Cairenes who in many cases would spend
much of their savings to buy one of these new communication and technological devices.
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IMAGE 17: STREET SIGNS IN CAIRO

The images show street signs in Cairo as clues of the presence of multinational investments that are
relatively changing the Cairenes’ lifestyle. McDonald’s, Arby’s and Pizza Hut have opened branches in
most of the districts in the city.
Looking at the aerial photo of Cairo, new patterns of urban fabric could be traced. Low
density suburban residential single family developments on the edges of the city are
apparent. It indicates the introduction of new urban ideals to the city. Cairo has featured
compact and highly dense urban fabric for centuries. Few exceptions could be traced on
the map of the city representing developments during the colonial period as Maadi,
Garden City and the colonial downtown. The city, as many postmodern metropolises, is
gradually becoming decentralized with polycentric business centers (see Dear 2000). It is
becoming really difficult to identify a major city center on the map of the city. New
business centers have emerged in almost every new suburban district on the edges of the
city.
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These new patterns are the product of not only external influences but also local will. The
state in Egypt has been pushing for the expansion of new urban communities (NUC). It
established the Authority of New Urban Communities to lead these new forms of
development. Although the purpose of these developments was to absorb some of the
population of Cairo, mainly the low income, it gradually became districts for the elite.
Until the early 1990s, NUC were stigmatized as being workers cities. These communities
failed to attract any of the middle class Cairenes or services. When the private sector
started to build upscale gated communities in these cities, a new perception of NUC
began to emerge. Developers were able to promote the new suburban developments by
depicting the American models and in many cases even using American names as
Beverly Hills, Palm Hills, and Sunset. These projects mainly targeted the rich elite. Today
a 160m
2
apartment in one of these new urban communities is worth nearly $200,000 and
villas can reach $5 million.
New business and commercial centers are now emerging in many of these NUC. Till the
late 1980s, Cairo’s downtown was the major business and commercial center in the city.
During the last two decades, new scattered centers began to emerge to serve the new
urban expansions. Mohandeseen and Madinat Nasr for example, managed to attract many
businesses from the downtown to establish their own centers. These centers were not
planned by the state. Due to the lack of regulations, these centers were developed mainly
by market forces. The snow balling demand for spots in these new districts has reshaped
many of its major streets. International banks, firms, stores, and restaurants occupy
almost all the ground floors of the existing apartment buildings. The local tradition of
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living in mixed use neighborhoods contributed to the residents’ acceptance of these forms
of transformation.
Although the patterns of expansion and distribution of centers in Cairo today resembles
to a great extent, the Los Angeles Model discussed by Michael Dear (2000), the forces
that shaped the transformation of Cairo remain distinct. The absence of state control was
the major negative force that allowed market and local intentions to shape these new
centers. The dynamics of urban growth in the case of Cairo contrasts with other cities that
experienced the same process of decentralization. For example, the transformation of
Los Angeles into a world city was associated with the emergence of multiple business
centers. In other words, global forces played a significant role in driving this
transformation. As argued by Ross & Trachte (1983) the social structure of the world city
tends to be congruent with the fragmentation of its economy (Ross & Trachte 1983). This
fragmentation has contributed to the emergence of interdependent poles not only within
Los Angeles County but also across the Mexican border. Maquiladoras or ‘twin plants’
across the Mexican border are an example of the range of transformation that took place
in the area (Dear & Leclerc 2003, p.122). Los Angeles urban fabric featured a very
different texture than the traditional mono-centric one (Soja 1996).
The prevailing architectural styles in Cairo today reflect the impact of external
influences. The majority of the new urban development projects follow Western
architectural styles that have nothing to do with local urban heritage or climate. Although
this trend began during the early 20
th
century during the colonial period, new
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developments reflect more influence of Western styles. Urban forms, typologies, styles
and even names are all signs of external influences that shape new developments in the
city.
FIGURE 20: THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE URBAN FABRIC OF CAIRO

A) Medieval old district of Cairo B) Development during the colonial era

C) Modern urban developments in Cairo D) Postmodern Developments
The sketches show different trends of urban development that took place in Cairo through history. Image
(A) shows the dense urban fabric of old Cairo. Image (B) is of a Garden City project in Cairo. Image (C)
shows the modern planning grid that dominated urban development in Cairo during between 1950s and
1980s. Image (D) is one of the suburban gated residential communities in Cairo.
Source: These sketches are drafted by author based on satellite images from Google maps.
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5- Places as Landscapes of Resistance:
Forces that contribute to the production of places are dynamic. As noted in chapter four,
the powers and intentions of these forces change over time in response to the changing
dynamics of the process. The notion of resistance is one form of these changes. As noted
by Manuel Castells (1997), resistance identity emerges in response to exclusion and
domination (Castells 1997). The city of Cairo provides many interesting models of places
of resistance. It might seem that places of resistance are shaped by local intentions in face
of global flows. However, the dynamics of place production in Cairo indicate that the
other three agencies also contribute to the production of landscapes of resistance. In other
words, each of the four agencies uses the concept of resistance to face the power and
intentions of the other agencies.
The state, a major player in the process of place production in Cairo, has been using
landscapes of resistance in order to deal with global flows of information and in
particular, those related to democracy and freedom of speech. State television stations,
press and the Media Production City played a role in this process. The revolution in
communication and information technology has threatened the state domination of media
that lasted for decades. Blogs, internet radio stations, satellite challenges, SMSs and
emails have all contributed to the spread of new ideals of democracy, freedom and calls
for political changes. These realms managed to bring new ideals to the people in Cairo
who were relatively shielded from Western political ethos for decades. The Egyptian
State has been active in developing places of counter flows in order to neutralize the
impact of external uncontrolled media. The number of television channels run by the state
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increased from two local channels in the 1980s to reach 22 channels in 2008, 12 of which
are broadcasted on the Egyptian satellite. It could be argued that these channels were not
able to neutralize the impact of external flows of ideas and information. However, they at
least managed to reduce this impact to some extent.
Market has been an active player in this competition between global and local media.
Private investments in media production and in particular, television channels are forms
of resistance to the state domination of domestic media. Since 2001, a number of private
television stations began to emerge in Cairo, breaking the state control of media. Many of
these channels have been significantly critical of the Egyptian regime and opened an
arena for political opposition. Others focused on presenting local views that criticize
Western, mainly American, political views of the Middle East. Religious channels and
TV shows focused on dealing with global flows of cultural ideals attempting to retain
local culture and religious ethos. Personal blogs and home broadcasted internet radio
stations are forms of landscapes of resistance to state, market and global media. These
hubs transform many places as homes, college campuses or internet cafes into landscapes
of resistance.
Local resistance to global influences has taken many other forms. The emergence of
gender separated places in Cairo that tend to balance between offering new lifestyle
mainly Western, on the one hand, and local traditions on the other, is another form of
landscapes of resistance. Women only clubs, spas, gyms, cafes and beaches are all
examples of places that reflect the social tendency to resist dramatic changes in cultural
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values and norms. These places emphasize the tension and interaction between local
ideals and global influences. For centuries, Cairenes have been able to adapt imported
models to fit their locale. This process of negotiation between the local and the global
produces places that tend to resist genericness and loss of local identity.
IMAGE 18: FORMS OF CULTURAL RESISTANCE IN CAIRO

Solaris is a ladies’ only gym and spa, an example of the emerging gender separated places that offer a
Western lifestyle in forms that fit the local traditions and norms.
Source: Solaris Club official website: www.solarisclub.org

The surveyed sample of Cairo residents reflects a public concern regarding the loss of
local identity. Nearly 80% of the participants think that Cairenes are losing their
Arab/Islamic identity to some extent. Nearly 90% believe that the Cairenes are getting
more westernized. These concerns reflect the local awareness of the impact of global
influences and the tendency to resist dramatic social and cultural changes. This could be
attributed to the city’s long history of dealing with external influences since the medieval
ages. Cairo, unlike many other North African cities, managed to retain much of its local
culture including language during its seven decades of British colonization. The British
influenced many urban dimensions as education, governmental structure, and some
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physical features of the city. However, they failed to change much of the local traditions,
social patterns or language.
Local forces have been a key player in the process of place production. In contemporary
literature on Cairo, local resistance is usually reduced to religious revivalism. Much of
the other forms of secular local resistance are ignored. For example, during the last five
years, many local cultural centers attempting to revive folklore and local art heritage
began to emerge in Cairo. Sakiet Al Sawy or The Cultural Wheel is one example of these
centers. The center focuses on presenting local alternatives of contemporary art. It
supports Egyptian contemporary music, poetry and folklore. Artellewa is another
example of the new emerging cultural centers. The center is located in Ard Ellewa, one of
the oldest slums in Cairo from which the center’s name was derived. It supports local
artists and painters and allows them to exhibit their work to the local residents who don’t
have much access to public art.
These places represent landscapes of resistance to the possible generic impact of global
flows. Although these flows were able to influence many social and cultural aspects in
the city, local identity is still resisting. Local intentions might support global flows.
However, in many cases it tends to adapt the impact of these flows to fit local ideals and
norms. The concept of landscapes of resistance is very critical to the understanding of the
impact of global flows. The presence or absence of these landscapes determines the
nature of urban transformation in the city during the era of globalization.
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In many cities, places produced for globalization are considered a source of pride among
locals who, in many cases, cannot afford using them. For them, these places are signs of
possible future progress. In its mission statement, Dreamland Cairo, a mega residential,
tourist and recreational project, states that its goal is the “elevation of national status and
pride.”
44

The construction of the world city image in Middle Eastern cities not only seeks the
upgrading of the city status, but also the reestablishing a contemporary urban identity.
Many of the new emerging projects tend to provide an alternative to the existing
unpleasant urban reality. The suburbanization of many of these cities is an example of
these attempts. It provides a fresh start and an escape from the inherited indigenous built
environment with all its Third World problems. It shifts the focus from the old city image
to a new polished one.
The suburb as described by Silverstone (1997) is “a consuming culture fueled by the
increasing commoditization of everyday life” (Silverstone 1997 cited in King 2004 p.
98). In Third World cities like Cairo, a suburb is not only an urban response to the
changing modes of consumption, but also a theme park that offers an escape from local
urban realities. As observed by King (2004), “the suburb offers a space of freedom,
imagination, escape and fantasy” (King 2004, p.106). Most of the cities in the developing
world suffer many urban problems such as traffic congestion, pollution, overcrowding
and deterioration.

44
http://www.dreamlandegypt.com/en/about/mission.aspx
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The idea of escaping from reality and in this case, Old Cairo’s life style, was explicitly
used to promote the new residential projects. Slogans such as modern life, nontraditional
vision, and a change of lifestyle were used to attract the elite in the city. “People are
flocking to these new cities because they are sick and tired of Cairo. I really can’t think of
one bad thing to say about them” says Mustafa Kishk, a real estate developer in Cairo.
45

Gated communities named Beverly Hills, Sunset and European Countryside offering
single family houses, shopping malls, golf courses and office parks are emerging
everywhere in Cairo’s suburbs. These projects mimic Western places not only on the
scale of planning but also the smallest architectural details. Their facades have no relation
to the local architectural heritage or the geography of the place. Pitched roofs, with Doric
columns, pavilions and porches constitute the current most common prototype of houses
in the middle of the Egyptian desert. These new gated communities provide solutions to
some urban conflicts in the city. As noted by Setha Low (2004), a gated community
“incorporates otherwise conflicting, and in some cases polarized, social values that make
up the moral terrain of middle class life… [its] symbolic power rests on its ability to
order personal and social experience” (Low 2004, p.10). However, the choice of Western
models and the attempts to replicate them emphasizes the willingness of Middle Eastern
societies to reestablish a new contemporary identity. As discussed earlier, when having
the opportunity to invent and create something distinct in their new urban extensions,
these societies chose to mimic Western models of development.

45
Moll, Yasmin. 2004. “Urban Sprawl.” In Egypt Today Magazine, Cairo, September issue.
184

6- Places as Reflections of Authenticity:
From the previously discussed definitions of authenticity in chapter four, it seems that
freedom of choice, independence in decision making and rootedness in the place are three
essential aspects of this notion. Globalization usually introduces new external forces to
the process of place production. In order to understand the impact of these forces on the
authenticity of a place, I focus on two main issues. First is the extent to which global
forces are actually being enforced on the place by state or foreign powers rather than
being invited to it. Secondly, I discuss the role of locale in dealing with global forces and
its capability of deflecting the global intentions towards a resultant that fits the place. It is
worth noting here that I don’t intend to measure the degree of authenticity of the new
projects that are emerging in Cairo. My main objective is to understand the whether the
process of production of these places feature freedom of choice, independency in decision
making and rootedness in the local context.
In order to explicate the relation between contemporary globalization and authenticity in
the case of Cairo, it might be helpful to begin by referring to the process of global
interaction during the medieval times. The agencies of global interaction seem to be the
main distinction between traditional, and contemporary globalization. For example,
during the medieval era, Islam was a very influential global agency in the process of
place production. It introduced universal ideals and beliefs to medieval societies.
However, it could be argued that this has not produced generic places.
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No doubt that the Islamic religious laws have limited, to some extent, the freedom of
choice. However, I would argue that the freedom, independence and rootedness were
relatively fulfilled in the way these religious laws were translated into acts. Local forces
supported by cultural and social values in the place managed to translate the universal
laws of religion into local acts that fit the local context.
The diversity of acts in places shaped by the same religious laws emphasizes these forms
of freedom. Referring to the local heritage and responding to place forces have together
contributed to the rootedness of the urban product in Cairo during the medieval era.
Religious laws represented what Sartre’s calls “pressures of situation” that push
individuals to re-examine and conquer new terrains (see Sartre 1983, 1984, and 1992).
Resolving the tension between the local and the universal to achieve a resultant that
fulfills the intentions of both, was the key issue to the development of an authentic
identity. This process is the key issue to understanding the nature of authenticity during
the medieval times and how it was developed while dealing with global forces.
If we measure authenticity in the previously discussed philosophical terms; it becomes
clear that pre-modern cities never featured absolute authenticity. However, there were
continuous and collective efforts to fulfill its aspects, while dealing with the pressures of
the situation. This process is actually so distinct from what happened during the early
modern era.
Early stages of contemporary globalization featured a Western domination of the process
that intended aggressively to penetrate the boundaries of many indigenous societies and
186

reshape its identity. During that time, universal ideals and models of development were
the easy choice for the developing societies to assure a place in the modern world. In
some cases, Western ideals were enforced on the local context either by external agencies
as colonization or by internal ones as regimes obsessed with modernity.
Cairo, in the beginning of the 19
th
century during the period of Ismail Pasha, is a perfect
example of places transformed under these circumstances. Ismail brought Haussmann’s
design principles for Paris to the heart of the indigenous city. He enforced new codes to
assure that buildings would have a European style not an oriental one (Raymond 2000). It
was a clear rejection of traditional values and any reference to the past (Abu Lughod
1971). If we apply the three aspects of authenticity: freedom, independence, and
rootedness on the urban products of this era, we find that although these models were not
enforced from the outside, they were imposed on the locale by the regime. They lacked
any reference to the values and ideals in the place and fall under Sartre’s concept of the
easy choice.
By the end of the 20
th
century, the impact of globalization on the authenticity of local
identities started to feature new forms. The process of interaction between the local and
the global gradually became more mutual and balanced. The agencies of modernism,
being science or state authority, might have managed to impose some sort of genericness
in the beginning. However, local forces are now responding back imposing changes and
adjustments to fit the needs and intentions in the place. An identity of resistance has been
emerging.
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As argued by Schuerkens, globalization is achieved by either the “domination of a given
system elements at the expense of others or; by common acceptance of global standards”
(Schuerkens 2004). In the case of Cairo, acceptance of global standards features some
sort of selectivity. The role of local forces emerges when the global standards don’t fit the
place. A process of localization whether by filtering or translating the influences of the
global forces into local acts could be traced in many urban aspects in Cairo. The forms of
resistance discussed previously in the chapter are indicators of the local determination to
retain freedom of choice.
Whether it is Beverly Hills, Sunset or Palm Hills in Cairo, forms of local adaptations or
what Lefebvre calls “diversion” could be traced. The interior design of the residential
units, the mosque at the heart of every compound, and the gender segregated spaces as
spas and pools indicate the local role in shaping these new developments. Same forms of
adaptation could be traced in the new mega shopping malls and business headquarters
that are emerging in the city. Although the architecture styles and forms of these places
don’t reflect much consideration of urban heritage and identity in the city, I argue that
they respond to the local tastes and intentions.
In this sense, the concept of rootedness is getting more elaborated in the new forms of the
local- global interaction. Local adjustments force self-transcendence and self-creation
which as argued by Golomb are critical to the development of authentic identity (Golomb
1995). Sartre argues that authenticity has to “conquer new territory and consolidate,
renew, revise and extend what is already there” (Sartre 1984). The emergence of the
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identity of resistance is always determined by the degree of inconsistency between the
local and the global. The more places are put in the situation of dealing with global forces
that contradict with the ideals in place, the stronger the identity of resistance becomes.
People might embrace some of the patterns of the global lifestyle; however, this doesn’t
mean that they have been stripped of their cultures (Watson 2004).
Authenticity doesn’t mean purity or rejection of otherness. It is achieved through a hybrid
continuously changing process. In this sense, authenticity is not a goal, as it is a process.
Sartre notes that “if you seek authenticity for authenticity’s sake, you are no longer
authentic” (Sartre 1983). Authentic places are the ones that continuously tend to fulfill
the main aspects of authenticity: freedom of choice, independence in decision making,
and rootedness. It is a process that is always in a state of transformation. The rapid and
dramatic transformations across the globe are not indicating that Cairo is moving towards
a more homogenized universal society. The rising local resistance has made it premature
to even speak about it (see Holton 2005).
7- Conclusion:
The proposed analytical framework emphasizes that in the case of Cairo, local forces
play a significant role in the process of place production. Although the city is exposed to
global flows of capital, people, and information, local forces are managing to neutralize
some of the impact of these flows. The state supports the transformation of the city into
a global hub. However, bureaucracy and many of the socio-economic inherited ideals
are also slowing this transformation. Market, and more specifically the private sector, is
189

playing an important role in supporting the world city project. It invests intensively in
world class hotels, business headquarters, resorts, and shopping malls. The roles of the
four agencies in the process of place production in the case of Cairo are summarized in
the following table:

190

TABLE 9: A SUMMARY OF THE ROLES OF THE FOUR AGENCIES IN SHAPING THE FIVE DIMENSIONS OF PLACE IN CAIRO
191

TABLE 9, Continued:
192

TABLE 9, Continued:
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PART IV: DUBAI AS A CASE STUDY

In this part I apply the proposed framework on the city of Dubai in order to understand
the dynamics of its urban transformation during the era of globalization. Firstly, I provide
a brief historic background of the city. Secondly, I discuss some of the shifts of powers
and intentions of the four agencies during some eras in the history of the city. Then I
analyze the role of each of these agencies on the five dimensions of place during the era
of globalization.
The place where Dubai is located today had been inhabited by nomadic tribes for
centuries. These tribes depended on fishing, pearling, ship building and herding. They
were mainly immigrants from Persia as the Qawasim Tribe and from the Arabian
Peninsula as the Bani Yas Tribe. There is no evidence that these tribes ever managed to
establish an urban system that could be compared to places like Cairo, Baghdad or
Damascus during the medieval times. This could be attributed to their Bedouin nature and
way of life which Ibn Khaldun (1332-1406) distinguishes in his book Muqaddimah or
Prolegomena to History from the urban living in other places during same era. He argues
that the Bedouins’ social organization always serves the basic needs of live such as food,
shelter, and warmth, and “do not take them beyond the bare subsistence level, because of
their inability to provide for anything beyond those things” (Ibn Khaldun 1957).
Colonial interests in this area began in the fifteenth century when the Portuguese tried to
control parts of what used to be then known as Historic Oman in order to secure the trade
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routes passing through the region (ElSheshtawy 2004). This was followed by the British
control over the area who found in Dubai potentials for trade and commercial activates.
The social forces during that period were not as influential as in the case of Cairo. This is
attributed to “the lack of any structural state or a unifying entity or a functioning civil
urban society” (ElSheshtawy 2004, p. 174). Trade might have triggered flows of goods,
people, and ideas; however, the place lacked an urban structure capable of interacting
with them. The impact of religious forces was limited to culture and traditions. The
universal laws of Islam which were significantly represented in the process of place
production in Medieval Cairo were not as influential in the case of Dubai. Although the
few preserved buildings like Sheikh Saeed House and Bait Al Wakeel reflect a relatively
distinct character, the place didn’t experience a sophisticated process of interaction
between the local and the universal. In other words, the absence of a well-defined urban
structure during that time made Dubai a place of transition of ideas and flows of money
and people between the East and the West.
During the eighteenth century, the lack of social organization facilitated the task of
colonial authorities who didn’t face significant resistance. They were able to control the
place in order to serve their trade interests by having treaties with its rulers. It is worth
noting that in tribal societies, the main forces that govern the dynamics of the place are
usually those representing the visions and interests of the tribal leaders. The small
population of old Dubai and the Bedouin way of life had together limited the power of
social forces, allowing external influences and intentions to find its way into the place. As
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noted by Christopher Davidson (2008), by the early 19
th
century, only few palm frond
huts existed on the main creek in the area (Davidson 2008, p.10).
The British authorities encouraged fishing and pearling, however, they tried to prevent
the modernization of these activities fearing that this might reduce labor which might
cause instability in the area (Abdullah 1978). This has caused a gradual decline of these
activities leading to an economic depression. Although the economy of the city always
depended on trade, it wasn’t until the late 19th century when Dubai started to emerge as
an important trade port in the Arab Gulf region. The introduction of engine ships and the
opening of the Suez Canal in Egypt were among the factors that contributed to the rise of
the trade economy in the Region.
The discovery of oil in the United Arab Emirates during the 1960s has dramatically
changed the socio-economic profile of Dubai. Billions of dollars were made available
across the country that triggered urban development and flows of people to fulfill the
need for labor, professionals and experts. By the end of the 1960s, foreigners made nearly
half the population of Dubai. The place that featured a relatively primitive urban setting
for centuries began to experience a very rapid phase of modernization. The abundance of
capital and the reliance on foreign expertise have contributed to the nature of urban
development in Dubai. The city began to expand and new urban typologies and forms
gradually emerged.
The most significant forms of transformation began to take place during the late 1990s
when the city started what could be described as the construction of the world city image.
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By this time, Dubai focused on transforming its economy toward a service one. Much
emphasis was given to developments that serve tourism, global financing, and different
forms of flows of capital, people, and information.
In 2006, the population of Dubai was estimated to be 1.4 million; more than 85% of them
are foreigners. In less than two decades, Dubai managed to build one of the most
recognizable cities in the world today. The city became one of the most famous Middle
Eastern cities. It managed to attract global attention and more flows of people and capital
than most of the major cities in the region.
Today the United Arab Emirates is run by a federal government. Dubai is one of seven
emirates that compose the Emirati federation. Each of these emirates is ruled by a Sheikh
from the royal family. The federation system allows a more decentralized governmental
structure and accordingly, when talking about the state in the case of Dubai, I refer to the
government headed by Sheikh Mohammed Bin Rashid Al Maktoum the ruler of the city
not the whole Emirati state.

197

CHAPTER SEVEN: DUBAI AND THE AGENCIES OF PLACE
PRODUCTION

1- Introduction:
This chapter discusses the nature of the four agencies of place production in the case of
Dubai. It traces some of the dramatic shifts in the powers and intentions of these agencies
during some critical eras in the history of the city and its impact on urban development.
Following the same pattern of analysis in chapter five, I categorize the relation between
the four agencies into two main oppositional relationships that represent the tension
between the state and market, and between the local and the global. The city of Dubai has
experienced two major dramatic shifts in its history. The first is the shift towards
modernization during the early 1970s after the discovery of oil. The second is the
transformation of the city economy towards a service one during the late 1990s.
2- State and Market as Agencies of Place Production:
It could be argued that Dubai, unlike the case of Cairo, didn’t experience many dramatic
socio-economic shifts through its history. Since the early 20
th
century, the rulers of Dubai
were determinant to make the city a trade hub. When talking about the role of the state in
urban development in the case of Dubai, much overlap with the role of market could be
observed. This is attributed to the fact that the rulers of Dubai are among the largest
private investors in the city. They invest both as private entities and through the state. It is
hard to draw a clear line between public and private investments in the city.
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Since its emergence in the early 20
th
century, the willingness and visions of Dubai rulers
have been playing a significant role in shaping the city. The economic openness and
active trade that feature the city today were in fact a result of a series of state decisions.
In 1904, the Sheikh of Dubai declared the place as a tax free port by cancelling the 5%
custom duty that was used at that time (Abdullah 1978). This was a critical decision that
changed the status of the city dramatically. It has attracted traders from Asia and Europe
who preferred Dubai over other Persian ports that featured increases in taxes. Emigrants
from India, Persia and many Arab countries began to flow to the city. This has
contributed to the development of the city as a cosmopolitan trade center benefiting from
its location and the development of transportation technologies. In the following section,
I focus on the relation between state and market during two critical phases:
modernization and globalization.
A- State, Market and the Modernization of Dubai:
The emergence of the oil economy in the region during the late 1960s has contributed
significantly to the development of Dubai. Although the economy of the city mainly
depended on trade, many of the infrastructure projects were funded by oil revenues,
mainly from Abu Dhabi. The major source of capital was the oil industry that was mainly
controlled by the state and run by foreign experts. In 1976, the decision of Sheikh Rashid
bin Saeed Al Maktoum, the ruler of Dubai (1958-1990) to build the largest man made
port in the world in Jebel Ali has changed the economic structure of the city. “When
completed in 1979, Jebel Ali Port ranked alongside the Great Wall of China and the
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Hoover Dam as the only three man-made objects that could be seen from space.”
46

Sheikh Rashid bin Saeed Al Maktoum’s famous statement: “what is good for Dubai is
good for Dubai” reflects his rigorous approach to transform the economic structure of the
city to serve trade and investments.
This project accompanied by a state funded 33- stories Dubai International Trade Center
have placed Dubai on the track of becoming one of the most important trade hubs in the
regions. These projects benefited from the high oil prices in the 1970s. It is estimated that
Jebel Ali Port would have cost by today prices nearly $9 billion (Cooper 2004). It is clear
that during the period, the role of local forces in urban development were nearly absent. It
was a process dominated by state, and the royal family who represented the major
investors in the city.
After the death of Sheikh Rashid bin Saeed Al Maktoum in 1990, Sheikh Maktoum bin
Rashid Al Maktoum became the ruler of Dubai. During that time, the region experienced
economic and political instability as result of the first Iraqi War. However, the location of
Dubai and its political positions have kept the city the least impacted from all the regional
problems. In fact, Jebel Ali Port served as the primary harbor the hosted trade coming to
Kuwait during that time.
In 1995 General Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum became the ruler of Dubai.
His vision and ambitions to transform Dubai into a world city were reflected in most of
his decisions. His famous quote “money is like water, block its flow and it will stagnate”

46
Source: Official website of Dubai Ports: http://www.dpworld.ae/sublevel.asp?PageId=3
200

reflects his tendency to trigger flows of capital to and from the city. Sheikh Mohammed
runs Dubai as a private corporation where he is the CEO (Davis 2006). The ruling family
representing the state has contributed significantly to investments in infrastructure in
Dubai for decades. However, today much of the investments in the city come from
domestic and foreign investors. In other words, market is gradually gaining some power
in shaping urban development.
B- State, Market and Contemporary Globalization:
In the case of Dubai, the relation between state and market and the role of each in urban
development is relatively complicated. The state invests in development by both public
and private capital. Public capital as revenues from oil has been a major contributor to the
development of the city. However, a portion of these revenues goes to the royal family
which heads the state and in turn invests in development as private entities with
governmental power.
As most of the ‘world cities’ today, the physical infrastructure of Dubai has been shaped
by electronic aids, sophisticated technological systems and the most advanced
communication networks (see Hack 2000). However, what distinguishes Dubai is the role
of state in shaping this image. In nearly 30 years, the rulers of Dubai were able to
transform the place from a traditional relatively primitive settlement to become one of the
most iconic cities in the world. There is no better statement to describe the way Dubai has
been developed than Sheikh Mohamed saying "I want it to be number one. Not in the
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region, but in the world."
47
The rigorous will of Dubai’s rulers to improve the city’s
world status have shaped most of the planning decisions in Dubai. It is worth noting that
the first concrete blocks building ever built in the city was in 1956 (Gabriel 1987). Before
then, most of the buildings were built by either clay or coral fragments (ElSheshtawy
2004). It could be argued that until the late 1990s, the state of Dubai has been the major
investor in most of the developments in the city.
The process of development in Dubai mainly focused on creating a global image,
something that makes the city known across the world. Iconic projects that can create this
image were given the priority. They were funded and owned by the state. Dubai as a
place lacks the historic charisma that features other famous cities like Rome, Tokyo or
Cairo. It neither has the political influence of New York or Beijing, nor the cultural
importance as Paris or London. Accordingly, in order to make the city famous, the idea
was simply to rely on architecture and build the most luxurious, most expensive, tallest,
and largest buildings in the world. Burj Al Arab Hotel is the first iconic building that
reflects the vision of the ruler of Dubai. He supported the construction of this project both
financially and governmentally. The hotel cost is estimated to be $650 million
48
and it
was mainly built for the sake of image more than profit.
Burj Al Arab was followed by a series of spectacular projects that focused on the same
concept of creating a world city image. These projects were funded by both the state and

47
CBS website: “A Visit To Dubai Inc.” Steve Kroft Reports On a Success Story in the Middle East
Aug. 3, 2008
48
The exact cost was never publically released however; it was estimated by Forbes Traveler to reach $650
million. Forbes Traveler, January 24
th
2007.
202

private investors. Each of these projects has a different theme or a story that in most of
the cases has no relation to the local context. Ibn Battuta Mall, Mercato Mall, Atlantis
The Palm, and Ski Dubai are all examples of these themed places. They all replicate
places from different parts of the world. These projects managed to attract flows of
capital and people to the city. Their success has encouraged private investors to put more
money in urban development.
The willingness of the state to place Dubai among the top world cities has encouraged
investors, mainly domestic ones, to invest in real estate. Emaar, Al Habtoor Group, and
Nakheel are examples of giant domestic developers who followed the path of the ruler of
Dubai and invested in spectacular iconic buildings as Burj Dubai and Palm Islands. No
doubt that those investors are supported by the state and are closely connected to the ruler
of the city.
These development projects serve the larger vision of the Sheikh. In their mission
statement, Nakheel Corporation stresses on this issue. Quoting them, “we are driven by
the same vision as first expressed by Sheikh Rashid and carried through by Sheikh
Mohammed.”
49
Developers perceive Sheikh Mohamed as the chief executive of the city.
Quoting Saeed al-Muntafiq, head of the Dubai Development and Investment Authority
(Davis 2006), “people refer to the crown prince of Dubai as the chief executive officer

49
Nakheel official website: http://www.nakheel.com/en/corporate/our_vision
203

simply because he runs government as a private business for the sake of the private
sector, not for the sake of the state.”
50

The potentials in Dubai and the success of most of its domestic developers have
encouraged foreign investors to come to the city. Donald Trump is investing in The Palm
Trump International Hotel and Tower. George Armani is creating his first Armani Hotel
in Burj Al Arab. The encouragement of the state of Dubai and its support of these types of
projects has attracted many global enterprises. As noted by Donald Trump, compared to
Dubai, New York is at a huge disadvantage. "If this project (referring to his new tower in
Dubai) was ever proposed for New York, it would be a 10-year review process at the end
of which you'd receive a 'No' vote by the community board for being too high, too
dramatic, too beautiful or whatever."
51
Trump notes that in Dubai, if you ask for a permit
for fifty stories building the state asks why you don’t go a hundred or two hundred
stories.
Dubai is simply becoming a heaven for real estate developers who benefit from the lack
of restrictions and the simplicity of the approval process. In Dubai, and unlike many
Western global cities, local participation in the process of place production is minimal.
This facilitates the process of approving any design proposal. Developers don’t have to

50
The statement is made by Saeed al-Muntafiq, head of the Dubai Development and Investment Authority.
51
Wang, Andy 2008. Sand Castles in Dubai, They’re Building it and Hoping You Will Come, in New York
Post, March 6, 2008.

204

go through community hearings or deal with elected officials. It is all about the approval
of the ruler of the city.
In this sense, it is clear that in the case of Dubai, the relation between market and state
doesn’t feature the common tension and struggle of powers as in many other capitalist
cities. The monarchy state is a major player in market both as a public and a private
enterprise and accordingly, rules are set to serve this distinct situation. The state has a
clear vision of making Dubai a world city. Domestic and foreign enterprises who wish to
invest in the city should fit into this vision and enjoy the governmental support regardless
of local opinions.
3- Locale and the Global Domain as Agencies of Place Production:
Since its origin, Dubai has been a center of trade where people with diverse cultures and
backgrounds interact and influence the local culture in the place. Because of the
conservative tribal nature of old Dubai, the impact of these influences was limited. It
could be hardly traced in local architecture, language or lifestyle. Even during the
colonial era, there was a strict separation between locals and foreigners. Unlike many
North African cities, Dubai was not dramatically influenced by the British colonization.
The tension between the local culture and the flows of foreign ideals was minimal.
A- Locale, Global Domain and the Modernization of Dubai:
When the city began its process of modernization during the 1960s, the relation between
the local and the global was reconfigured. Due to the lack of local expertise, Dubai relied
205

heavily on foreigners to help in its modernization. Engineers, teachers, doctors and
workers were introduced to the city mainly from the Middle and Far East. Top
professionals and managers were usually brought from Europe and the United States.
Most of the major urban developments were designed, constructed and maintained by
foreigners. Modern Western models of development were privileged not only because the
designers were Westerns, but also due to the ruler’s willingness to construct a modern
image of the city that can compete with Western ones.
The foreign influences on the forms of development and choices of architectural styles
were significant. The contribution of local forces to the process of place production was
minimal due to the absence of local professionals on the one hand, and rigorous attempts
to change the traditional tribal image of the city on the other. Besides, the city didn’t have
any forms of civic organizations that could have empowered local voices in urban
development. It is worth noting that till the early 1990s, the impact of the foreign
influences was relatively limited to physical urbanization. To a great extent, the
conservative local culture in the place was preserved due to the relative segregation
between locals and foreigners. In other words, the modernization of Dubai focused on
aspects as infrastructure and technology and evaded any clash with local culture or
dramatic social transformation.
B- Locale, Global Domain and Contemporary Globalization:
During the 1990s, Sheikh Mohamed, the Ruler of Dubai, endorsed more cultural and
economic openness towards the global domain. The city kept introducing foreign
206

professionals and labor who are mainly males. In 2007, males made 76% of the whole
population of Dubai and nearly 82% are of age between 15-49 years.
52
This is attributed
to the intense presence of foreign labor. It reflects the role of external forces in shaping
the city. Dubai was planned, designed and built by foreign experts and labor. However,
the introduction of Western ideals of urban physical development was not associated with
a similar development of a civil society.
Until today, workers are not allowed to form any organizations or unions to protect their
rights. Women are still excluded from the political arena although many of them are
active in the field of business and trade. Freedom of press and speech is limited and
controlled by the government. Political leaders are not elected by the people. Traditions
and cultural values are usually used to slow down the development of a civil society
although they are compromised for the sake of creating the global image of the city. For
example, bars are allowed in many of Dubai’s hotels although they contradict with the
religious values in the place.
The approach of Dubai’s rulers to focus on creating a world city image has proven
significant success in making the city recognized. However, it relatively ignored the
identity of the place. Although few projects refer to some of the traditional features
through abstraction or even replication, the fact remains that the majority of urban
developments have imported Western styles and typologies. Even the preservation of the

52
Dubai Statistics Centre: Dubai Emirate Population bulletin 2007:
http://www.dsc.gov.ae/DSC/uploads/SharedDocuments/SharedDocuments_en/new-Sukan.pdf

207

few existing historic buildings was simply directed to serve tourism and create enjoyable
places rather than retaining their authentic form (see Ouf 2001).
The way Dubai has been developing is a perfect example of places shaped for global
flows. Although the society in Dubai seems more conservative culturally and religiously
than that of Cairo, it has responded with minimum resistance to the forces of
globalization. Due to the lack of a strong urban heritage, sentiments and emotional
connection to history that feature the Cairene society was not as influential in the case of
Dubai. In few decades the physical form of the city has almost lost any reference to the
past. The representation of local forces in the process of place formation has been
minimal. The visions of investors and political rulers who envisioned Dubai as a global
city played the main role in the process of place production. Their openness to new ideas
and willingness to put Dubai among the core global cities has been fruitful. Dubai today
is one of the famous world cities and will continue to grow as major economy in the
region.

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CHAPTER EIGHT: THE ROLE OF AGENCIES IN SHAPING THE
DIMENSIONS OF PLACE IN CONTEMPORARY DUBAI

1- Introduction:
In this chapter I discuss the way the five dimensions of place: places as realms of flows,
places as imaginaries, places as text, places as landscapes of resistance, and places as
reflections of authenticity were shaped by the four agencies: state, market, locale, and the
global domain.
2- Places as Realms of Flows:
Since its origin, Dubai has been a hub of flows of capital and people who in turn, brought
with them ideas and information. During the last two decades, the city has featured the
emergence of enormous number of places that mainly target more flows in the form of
tourists, investments, and trade. These places focused on attracting global attention to the
potentials of the city and managed to trigger more flows to it. Dubai, more than any other
city in the Middle East, relied heavily on investing in the built environment to improve its
world city status. The city focused on creating places that are capable of competing with
those in top world cities in attracting global flows.

209

A- Places of Capital Flows:
The city of Dubai hosts 80% of the non-oil trade in the whole United Arab Emirates.
53

This was estimated to be $184 billion in 2007.
54
The city is becoming the largest port in
the Middle East. The free zone in Jebel Ali hosts 37% of the city non-oil trade. Since its
opening in 1979, this zone has triggered flows of capital to and from the city. The
performance of Jebel Ali Free Zone is supported by a series of other places of capital
flows as Dubai International Financial Center (DIFC) which is described by the
government of Dubai as “the newest global financial hub, bridging the geographical and
time gaps between the major capital markets of New York and London in the West and
Hong Kong in the East.”
55
Around 500 companies are expected to register at DIFC by
2010.
In their mission statement, the DIFC describes itself as “the world's fastest growing
international financial centre. It aims to develop the same stature as New York, London
and Hong Kong.”
56
Dubai International Financial Exchange (DIFX) lies within the
Dubai International Financial Centre (DIFC) free zone. DIFX was renamed to be
NASDAQ Dubai reflecting its links to NASDAQ OMX Group and its important role in the
region. NASDAQ OMX acquired a one-third stake in NASDAQ Dubai in February 2008.

53
Dubai International Financial Center, Saidi, Nasser 2007. Trade and Finance Report, February 6
th
, 2007
54
Jebel Ali Free zone (Jafza) Bi-Monthly Newsletter - Issue 12 July/August 2008
Jebel Ali Free zone Official website: http://www.jafza.ae/en/publications/the-zone-2.html
55
Government of Dubai official website:
http://www.dubai.ae/en.portal?businesses,biz_market,1,&_nfpb=true&_pageLabel=topic
56
Dubai International Financial Centre official website: http://www.difc.ae/index.html
210

The other two-thirds are owned by Borse Dubai the holding company for Dubai
Financial Market (DFM).
By November 2008, the number of registered companies in DIFC was 769.
57
And in
order to compete with other major stock markets, DIFC allows 100% foreign ownership
and offers 0% tax rate on income and profits. These hubs of capital flows are mainly built
and run by the state of Dubai as part of its plan to put the city among top world cities.
The state has invested billions of dollars in these projects.
TABLE 10: FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT IN DUBAI BY COUNTRIES

Values are in UAE Dirham ($1= 3.67 Dirham)
Source: Dubai Statistics Centre
http://www.dsc.gov.ae/DSC/Pages/Statistics%20Data.aspx?Category_Id=011301

57
Dubai International Financial Centre. http://www.difc.ae/registers/companies/index.html
211

Dubai has benefited from flows of Arab capital mainly from the West to the East post
9/11. The rising star of the city allowed it to attract foreign capital more than any of the
other major cities in the Middle East. As noted by Mike Davis:
Since 9/11 many Middle Eastern investors, fearing possible lawsuits or sanctions,
have pulled up stakes in the West. According to Salman bin Dasmal of Dubai
Holdings, the Saudis alone have repatriated one third of their trillion-dollar
overseas portfolio. The sheikhs are bringing it back home, and last year the Saudis
were believed to have ploughed at least $7 billion into Dubai's sand castles (Davis
2005).
TABLE 11: GROSS DOMESTIC PRODUCT IN DUBAI BY SECTORS

Values are in UAE Dirham ($1= 3.67 Dirham)
Source: Dubai Statistics centre:
http://www.dsc.gov.ae/DSC/uploads/SharedDocuments/SharedDocuments_en/new-
AlNatijAlMahallifinal.pdf
212

Dubai managed to attract these flows of capital by offering huge opportunities and
incentives for investment mainly in the real estate sector. The extravagant urban projects
in the city absorbed billions of the dollars withdrawn from West. Dubai offered a safe
haven for Arab billionaires who feared the confiscation of their accounts in Western
banks.
TABLE 12: FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT IN DUBAI BY SOURCE OF INVESTMENT

Values are in UAE Dirham ($1= 3.67 Dirham).
Source: Dubai Statistics Centre
http://www.dsc.gov.ae/DSC/Pages/Statistics%20Data.aspx?Category_Id=011301
Dubai currently has construction projects worth hundreds of billions of dollars. As
described by Steve Kroft, Dubai is:
One project, called by some the ‘largest construction site on earth,’ was just desert
several years ago. The site employs half a million laborers, working 12 hour shifts
213

on a reported $300 billion worth of projects, building Sheikh Mohammed's dream
of a modern, efficient and tolerant Arab city with fine restaurants, a vibrant
nightlife, that is both the playground and business capital of a new Middle East.
58

Tourism is another engine of capital flows to the city. Although the city doesn’t have
much valuable urban heritage or natural attractions, Dubai expects 10 million tourists in
2010 and 15 million in 2015. The city managed to create an attractive urban environment
that allows it to compete with major tourist destinations in the region as Egypt, Lebanon,
and Turkey. In other words, Dubai has relied on contemporary spectacular architecture to
trigger tourism to the city.
TABLE 13: IMPORTS IN DUBAI BY REGION

Values are in UAE Dirham ($1= 3.67 Dirham)
Source: Dubai Statistics Centre: http://www.dsc.gov.ae/DSC/webreports/222279567OSI10-09.pdf

58
CBS- 60 minutes: http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2007/10/12/60minutes/main3361753.shtml

214

Places as Burj al Arab, the only seven stars hotel in the world; Atlantis The Palm, a $1.5
billion replica of Atlantis Bahamas; and the new Giorgio Armani Hotel, the first of its
kind in the world have managed to attract millions of tourists to the city every year. The
total number of operating hotels in Dubai in 2007 was 319. It increased by 6% since
2006. The number of hotel rooms is estimated by 32,617 compared to 30,850 in 2006.
59

Hotel establishments in Dubai made nearly $3.6 Billion in total revenues in 2007.
Foreigners constitute 94% of hotel guests, which emphasizes their contribution to capital
flows to the city. Hotels in Dubai not only bring capital to the city in the form of
revenues, but also act as nodes of agglomeration of domestic and foreign investments.
Most of the city’s extravagant hotels are partially funded by international corporations as
Kerzner International which invests in Atlantis The Palm; and Donald Trump the
developer of the Trump International Hotel and Tower.
Real estate is another sector that attracts global flows to Dubai. The new residential and
commercial developments in the city mainly target foreign consumers. The number of
supplied units in the real estate market exceeds the demand of the local population.
Besides, the majority of foreign residents in the city are labor who cannot afford any of
the luxury units. Accordingly, these projects are mainly sold to regional and international
rich elites. For example, and as noted by Mohamed Alabbar, the developer of Burj Dubai,
the project has sold 85% of its units, worth $1.1 billion in two nights.
60
Customers are
from all around the world including Russia, Iran, Europe, and the Arab Gulf. Projects as

59
Dubai Hotel Establishment Statistics: Analysis 2007, Government of Dubai
Department of Tourism and Commerce Marketing, March 2008.
60
CBS- 60 minutes: http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2007/10/12/60minutes/main3361753.shtml
215

the Palm and World Islands have attracted many of the world rich elites as Irish investor
John Dolan and celebrities as David Beckham. According to the developer of the islands,
the first 4,000 condos and homes sold on Palm Jumeirah went to citizens of the United
Arab Emirates and other Persian Gulf countries, 25% went to British customers and rest
was purchased by 75 different nationalities.
61

TABLE 14: HOTEL REVENUES IN DUBAI

Values are in UAE Dirham ($1= 3.67 Dirham)
Source: Dubai Statistics Centre: http://www.dsc.gov.ae/DSC/webreports/388473157OSI12-06.pdf
According to Khaleej Times, a leading newspaper in Dubai, “two out of three of all new
freehold properties in the UAE are bought by foreign corporations or individuals who
live outside the country.”
62
Mohamed Nimer, CEO of MAG Group Property
Development, notes that final home owners currently account for 30% of the market and

61
James Calderwood, Residents of Dubai's manmade palm isle enjoy pricey digs, USA Today, 6/23/2007
62
Foreign buyers dominate freehold market, 27 May 2008.
216

only 5% of them are UAE nationals.
63
These figures reflect the scale of capital brought to
the city by real estate development. In 2006, construction received 34.5% of foreign
direct investments in Dubai, a sum of nearly $4 billion.
TABLE 15: FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT BY ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES IN DUBAI

Values are in UAE Dirham ($1= 3.67 Dirham)
Source: Dubai Statistics Centre: http://www.dsc.gov.ae/DSC/webreports/-166620537OSIFDI-01-06.pdf
The construction sector actually comes second after financial intermediation and
insurance in the attraction of flows of capital. In 2006, financial intermediation and
insurance attracted nearly 4.01 billion. Thanks to Dubai International Financial Centre
that jump started international financial activities in the city, Dubai today is the largest

63
Foreign buyers dominate freehold market, 27 May 2008.
217

recipient of foreign investments in the Middle East. DIFC aims to host 20% of the
world’s investment funds.
64

Whole sale and retail trade receives 20.5% of direct foreign investments in the city. Free
zones in Dubai triggers trade between the city and the global domain. For direct trade,
imports of Dubai are estimated to be $27.3 billion. However, nearly 30% of the imports
value is re-exported again. The total value of direct trade was estimated to be $115.5
billion in 2007. In the case of free zones, trade value was $64 billion. Dubai has benefited
significantly from its strategic location in becoming a hub of re-export trading.
The city of Dubai is in fact not only a recipient of flows but also a hub of capital flows to
the global domain. Dubai Holdings, a state corporation mainly owned by the ruler of
Dubai, invests intensely outside the UAE. Dubai Holdings acquired $5 billion, 9.5%
stake in the MGM Mirage Corporation, the owner of the Monte Carlo, The Bellagio,
Caesar’s Palace, The Luxor, The Mirage, and several other casinos in Las Vegas
(Davidson 2008, p. 197).
65
Istithmar, one of Dubai Holding companies, holds a 45%
stake in Los Angeles Grand Avenue $3 billion mixed-use complex designed by Frank
Gehry.
66
The company is mainly owned by the ruling family in Dubai and it directly paid

64
“Omniyat Holdings Announces the Establishment of Omniyat Investment Management” DIFC Press
Centre 30 March
65
Washington Post: Dubai World Buys Big Stake in MGM Mirage, By Ryan Nakashima. Associated Press,
Thursday, August 23, 2007; Page D03
66
Hawthorne, Christopher 2008. “The Western public face and more ominous flip side of a sheikdom on
the Persian Gulf.” In Los Angeles Times. Book review of 'Dubai: The Vulnerability of Success' by
Christopher Davidson, July 13.
218

a $100 million in the form of a capital fund for the first phase of the project.
67
Dubai
Ports World and its controversial canceled deal of operating six U.S. ports is another
example of flows from Dubai to the global domain.
It is evident that in the case of Dubai, the state is the major agency of production of
places of capital flows. The vision of Sheikh Mohamed shapes not only governmental
investments, but also private developments in the city. Most of the major domestic real
estate developers are directly supported by the ruler and in many cases picked by him
personally to lead development projects in Dubai.
68
Mohamed Alabbar, the CEO of
Emaar, one of largest real estate companies in the world is an example of domestic
developers picked by Sheikh Mohamed to fulfill his vision of Dubai. Alabbar is the
developer of Burj Dubai the tallest building on earth, and Dubai Mall, one of the largest
malls in the world. Emaar invests in many other countries as China, India, Egypt, Syria
and USA.
Places of flows of capital in the case of Dubai, have managed to bring huge investments
to the city. These places encouraged investors to pour billions of dollars in the market.
The financial city, free zones, business headquarters and mega projects have all
contributed to the huge scale of flows to the city. The production of these places was
triggered by the visions of Dubai’s successive rulers, who focused on making the city a
world hub.

67
Mia, Cara 2008. “Korean Firm to Invest $100 Million in Grand Avenue Project. The Honua Group is the
Second Foreign Investor to Inject Funds into the $2-Billion Planned Downtown Development.” In Los
Angeles Times, October 15.
68
CBS- 60 minutes: http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2007/10/12/60minutes/main3361753.shtml
219

TABLE 16: FOREIGN TRADE BY TYPE

Quantities are in tons and values are in AED ($1= 3.67 Dirham)
Source: Dubai Statistics Centre: http://www.dsc.gov.ae/DSC/webreports/-332423547OSI10-6.pdf

B- Places of People Flows:
Dubai, as most of the Arab Gulf cities, relies heavily on foreign labor mainly from the
Middle and Far East. According to Dubai Statistics Center, foreigners make nearly 85%
of the population of the city. This makes Dubai a major hub of flows of labor in the
region. Adding to this, the city is becoming one of the top tourist destinations in the
Middle East. The state in Dubai has been determinant in transforming the city to become
a major tourist destination. The number of tourists in the city is expected to reach 10
million in 2010 and 15 million in 2015.
220

The production of a series of places of people flows has contributed significantly to the
increasing number of tourists who come to the city. Dubai state has invested billions of
dollars in extravagant hotels as Burj Al Arab which actually jump started iconic
architecture in the city. This seven stars hotel is one of a kind. The lowest room rate is
nearly $2000. It opened in 2000 as part of the city’s new millennium celebrations. It was
followed by a series of luxury hotels run by global chains as Hilton, Intercontinental and
Hyatt. In 2008, Atlantis The Palm, a replica of the one in Bahamas, has opened in Dubai.
The cost of the opening ceremony is estimated by $20 million.
69
The hotel was built on
the man-made island Palm Jumeirah. The hotel offers under water suites surrounded by
tanks of fish and dolphins. Under construction is another extravagant hotel in Burj Dubai.
It is the first of a new chain of Giorgio Armani Hotels. The hotel and 144 residential units
in the same tower will be exclusively designed by Armani Designers.
Attracting tourists to Dubai mainly relies on the idea of creating spectacles. Hotels, an
example of places of people flows in the city, usually have a theme. This makes most of
the major hotels in the city destinations rather than places that host tourists coming to the
Dubai. People go to the city in order to see Burj Al Arab Hotel. They even pay a fee to
enter its reception. Same phenomenon could be observed in Atlantis The Palm which
attracts much more visitors than guests.
The majority of five stars hotels are partially or fully owned by the ruling family. The
private sector contributes to the development of many of these projects. However, the

69
Gulf News: Atlantis opens doors to rich and famous, By Kevin Scott, Staff Reporter
Published: November 21, 2008. http://archive.gulfnews.com/indepth/altantisparty/more_stories/10261692.html
221

fact remains that the vision of Sheikh Mohamed is the main guide for any urban decision
in the city. The involvement of the state in the production of these places explains its
extravagance. Many of Dubai spectacular hotels as Burj Al Arab Hotel for example, were
not built to make profit. With its cost that exceeded half a billion dollars and the
minimum room rate of $2000/night, the place is not financially feasible. The main
objective was simply to attract attention and create a spectacular image for the city that
makes it recognizable across the globe.
Dubai International airport is another example of places of people flows. In 2004, the
airport served 21.7 million passengers. This figure is expected to exceed 60 million when
its $4.1billion expansion plan is finished in 2010.
70
This huge number of passengers
compared to the small population of the city reflects the intense degree of people flows to
and from the city. The airport plays a significant role in accelerating the rate of these
movements considering the absence of other modes of regional transportation except
vehicles.
Dubai International airport is owned by the state. Its new multi-billion dollars expansion
is also state funded. The place is the major hub for air passengers not only in the United
Arab Emirates, but also the whole Middle East. State investments in the airport aim to
attract more travelers to the city even those staying for few hours. Today, Dubai Airport
Duty Free Shops are one the most renowned airport shopping hubs. With its fancy daily

70
Dubai International Airport official website:
http://www.dubaiairport.com/DIA/English/TopMenu/About+DIA/New+Projects/
222

prizes as Ferrari cars and Rolex Watches, the duty free shops made Dubai International
Airport a preferable transit hub.
One of the major activities in Dubai that attracts tourists is shopping. Dubai has invested
intensely in creating mega malls, the largest, not only in the region but the whole world.
Dubai Mall a 9,000,000 ft² of shopping retail space that is designed to host 1200 stores is
one of the largest malls in the world. It marked the largest mall opening in history with
600 retailers. The mall is located in Burj Dubai, the tallest building on earth. The mall is
expected to attract 30 million visitors in its first year. It includes a 10,000,000 liters
aquarium with 33,000 marine animals on display.
71
Dubai Mall is developed by Emaar, a
Public Joint Stock Company 1/3 owned by Sheikh Mohamed and the government of
Dubai.
As most of the major developments in Dubai, malls feature the same spectacular themed
architecture. Ibn Batutta Mall for example, is named after the medieval traveler and
explorer Ibn Battuta. The mall has six main sections; each replicates the architecture of
the regions visited by Ibn Battuta. The mall has Chinese, Egyptian, Persian, Tunisian,
Andalusian and Indian themed courts. The mall is a major destination for both locals and
visitors of the city. It is one of the major hubs of people flows in Dubai. The mall was
developed by Nakheel Company, one of the largest real estate developers in Dubai and
the owner of the famous man-made Palm Islands. Again, this company is partially owned
by the ruling family and the government of Dubai. Mercato Mall is another example of

71
Dubai Mall Media Centre: http://www.thedubaimall.com/en/news/media-centre/news-section/dubai-
aquarium-guinness-worlds-largest-acrylic-panel.html
223

themed malls in Dubai. The place replicates Italian renaissance architecture. The
developer states with pride that Mercato Mall is the first themed mall in the Middle
East.
72

IMAGE 19: DUBAI AIRPORT DURING THE 1960S

Source: Dubai International airport:
http://www.dubaiairport.com/DIA/English/TopMenu/About+DIA/DIA+and+History/
IMAGE 20: THE PROPOSED AIRPORT EXPANSION

Source: Government of Dubai, Department of Civil Aviation

72
Mercato Mall Official Website: http://mt.mercatotowncentre.com/default.php
224

IMAGE 21: DUBAI MALL - THE AQUARIUM AREA

Source: Dubai Mall Official Website- Media Center

C- Places of Information Flows:
Since the beginning of its transformation to become a world city, Dubai has focused on
constructing the most advanced communication networks in the region. The state of
Dubai has invested intensely in infrastructure and offered very attractive incentives to
transnational information technology giants to come to the city. In 2000, the city
launched Dubai internet city (DIC), a huge information technology hub that was able to
bring major world corporations like Microsoft, Cisco Systems, IBM, HP, Dell, Siemens,
Sun Microsystems, Computer Associates, PeopleSoft, and Sony Ericsson to Dubai. In its
mission statement, there is a clear emphasis on the notion of connecting the local to the
global.
225

“The mission of Dubai Internet City is to create an infrastructure, environment and
attitude that will enable Information and Communications Technology (ICT) enterprises
to operate locally, regionally and globally, from Dubai, with significant competitive
advantage.”
73
In its early years, DIC offered major global enterprises very attractive deals
to open branches in Dubai including subsidized office spaces. Enterprises in DIC pay no
taxes since the whole project is a free zone.
Dubai Internet City was followed by a series of information technology hubs as Dubai
Media City (DMC), a place that offers world class services for the media industry. The
project is owned by the state and as mentioned in their mission statement “reflects the
vision of His Highness Sheikh Mohammed Bin Rashid Al Maktoum, UAE Vice
President, Prime Minister and Ruler of Dubai to transform Dubai into a knowledge-based
society and economy.”
74
DMC with the newly established Dubai International Media
Production Zone and Dubai Studio City tend to attract international media production
companies to Dubai. They offer all types of media services and enjoy the same free zone
regulations as Dubai Internet City.
The determination of the state of Dubai to invest in places of flows of information not
only served its quest of becoming a major media hub, but also contributed to the quality
of education in the city. Dubai Knowledge Village launched in 2003, is a huge
international educational center with a kilometer long building that is designed to host
any knowledge based activities. Dubai International Academic City is another hub of

73
Dubai Internet City Official Website: http://www.dmc.ae/
74
Dubai Media City Website: http://www.dmc.ae/
226

flows of information and knowledge. It focuses on international higher education and is
owned by the state.
In the case of Dubai, the role of the private sector in the production of places of
information and ideas flows is relatively limited to the activities it establishes within
these places. For example, many private international and domestic media production
enterprises as CNN, Reuters, Showtime Arabia, CNBC Arabiya, and the Pakistani Ary
Digital Network broadcast from the state owned Dubai Media City.
The role of the state of Dubai in the production of places of information and knowledge
flows is not limited to mega projects. Major newspapers as Khaleej Times and Gulf News
receive subsidies from the state (Davidson 2008, p. 214). The state owns major local TV
channels and radio stations. These information hubs serve the state quest of connecting
the local and the global through controlled channels.
International education in another form of activities that trigger flows of ideas and
information. Dubai hosts many international schools and universities that act as hubs of
flows to and from the city. The American School of Dubai, Dubai British School,
American University of Dubai, and British University in Dubai are examples of these
hubs. These places serve both foreigners and locals who seek foreign education. State and
the ruling family fund many of these institutions at least partially. For example, the
British University in Dubai is located in the state owned Knowledge Village. It has been
partially funded by AL Maktoum Foundation, the Dubai Development and Investment
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Authority, and the National Bank of Dubai. Private sector represented by the British
Business Group and Rolls Royce has also contributed to this project.
Market plays a significant role in the production of international education hubs. This
could be attributed to the high demand for these schools considering the number of
foreigners in the city. Besides, pursuing international education is becoming a form of
upgrading social status among locals. The high GDP/capita in the city supports the
production of these places which charge significantly higher tuition fees compared to
public schools. International educational institutions in Dubai follow Western systems
and many of them have American or British accreditations.
Events and conventions are other forms of activities that trigger flows of information and
ideas. Dubai has relied heavily on spectacular events to promote itself on the regional and
global levels. Concerts, fashion shows, expos, and international athletic tournaments
introduce to locals new ideals and lifestyles. The state of Dubai has funded Dubai
International Convention and Exhibition Centre which hosts nearly 60 international
events and expos every year.
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Cars, fashion, jewelry, yachts, construction and real estate
expos in Dubai attract major international corporations and experts.
3- Places as Imaginaries:
The contemporary spectacular and extravagant built environment of Dubai has been the
focus of both local and foreign imaginaries of the city. The “glittering emirate” as
described by the New York Times, “is one of those magical places that seem too good to

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Dubai International Convention and Exhibition Centre. http://www.dicec.ae/aboutdicec/dwtc_en_gb.aspx
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be true.”
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The architecture of Dubai has been a source of national pride. It also
contributed to the fame of the city around the world. Nearly 60% of the surveyed Dubai
residents sample has noted that luxury places and elegant buildings is what comes to their
minds when Dubai is mentioned.
Buildings as Burj Al Arab and Burj Dubai are becoming the icons of the city. Dubai,
using Kevin Lynch’s concept, is a very imageable city (Lynch 1960, p.10). Lynch defines
imageability as “that quality in a physical object which gives it a high probability of
evoking a strong image in any given observer” (Lynch1960). The new extravagant,
spectacular and iconic buildings are contributing to this imageability. The city is
becoming the capital of progressive signature architecture that mainly seeks attracting
attention.
Architecture is shaping the identity of the city. Burj Al Arab building is now the official
symbol of Dubai. It is on vehicles license plates, brochures and guides. It is the most
famous place in the city not only locally but also globally. The majority of the surveyed
sample considers this building one of the main things they are most proud of in the city.
Although Dubai is significantly more diverse ethnically and culturally than Cairo, urban
imaginaries of the city seem more homogonous. The contemporary built environment
with its spectacular nature dominates the urban imaginaries of the residents of the city.
The quest of Dubai to upgrade its ‘world city’ status is becoming a national project.
There is a consensus among the residents that extravagant architecture has contributed

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Kotkin, Stephen 2008. Dubai, the Glittering Emirate, Revisited. In New York Times, December 6, 2008
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greatly to the fame of the city. Nearly 65% of the surveyed sample believes that Dubai is
now a top world city.
IMAGE 22: DUBAI VEHICLES PLATES

The image illustrates the power of contemporary architecture in shaping the urban imaginaries in Dubai.
Burj Al Arab Hotel for example, became the icon of the city and the official symbol on vehicles’ plates.
The state of Dubai and its ruler, Sheikh Mohamed, play a major role in shaping these
imaginaries. Sheikh Mohamed is a very charismatic and highly respected figure in Dubai.
Unlike the case of many leaders in the region, Al Maktoum family is very popular and
trusted by the residents of UAE. Their visions for Dubai significantly influence the
imaginaries of the locals. These visions are promoted not only by state owned media
hubs, but also private ones that are owned by domestic rich elites. The level of
satisfaction with their built environment among Dubai residents is very high. Nearly 80%
of the surveyed sample expressed their satisfaction with the city architecture and urban
form.
Local TV stations, newspapers and magazines always focus on presenting this
contemporary image of Dubai and the accomplishments of its state. Spectacular buildings
are anchor elements in most of the artistic representations in the city. It occupies the
background of TV shows, commercials, concerts and public art fairs. New architecture
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landmarks developed by the state and private investments dominate the residents’ mental
images of the city. This could be attributed to the lack of prominent historic buildings that
can compete with contemporary ones in shaping the imaginaries of locals.
Global flows, especially those of ideas, contribute to the formation of local imaginaries.
The exposure of the city residents to foreign ideas through their interaction with the
enormous number of city visitors on the one hand, and media and internet on the other
shapes their tastes and preferences. The majority of the surveyed sample prefers to spend
their leisure time in Western style cafes and restaurants. Nearly 99% prefers to shop in
shopping malls and 60% think that global chains as Starbucks and McDonalds serve
Dubai quest of constructing a modern world city image.
It is clear that local forces are not major contributors to the formation of urban
imaginaries in the city. Although the city has rich cultural history, the contemporary
architecture with its magnificent visual presence dwarfed the role of heritage in shaping
the imaginaries of residents. Unlike the case of Cairo, where historic architecture and
urban heritage remain predominant, Dubai image is all about postmodern architecture.
This determination of constructing a postmodern world city image by drawing from
Western models emphasizes the willingness of both the state and locals to negate the
world conception of the Middle East as a less developed region. The choice of Western
models as skyscrapers, mega malls and theme parks in this desert Middle Eastern
environment might not make much sense ecologically or culturally. However, it serves
the objective of the city of showing its capability of competing with top Western world
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cities. This explains the tendency of having the tallest, largest and most luxuries places in
the city. This strategic trend mainly target global perceptions of the city. No doubt that
these spectacular projects became a source of pride for locals, a national project that is
supported by both the state and the public.
4- Places as Text:
The physical built environment in Dubai reveals much information regarding the
dynamics of urban transformation experienced by the city during the last decade. It
displays enormous signifiers that emphasize the exposure of the city to global flows.
Looking at the architecture of the city, it is obvious that Western high tech postmodern
designs dominate the shape of urban development in the city. The styles, materials,
forms, and scales reflect more external influences than local ones. Spectacular building as
Burj Dubai, Atlantis The Palms, and Burj Al Arab reveal the role of external Western
influences in the process of place production in Dubai. They shape the skyline of the city
and contribute to its distinction compared to many Middle Eastern cities. These high-tech
buildings are signs of Dubai quest to construct a postmodern world city image.
The urban fabric of the city with the wide boulevards, freeways and detached towers in
the middle of open spaces contrasts with most of the urban fabrics in the region. Urban
typologies as shopping malls, business headquarters and modern cafes and restaurants are
all imported typologies that have no history in the city. Recreational facilities as theme
parks, clubs and spas were also introduced to Dubai from outside. All these urban
signifiers explicate the role of global flows in shaping urban development in the city.
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The presence of international chains in Dubai could be observed everywhere in the city.
There are 49 Starbucks cafes in Dubai compared to 11 in Cairo. McDonald’s has 37
branches in Dubai serving its 1.25 million residents. Coffee Beans, Pizza Hut, KFC,
Mango and Banana Republic are other examples of international chains located in Dubai.
International banks, hotels and corporations are present in every major building in the
city. All these places with its distinct architectural facades, logos and advertisements
across the city reflect the presence of global influences in Dubai.
The presence of these signifiers in the city next to some signs of local heritage as
indigenous customs, Middle Eastern interior decorations and Arabic calligraphy reflect
the dichotomy between local and global cultures in Dubai. For example, although the
materials, technology and the overall look of Burj Dubai Hotel reflect significant
Western influences, the form of the building has some reference to local heritage.
According to Tom Wright, the architect of the project, the building is designed to
resemble a sail of an Arabian vessel. Same local influences could be traced in the interior
design of the hotel.
Although I argue that signifiers that represent Western influences are dominant, local
signifiers still contribute to the formation of urban text in the city. Both local and global
identities exist and interact in the city. It is hard to predict whether global flows will be
able to overwrite the remaining local representations or not. The presence of many local
traditional forms of representation as poetry, folkloric dancing and indigenous sports such
as camel racing accentuate the still existing role of locale in shaping the daily life of
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locals. Arabic names for hotels, buildings, cafes and restaurants are more common in
Dubai than many other Middle Eastern cities.
The role of the state in shaping the urban text Dubai cannot be traced unless its vision for
the city is recognized. The state headed by Al Maktoum family envisioned a spectacular
city, one that can attract global attention and improve the city status. This explains the
extreme tendency to make every project stunning or what could be described as the Dubai
quest of the “wow effect.” This state vision shapes most of the design decisions in the
city. The “wow effect” is the first impression one’s get when attempting to read the urban
text of Dubai. The concept of building the biggest, largest and tallest structures on earth
is simply part of Sheikh Mohamed’s dream of making the city number one in everything.
These extravagant places reflect the state intentions to make the city impressive at least
visually.
Dubai was built to attract attention and negate the image of backwardness that has
stigmatized Middle Eastern societies for decades. Creating spectacles or extraordinary
urban and architectural products is in fact the main feature that characterizes the new
emerging places in Dubai. The search for impressive forms, themes and scales has
dominated the process of design of many of these projects. These spectacles were built to
make Dubai famous or as described by Charles Jencks “make nowhere, somewhere”
(Jencks 2002).
The concept of spectacles is not new to modern and postmodern societies. As argued by
Guy Debord, “the spectacle is the moment when the commodity has attained the total
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occupation of social life. Not only is the relation to the commodity visible but it is all one
sees: the world one sees is its world” (Debord 1983, p.43). As described by Saunders
(2005):
Spectacle is the primary manifestation of the commodification or
commercialization of design: design that is intended to seduce consumers will
likely be more or less spectacular, more or less a matter of flashy, stimulating,
quickly experienced gratification, more or less essentially like a television ad., the
stimulation that leads to ‘wow’!” (Saunders 2005, p. viii).
Dubai has been seeking this “wow effect” in almost every major development during the
last decade. The city has been determined to impress the global audience by every project
it builds. Burj Al Arab, the most luxuries hotel in the world, Burj Dubai, the tallest
building on earth, the Palm Islands the largest man made islands on the plant are all
examples of projects seeking the attraction of attention. As noted by Davis (2006), the
vision of the ruler of Dubai was simply that “everything must be ‘world class’, by which
he means number one in the Guinness Book of Records.” (Davis 2006).
The process of development in Dubai mainly focused on creating a global image,
something that makes the city known across the world. Iconic projects that can create this
image were given the priority. The city has been relying on world renowned architects to
produce these spectacular places. As argued by Charles Jencks (2002), “if a city can get
the right architect at the right creative moment in his or her career, and take the economic
and cultural risk, it can make double the initial investment in about three years” (Jencks
2004, p. 258). This formula has been embraced by the state of Dubai. The city has
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become a haven for world renowned designers who were allowed to work with absolute
freedom and under minimum restrictions.
For locals, the new world city image represents an expression of collective local
resistance to Western superiority. It is an attempt to show the world their capability of
competing, and in some cases exceeding the achievements of the west. This intention has
significantly influenced the way Dubai has chosen which models to replicate and the
prototypes to follow. If the objective is to attract global attention, then the constructed
image has to be striking and spectacular. Cities have focused on projects that have an
appeal and can create an urban charisma that overshadows the actual urban reality. In
many cases, the new projects have replaced indigenous architectural icons to become the
new symbols of their cities.
The urban text of Dubai sends a clear and direct message to its readers. Regardless of its
actual economic, political or cultural role on the global arena, the physical form of the
city gives an immediate impression that it is an emerging world city. At least the
residents of Dubai get this message. The majority of the surveyed sample believes that
the city is now one of the top world cities. Every project in Dubai accentuates the
determinant quest of its rulers to construct a contemporary modern identity. In a decade,
Dubai, using its physical built form, was able to promote itself around the world. This
small emirate was almost unknown to the majority of people until the early 1990s. Today,
Dubai is one of the most famous Middle Eastern cities thanks to its architecture.

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5- Places as Landscapes of Resistance:
The role of local forces in the process of place production in the case of Dubai is
relatively limited compared to the role of state, market and global flows. However, this
has not led to the rise of significant sense of resistance or what Castells (1997) calls
“resistance identity.” I am arguing that this could be attributed to the support of the
majority of locals to Sheikh Mohamed and his vision for the city. The construction of the
global city image is becoming a collective national project, a source of pride among the
local residents who believe that this transformation is for their best. For them, these
spectacular extravagant places are signs of progress and the end of centuries of
backwardness that stigmatized many cities in the region.
It is worth mentioning here that locals make less than 15% of the whole population of the
city and accordingly, their acceptance of state domination cannot be generalized on the
whole city residents. Most of the spectacular projects in the city mainly serve the local
elites and rich foreigners. However, a significant portion of the society suffers
marginalization in what could be described as labor camps. Cheap labor coming from
South East Asia constitutes the majority of work force in Dubai. The gigantic spectacular
projects in Dubai overshadow labor neighborhoods that host a significant portion of the
population.
According to Henri Lefebvre (1991), monumental buildings “mask the will to power and
the arbitrariness of power beneath signs and surfaces which claim to express collective
will and collective thought” (Lefebvre 1991). This “collective will” is the will of locals
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but not the majority of residents. During the last couple of years, foreign labor
represented the major form of resistance to the excessive orientation of Dubai towards
global capitalism. This marginalized group was the first to protest the gap between their
incomes, services and living conditions and those of the minority rich elite. The New
York Times describes their harsh living conditions saying:
They still wake before dawn in desert dormitories that pack a dozen men or more
to a room. They still pour concrete and tie steel rods in temperatures that top 110
degrees. They still spend years away from families in India and Pakistan to earn
about $1 an hour. They remain bonded to employers under terms that critics liken
to indentured servitude.
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These harsh conditions have triggered a wave of violent protests that call for better living
conditions, salaries and health benefits. Labor camps became landscapes of resistance to
the influences of globalization in the city. Unlike the case of Cairo, resistance to the
economic downsides of globalization is more apparent than concerns regarding cultural
identity.
Some local groups as Dubai Folk Arts Association and Dubai Folklore Society are
established to resist the threats of global flows on indigenous arts and heritage. These two
groups in particular are concerned with preserving local music, dances and poetry. Dubai
Architectural Heritage Society is another association concerned with the preservation of
architectural and urban heritage. Although their preservation projects, as argued by
Ahmed Ouf (2001), mainly target tourism, they still promote local architectural styles and

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New York Times: Border Crossings; Fearful of Restive Foreign Labor, Dubai Focuses on Reforms By
Jason Deparle, Published: August 6, 2007

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were able to save the few remaining indigenous buildings. Some of the new
developments have actually drawn some elements as the wind tower for example, from
local indigenous architecture. Dar Al Masyaf project in Madinat Jumeirah replicates this
indigenous historic element in new luxury villas. This is one of the few projects in Dubai
that draws from local heritage and indigenous architecture.
The presence of some indigenous place typologies in Dubai as camel racing arenas,
Arabian horses breeding centers and Arabic poetry forums reflects some sort of local
attachment to inherited traditions. These places resist the invasion of foreign sports as
cricket, rugby and car racing. However, because of the nature of the population
demographics of Dubai with nearly 85% foreigners, these new recreational patterns seem
to prevail. It also explains to a great extent the minimal resistance to the impact of global
flows in general. On the cultural level, the diversity of the population in the city
contributes to the common acceptance of what could be described as the global culture.
Unlike in the case of Cairo where locals constitute the extreme majority, Dubai is
relatively tolerant when it comes to cultural external flows.
In a study conducted by the Community Development Authority (CDA) in Dubai, the city
was described as a place with significant degree of religious and cultural tolerance.
According to the study, 85% those surveyed sample believe that Dubai offers a high level
of freedom to practice their own religions.
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This sense of tolerance could be traced not
only towards foreign religions but also cultural values and social patterns. Adding to this

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Survey commends Dubai for tolerance, By Wafa Issa, Staff Reporter, Published: January 25, 2009, 23:25
Gulf News.
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the progressive character of Sheikh Mohamed, the ruler of the city, Dubai became one of
the most culturally liberal places in the Middle East.
IMAGE 23: A HISTORIC HOUSE IN BASTAKIYA QUARTER, DUBAI

IMAGE 24: DAR AL MASYAF IN MADINAT JUMEIRAH

The project replicates indigenous elements as wind towers and wooden works.
Source: Jumeirah Official Website: www.jumeirah.com

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6- Places as Reflections of Authenticity:
The architecture and urban form of Dubai give an immediate impression that the city is
more influenced by Western urbanism than its local urban heritage. However, and as
mentioned earlier in this part, it is important to unfold the major forces that contributed to
the production of these places in order to understand its degree of authenticity. As
proposed in the framework, three main aspects can explicate a better understanding of the
authenticity of a place. These are freedom of choice, independence in decision making,
and the rootedness in the locale. These aspects focus on the process rather than the end
product.
The notion of freedom of choice in the case of Dubai could be understood by explaining
the main agencies that contribute to the process of place production. As discussed in this
chapter, state is the major player in this process. Although many of projects in the city are
designed and built by foreigners, they are all approved by Sheikh Mohamed, the ruler of
Dubai. Local contribution to the production of many of these places is relatively minimal.
There is no community participation in the process of design and approval. Besides; there
is a minimum reliance on local technologies and expertise. The residents of Dubai, being
locals or foreigners, don’t have much choice regarding how their cities should look like.
It is all about the vision of Sheikh Mohamed and his foreign architects and planners.
It could be argued that Western models of development are not enforced on the city. They
were brought by either state or local investors as part of their quest of constructing a
world city image. And as mentioned earlier, the residents of Dubai seem to appreciate
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these trends of urban development. However, the notion of independency in decision
making could be questioned since the majority of the new projects in the city are shaped
by foreign expertise. Dubai is relatively dependant on foreigners, whether skilled
professionals or cheap labor. Although foreigners are not allowed to occupy any top
political ranks, their presence in different administrative and institutional positions in the
city allows them to contribute significantly to the process of decision making.
This dependency on foreigners is reflected in many aspects. Although and as mentioned
earlier in this chapter, the state has chosen to modernize Dubai by drawing from Western
models; its vision was translated into design acts by foreigners. The majority of
architects, planners and urban designers who designed and built Dubai are outsiders. This
explains the determinant break from local heritage and traditions that could be traced in
the majority of projects in the city.
The notion of rootedness in locale is clearly lacking in the majority of the new projects in
the city. These projects don’t respect local urban heritage and traditions. Besides, it rarely
responds to the environmental features of the locale. The relation between these projects
and the local context explicate to a great extent a better understanding of its authenticity.
Although these trends of development fulfill both state and local intentions of creating a
new world city image, their break from both urban heritage and local context undermine
the degree of their authenticity.

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7- Conclusion:
The proposed analytical framework emphasizes that in the case of Dubai, state plays the
main role in shaping urban transformation. The vision of its rulers and their determination
to make Dubai a world city could be sensed in every major development. The state funds
most of the new emerging world city type of places. Besides, it supports foreign investors
willing to contribute to this world city project. The role of local forces seems to be
minimal. This could be attributed to the satisfaction of the city residents with these forms
of urban change on the one hand, and the lack of civic engagement on the other hand.
This explains the rapid path of urban transformation in the city.
The roles of the four agencies are summarized in the following table:

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TABLE 17: A SUMMARY OF THE ROLES OF THE FOUR AGENCIES IN SHAPING THE FIVE DIMENSIONS OF PLACE IN DUBAI
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TABLE 17, Continued:
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TABLE 17, Continued:
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PART V: FINDINGS AND CONCLUSION

Introduction:
The proposed framework deals with forces that shape the process of place production as
vectors that interact with each other to produce an urban resultant. This has facilitated the
understanding of the contribution of major forces based on their power and orientation.
This emphasis on power and intentionality is critical to achieve a better understanding of
the dynamics of the process of place production. Dealing with the forces that represent
the agencies of place production as vectors allows the unfolding of the process of urban
transformation. The proposed framework introduces a heuristic device to dealing with
this process. It focuses on the notion of intentionality which is represented by the power
and direction of vectors.
The process of interaction between these vectors is actually complicated. However, it
reveals much about the nature of urban development in a city. Perceiving the interacting
forces as vectors explains the tensions, collisions and negotiations that feature any urban
development process. As discussed previously in Chapter Three, there are endless
possibilities of interaction that can lead to the same urban outcome. It is critical to
understand the dynamics of these forms of interaction. For example, vectors can
neutralize the impact of each other. Others with the same direction (intentionality) can
unit and support their common interest. Two very powerful vectors with opposite
intentions might eliminate each other leaving a less effective force to lead the process. In
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other cases, a single powerful vector might neutralize the influence of many others and
deflect the whole process towards its intention. A group of weak vectors might form a
coalition that can stand in face of a single powerful one.
This accentuates the importance of recognizing the interaction between the vectors
representing the four agencies in order to understand the nature of urban development in
globalizing cities. In other words, it is critical to focus on the process rather than the end
product. Different forms of interaction might lead to the same resultant. However, what
really matters is the process that leads to this urban resultant. The dynamics of these
forms of interaction are complicated considering the hybrid nature of the interacting
vectors.
The dimension of time is an important aspect of the proposed framework. Place
transformation is caused by changes in interacting vectors. The transformation of a single
vector in the process definitely affects the whole process and its resultant. The
withdrawal of a vector or the introduction of a new one can also change the dynamics of
the whole process. In order to understand places and their possible future transformation,
it is critical to identify the major forces that contribute to its formation.
In the following chapter, I discuss the research findings based on the proposed analytical
framework. I focus on the dynamics of place production and how it is distinct in the two
case study cities.

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CHAPTER NINE: FINDINGS AND CONCLUSION

1- Introduction:
The contemporary urban trends in Cairo and Dubai share many commonalities. It could
be argued that many of the new projects and urban typologies in both cities look the same
at least visually. Shopping malls, fancy hotels, gated communities, media cities and
international universities are all forms of new development trends that are occurring in
the two cities. The majority of these projects are built with modern technologies and
high-tech materials. They also tend to mimic Western styles and forms. They all seek the
construction of the world city image which can contribute to their city’s status in the
world system. Although both cities share these commonalities, the dynamics of the
process of place production remain quite distinct. In other words, relatively same urban
resultants are produced although the interacting vectors are significantly different.
The proposed framework facilitates the understanding of the dynamics of the process of
place production in the case study cities. The intentions and powers of forces contributing
to this process in each city are distinct. Unfolding these interacting forces or vectors
allows the understanding of what I call “place inertia” or the energy in a place. This
energy might cause dramatic transformation in case one or more vectors change their
power, orientation or even withdraw from the process. Places could feature some stability
because vectors neutralize each other. However, any shifts in power or deflection of
intentionality of one of the opposing vectors can lead to dramatic place transformation.
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In the case of Cairo, state and market feature an oppositional relationship. The shift to
capitalism was a result of changes in the dynamics of power and intentionality of the
state. With its bureaucratic system and inherited socialist ideals, the Egyptian state had to
give up some of its power to market. Besides, it deflected its intentionality to support
market role in the process of place production. The new legislations, governmental
restructuring and determinant will to privatize the public sector are all forms of this
deflection in state intentionality. This has led to the expansion of market power supported
by global flows that are benefiting from this political and economic openness.
Cairo presents an interesting case of places transformed because of the shifts in state
power and intentionality. In less than twenty five years, the city has experienced a shift
from extreme socialism towards capitalism. This was accompanied by a tendency to
empower market not only by privatizing major public enterprises, but also by supporting
private investments and especially foreign ones. This has triggered the process of
globalization of the city. Assuming that Cairo is globalizing because of the power of
global flows is problematic. In fact these flows didn’t enforce its intentions on the
process. It is the state willingness to withdraw gradually from the process of place
production that is empowering market and global forces and allowing them to play a
significant role in the process. Recognizing this role of the state is critical as it
distinguishes the experience of Cairo with globalization from other cities where market
and global flows overpower the state.
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During the socialist era, the Egyptian state was the most powerful agency and its
intentionality was relatively close to local intentions. The socialist regime hindered
foreign flows to the city. Imports, foreign direct investments, and international enterprises
were minimal. Market was controlled by many state regulations and policies such as
prices and rent control, subsidization, and excessive importation taxes that aimed the
protection of local goods. The nationalization of large private enterprises and the state
monopoly of many industries and services as steel, textile, sugar, cement, transportation,
media, water, and power have limited the power of the private sector. The intentions of
the socialist state tended to support local interests by assuring fair distribution of wealth
and affordability of basic needs such as housing, food, and education. However, it limited
any forms of community participation in the decision making process.
Figure (21) shows a schematic diagram of these dynamics and the distribution of powers
and intentionality in the case of Cairo during the socialist era using the proposed vectors
model. It is clear that during this era, the state was the dominant power. Its intentions
relatively leaned towards local ones. However, its authoritarian nature didn’t allow local
forces to contribute to the process of place production. The roles of agencies as global
flows, local forces, and market were minimal.
When Egypt started its shift towards capitalism in the late 1970s, state remained a
powerful agency. However, its intentionality was shifted towards those of global flows
and market (see figure 22). The state willingness to embrace ideals of capitalism required
it to give some of its power to market and global flows. Many of the regulations that
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hindered market power were changed. Besides, restrictions on foreign flows of capital,
people, and information were lifted. The socio-economic openness has allowed both
market and global domain to play a more significant role in the process of place
production.
FIGURE 21: THE DYNAMICS OF INTERACTION BETWEEN AGENCIES IN CAIRO DURING
THE SOCIALIST ERA

The figure shows a schematic distribution of vectors during the socialist era. State was the dominant agency
during that time. F1- F10 refers to different possible forces imposed by each agency.

FIGURE 22: THE DYNAMICS OF INTERACTION BETWEEN AGENCIES IN CAIRO DURING
THE CAPITALIST ERA

The figure shows a schematic distribution of vectors during the capitalist era. Power was redistributed
between state, market and global flows. F1- F10 refers to different possible forces imposed by each agency.
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During the last decade, the power of both market and global flows kept expanding. Cairo
experienced a dramatic increase in the scale of flows of capital, people, and information
to the city. Besides, the private sector became a very active player in the process of urban
development. However, this was also accompanied by a gradual emergence of the role of
local forces. These forces managed to neutralize some of the influences of global flows.
The reemergence of labor unions, civic organizations, political opposition parties, and
fundamentalist religious culture have empowered the role of locale in the process of place
production. Although many of those players were active during the early 20
th
century,
they were nearly banned during the socialist era.
The role of local forces in the process of place production is one of the main distinctions
between Cairo and Dubai. The emerging role of local forces and its opposition to global
forces explains the relatively slow transformation of Cairo in response to of globalization.
Compared to Dubai, the transformation of Cairo is relatively deliberate. This gives the
impression that the city is exposed to less global flows than Dubai. However, and as
presented in chapter six, Cairo is exposed to enormous flows of capital, people and ideas.
It is the intentionality of local forces that tend to neutralize some of the impact of these
global flows.
Estimating the role of these flows by looking at the resultant is problematic as it ignores
the possible roles of other vectors in the process. Local forces and in particular, urban
heritage and the civil society have been playing an important role in slowing down the
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process of urban transformation in Cairo. To some extent, the rich heritage of the city has
been neutralizing the Western architectural and urban influences.
Although Cairo is run by a relatively authoritarian state, the civil society is very active
and has been gaining much power during the last few years. Labor unions, professional
organizations, non- governmental press and media have been putting much pressure on
the government to slow down its privatization plans. Protests and demonstrations against
privatization and the excessive inclination of the state towards capitalism are daily scenes
in Cairo. Abd El Halim Kandil, an opposition leader of Kefaya Movement
79
describes
these demonstrations as the new Egyptian daily sport. According to Almesryoon
Newspaper, between October 2008 and March 2009 there have been nearly 1250
demonstrations in Egypt.
80

Recognizing this oppositional relationship between local and global forces contributes to
a better understanding of the possible future urban transformations in the city. It seems
that local cultural resistance in Cairo is gradually expanding its role in the process of
place production. This resistance is the anchor or the critical force that balances the
tension between the local and the global. I would argue that this bundle of forces will
determine the shape of future development in the city. In case its role diminishes or some
of its forces withdraw from the process, there will be a dramatic transformation
responding to the intentions of global flows. In other words, its decline will allow

79
Kefaya means enough.
80
Almesryoon Newspaper. Will Enter with it Guinness Book of World Records. Egypt Demonstrates Nine
Times Every Day, 3-15-2009.
254

existing powerful global forces to become more influential in the process of place
production.
In the case of Dubai, the relation between state and market presents a different case. The
state of Dubai is a major investor in most of the mega projects that are emerging in the
city. Its partnership with private investors is part of the vision of the city ruler, Sheikh
Mohamed, who runs Dubai as a private company. The willingness of Sheikh Mohamed
to make Dubai a top world city required the coalition of forces representing state, market
and global flows. Although Dubai tends to embrace global capitalism, state still
dominates the process of place production. There is no clear distinction between the
contributions of the state and those of private investors. The state of Dubai invests as an
enterprise in most of the new projects in the city. The partnership between the state and
private enterprises is very common in Dubai. The relationship between state and market
in Dubai doesn’t feature an opposition of intentionality. There is not conflict between
state and market intentions since the state itself is run as a private company. Besides, the
state attempts to attract global flows of capital, people and ideas make its intentionality
and those of global flows relatively adherent.
The role of local forces in the process of place production in the case of Dubai is
minimal. This could be attributed to three main factors. First is the nature of the
monarchy state in Dubai which doesn’t allow social participation in the process of policy
making. The first elections ever held in Dubai took place in 2006. Only a group of 1,061
voters selected by the ruler of Dubai were given the opportunity to elect three members
255

for the Federal National Council. The rest of the locals were deprived of this right. The
second factor that explains this minimal local contribution to the process of place
production is this national sense of pride and support of the new developments that are
changing the image of Dubai. Unlike the case of Cairo, the locals in Dubai support state
policies that embrace global capitalism. Finally, the tradition of civil engagement has no
significant roots in Dubai. It is actually a new concept that is still emerging and will
probably need many years to get established.
This minimal local resistance to the coalition of state, market and global flows explains to
a great extent the dramatic and rapid urban transformation that has been taking place in
the city. The state vision of making Dubai a world city and a global hub of trade
minimizes the divergence between the vectors of state, market and global flows. Unlike
the case of Cairo, the state in Dubai doesn’t have to give some of its power to market.
State actually performs as a private enterprise that dominates the investments in the city
and is a partner in every major project. Besides, it encourages flows of capital for the
sake of investments. It depends greatly on flows of people and in particular cheap foreign
labor that can do jobs locals are not willing to do. The state also relies on tourism as a
major source of income. It also benefited a lot from the flows of ideas to compensate for
the lack of local expertise and technologies.
256

FIGURE 23: THE DYNAMICS OF INTERACTION BETWEEN AGENCIES IN
CONTEMPORARY DUBAI

The figure shows a schematic distribution of vectors in contemporary Dubai. State is the dominant agency
followed by market and global flows. Local forces seem to be minimal. F1- F10 refers to different possible
forces imposed by each agency.

The Vectors of Intentionality Model explicates these dynamics which I argue are critical
to the comprehension of the nature of globalizing cities in the era of globalization. The
model accentuates the importance of focusing on the processes of place production rather
than the end product. Cairo and Dubai might share some similar trends of development as
their quest for constructing a world city image and their reliance on Western models of
development to achieve that. However, this doesn’t necessarily mean that the dynamics
of urban transformation in both cities are the same.
The two case studies show that global flows are not the only major agencies of place
production in globalizing cities. In fact their impact on the process is determined by the
power and intentionality of other agencies. In the case of Cairo, the impact of global
flows is relatively slow compared to Dubai due to the resistance of other agencies as state
257

and locale. This slow transformation in Cairo could be inaccurately conceived as a lack
of exposure to global flows. This vindicates my argument that cities that feature dramatic
transformation in response to globalization are not necessarily exposed to more global
flows than others. The roles of other agencies are critical in order to understand the
dynamics of urban transformation.
In the case of Cairo, it is hard to identify a single agency that dominates the process.
However, it could be argued that state and market are more influential than other
agencies. The state embraces an aggressive approach to privatize most of the public
enterprises which means a decrease in the power of its vectors and changes in their
intentionality. This state willingness to give some of its power to market during the last
ten years has changed the dynamics of the process of place production. Incentives,
infrastructure and subsidized lands and energy are offered to private enterprises to
encourage them to lead urban development in the city. The shift from the 1950s and 60s
socialism to the current capitalist system was mainly a change in powers and shifts in
intentionality.
The state in Cairo also encourages global flows and in particular those of capital and
people. It offers incentives to foreign investors and encourages all domestic projects that
attract tourists. These flows are also supported by market which strives for foreign capital
due to the lack of local sources of funding compared to a city as Dubai for example. This
has allowed global flows to play a more significant role in the process of place
production. Besides, the nature of Cairo, its size, history, resources and location have also
258

encouraged global flows to come to the city. Cairo is the largest city in the Middle East.
With nearly 16 million residents, Cairo appeals to foreign investors as a major consuming
market. This has encouraged many foreign enterprises to invent in the city.
The tendency of the state to attract global flows required its intentionality to deviate away
from those of the locale. In other words, some of the state vectors had to form a coalition
with market forces and global flows. However, and because of the influence of some
inherited socialist ideals, the state still intervenes in market performance and imposes
much regulation. It subsidizes many basic goods as wheat, gas and energy. Besides, it
still keeps some strategic enterprises as steel, cement, land phones, water and power
under public authority to assure a fair distribution of services and social stability. The
state receives much criticism from locals for privatizing the public sector. Local
resistance to privatization managed to slow down the selling of public enterprises.
Besides, it has put much pressure on new private investors to compensate workers who
were laid off after the privatization of their enterprises.
Although many local forces seem to resist globalization, there are some local factors that
encourage global flows to the city. For example, urban heritage brings millions of people
to Cairo yearly. With its ancient Egyptian, Coptic, Islamic and colonial historic districts,
Cairo is considered one of the major tourism hubs in the region. Besides, the city has a
long historic experience with exposure to foreign cultures. Since the medieval times,
Cairo has been a global city, a hub for traders, travelers and intellectuals. This tradition of
259

cultural openness extends till today. Cairo is still considered the capital of culture in the
Middle East.
Although these local features encourage the flows of capital, people and ideas to the city,
part of the impact of these flows is neutralized by other local forces which express
multiple forms of resistance. These forms are in fact very influential and powerful.
Although the Cairenes are more exposed to Western cultures than most of the Arab
societies, they are considered one of the most religious in the region. Besides, compared
to most of the Middle Eastern cities, the civil society in Cairo is much more active and
influential. Labor unions, professional associations and even students’ senates have a
long history of civic engagement since the colonial times. Many other movements as the
Muslim Brotherhood and Islamic Jihad have been active in promoting ideals of resistance
to what they refer to as the “Western invasion.”
All these forms of local resistance reduce the impact of economic and cultural global
influences on the city. Although Cairo is exposed to enormous global flows, the city
seems more static compared to Dubai. The new world city urban typologies are not
emerging as fast and smoothly as in the case of Dubai. In Cairo, the current distribution
of forces and intentionality in the process of place production features what could be
described as static inertia. The four agencies are relatively powerful and influential.
The way vectors are distributed in the case of Cairo balances the process of urban
transformation. However, in case one of the vectors loses or gains power, a dramatic
change might take place. For example, if the state embraces a deregulation approach,
260

market will gain enormous power and, with global flows, will dominate the process of
place production. Another scenario could be the decline in the power of global flows
which is in fact happening now not only in Cairo, but around the world. The global
economic crisis is affecting the rate of flows to many cities including Cairo. However, the
impact of this crisis on urban development in the city is not as severe as in the case of top
world cities because global flows were not a dominant player in the process. No doubt
that tourism, a major source of income in the city, has been featuring a decline. Besides,
many of the projects funded by foreign capital are now struggling. This is allowing local
forces to play a more significant role in the process. For example, labor unions and
organizations that have been fighting against the privatization of the public sector and in
particular to foreign enterprises are now more empowered because of the lack of global
capital. For them, this crisis is a relief from a decade of aggressive approach of selling
public enterprises to domestic and foreign investors.
In the case of Dubai, state is the major player in the process. Its intentionality to make
Dubai a world city is what drives urban transformation. The economic, political and
social role of the state in the process of place production overpowers the role of other
players. Its willingness to bring global flows to the city is the major force that shape what
could be described as the globalization of Dubai. These flows are influential simply
because they are encouraged by the state to contribute in the process. Same applies on
market which is in fact dominated by state funded and ruling family owned enterprises.
In this sense, the state’s willingness and its intentionality are what create this coalition
261

between its vectors and those of market and global flows. State controls this relationship
and accordingly, it has the power to determine the impact of other forces in the process.
The enormous power of the state of Dubai in a monarchy political system allows it to
select the forms of flows that serve its agenda. For example, although the state supports
global flows of capital, people and ideas, it shows much resistance when it comes to
flows of ideals related to democracy and civic engagement. Flows of ideals were able to
influence many social and cultural aspects in the city as language, fashion, tastes and
preferences. However, it hasn’t contributed much to the development the civil society.
Until today, the vast majority of the residents of Dubai are deprived of any political or
civic engagement. Workers are not allowed to form labor unions. Recent attempts to form
any sort of labor organization were faced by aggressive state actions and many foreign
workers were deported. The residents are not allowed to elect city officials nor contribute
to the process of decision making.
The dominant role of the state in the process of place production accentuates the possible
shifts in the dynamics of the process in the case of any changes in the political structure.
Currently, Sheikh Mohamed’s vision is the major driving force that shapes state
intentionality. If the state loses some of its power to locals or in other words, if the
process features more civic engagement, there might be a dramatic shifts in the dynamics
of powers. Although the majority of locals support Sheikh Mohamed vision, there
contribution to the process will definitely slow down the impact of global flows. Another
scenario could be the decline in the power of global flows which in fact began to occur
262

due to the global economic crises. Although the state funds many of the major projects in
the city, much of its money is also invested in the global market. Accordingly, any
economic global decline will not only affect the power of global flows but also the state
itself. It will definitely slow down urban transformation and will allow local forces to
play a more significant role in the process. In an article in the Herald Tribune titled
“Emirates See Fiscal Crisis as Chance to Save Culture” Michael Slackman argues that
the slowing global economy is giving the United Arab Emirates the opportunity to retain
some of its local culture. Slackman quotes Abdul Khaleq Abdullah, a political science
professor at United Arab Emirates University saying: "This is a blessing; we needed it.
The city needs to slow down and relax. It's good for the identity of our country.”
81

2- Where to Locate the Urban Resultant?
This study mainly focuses on understanding the process of place production rather than
interpreting the end resultant. After testing the proposed analytical model in unfolding the
forces that contribute to the process of place production, an important question ought to
be addressed. Where to locate the resultant in this model? Since I conceive the forces that
represent the four main agencies of place production as vectors, the resultant is the
outcome of the interaction of their powers and directions (intentions). In the proposed
model, and based on mathematical logic, the resultant will fall in the quarter of the least
powerful agency. This means that the intentions of this agency are relatively overridden
by the power of other vectors. The least powerful agency contributes in some way to the

81
Herald Tribune Published: November 12, 2008.

263

process by either neutralizing some of the power of other agencies or deflecting their
intentions. However, its intentions are usually the least represented in the final resultant.
In both Cairo and Dubai, the urban resultant lies in the locale quarter. However, in the
case of Cairo the resultant is less powerful due to the relatively strong resistance it faces
from local forces. The end resultant is less prominent than in Dubai due to the role of
local forces which manage to neutralize part of the power of other agencies. The end
resultant in the case of Dubai is slightly deflected towards the Market quarter. This is
attributed to the local support of state’s approach of transforming Dubai into a world city
(see figure 24).
In the case of Cairo, roles seem to be relatively fairly distributed between state, local
forces, market and global flows. In other words, the four agencies are influential in the
process of place production. In the case of Dubai, the dynamics are different. Local
forces are less represented and state is more powerful compared to the case of Cairo. This
makes it relatively hard to trace the actual impact of global flows on Cairo. It leads to a
misconception that the city is not exposed to much global flows. In this sense, it is very
important to recognize the roles of other agencies in order to understand the nature of the
urban resultant. Focusing on interpreting the end resultant rather than the process that
leads to its production is problematic.
In conclusion, looking at the process of place production rather than its end product is
essential in order to understand the actual role of globalization. Not every spectacular
business headquarter, mega mall or gated residential development is necessarily a product
264

of global flows. In many cases, these places are created by other agencies as state or local
intentions. These agencies don’t perform solely. They interact, negotiate and usually lead
to a resultant that neither reflect the full intentions of any agency nor equally responds to
all the interacting ones. The influence of these agencies or the forces that represent each
of them act as vectors, each has a power and intentionality.
FIGURE 24: THE URBAN RESULTANT

Cairo Dubai
The dashed arrows represent a schematic allocation of the end resultant. In both cities, the resultant lies in
the quarter of the least powerful agency which is locale.

3- Conclusion:
This study proposes a heuristic device that allows the unfolding of the multiple forces
that shape place. It introduces a different approach to understanding the role of state,
locale, market, and the global domain in the process of place production and
transformation. These four agencies are represented in the process by vectors, each
265

having a power and intentionality. Explaining the roles of these agencies and the relation
between their vectors is critical in order to understand the actual impacts of globalization
on cities. The study focuses on the dynamics of interaction between these vectors rather
than the end urban product.
The interaction between vectors features forms of negotiations, coalitions, and collisions
that lead at the end to an urban resultant. Vectors can neutralize the impact of each others.
In other cases they unit and form alliances. There are endless forms of interaction which
might lead to the same resultant. In this study, I refer to this course of actions between the
vectors representing the four main agencies as “the process of place production.” I argue
that understanding the dynamics of this process is more important than focusing on the
end resultant. My point is that cities cannot be generic even if they visually look the
same. What really matters is the process that leads to the production of their urban forms.
A city experiencing aggressive flows of global capital, people and ideas faced by strong
local resistance might lead to the same product as a city exposed to weak flows facing no
resistance.
The proposed heuristic model could be applied not only on globalizing cities, but also
global ones. State, Market, locale, and the global domain are the major agencies in both
cases. The dynamics of power and intentionality of the vectors representing each agency
is what distinguishes global cities form globalizing ones. Many globalizing cities might
share similar urban features as those in global ones. However; the process of production
266

of these features is distinct in every city. It is critical to recognize the uniqueness of this
process in order to understand the actual impact of globalization on cities.
In this dissertation, conceiving the forces that shape urban transformation in the era of
globalization as vectors has contributed to a better understanding of some theoretical
dilemmas discussed in literature on globalization and urbanism. Firstly, it emphasizes
that global flows are not always the major forces that shape development in globalizing
cities. In many cases, other agencies such as the state can lead the process of the
globalization of a city. Secondly, the study emphasizes that cities that feature dramatic
urban transformation in response to globalization are not necessarily exposed to more
global flows than others. In the case of Cairo, although the city is exposed to relatively
the same scale of flows as in the case of Dubai, urban transformation is slow. This is
attributed to the role of local forces in Cairo which resists dramatic forms of change.
This heuristic study can contribute to future theoretical discussions on contemporary
urbanism. It invites for comparative investigations of the nature of cities in the era of
globalization. The proposed analytical framework could be adapted to serve other
conceptualizations of the city. New aspects could be added to complement its capacity to
explain urban dilemmas related to the process of cities formation and transformation.
I hope that this dissertation will trigger a series of studies that recognize the particularity
of cities and the distinctiveness of the dynamics of their development. For my part, I
intend to elaborate the definition of the four agencies and the major sub-agencies that
constitute each of them. Besides, I hope I can develop an efficient method to measure the
267

actual power and orientation of the vectors representing the four agencies. This can
contribute significantly to a new understanding and conceptualization of cities and their
sophisticated nature.

268

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APPENDICES

Appendix 1: Cairo Survey Questions

Gender
- Male - Female
Are you a citizen of Egypt?
- Yes - No
Age
- 21-30 years old
- 31-40 years old
- 41- 50 years old
- 51- 60 years old
- 61- 70 years old
- 71- 80 years old
- 81 and more
What is the highest educational degree you currently hold?
- Elementary school degree
- Secondary school degree
- Bachelor degree
- Master degree
- Ph.D. degree
What is your profession?
- -----------
How long have you been living in Cairo?
- Less than 5 years
- 5-10 years
- 10- 15 years
- More than 15 years
In which part of the city did you live during your childhood?
- The old city (Al Azhar area and Misr Al Qadima)
- The early 20
th
century cities (Zamalek, Garden city, Downtown, Helipolis ect..)
- The Post 1950’s cities (Mohandeseen, Nasr City, El Haram ect…)
- The new cities (6
th
of October, El Sherouk, El Obour ect..)
- Other
In which part of Cairo do you live now?
- The old city (Al Azhar area and Misr Al Qadima)
- The early 20
th
century cities (Zamalek, Garden city, Downtown, Helipolis ect..)
- The Post 1950’s cities (Mohandeseen, Nasr City, El Haram ect…)
- The new cities (6
th
of October, El Sherouk, El Obour ect..)
- Other
Which of these urban images comes to your mind when Cairo is mentioned?
- History and antiquity
- Informal and ugly buildings
288

- Traffic and crowded streets
- Luxury places and elegant buildings
- Parks and Green Areas
What is the place you are most proud of in Cairo?
- The Pyramids
- Khan El Khalili and the Citadel area
- The new residential compounds like Qatamiya heights, Beverly Hills and City View
- The new hotels like Four Seasons and Grand Hyatt
- Cultural buildings and museums
In your opinion, what are the three most famous and iconic buildings or places in Cairo
that make the city known around the world?
- The Pyramids - Cairo Tower - First/ Four Seasons - World Trade Center
- Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Al Azhar area and Khan El khalili - City Stars
- Cairo Downtown - The Smart Village - Dreamland & Beverly Hills - Media
Production City - Egyptian Museum
Do you think that Cairo is a world city? In other words, could Cairo be considered as
one of the famous and important cities in the world today?
- Yes I think so
- May be, but not among the top 20 cities
- May be, but not among the top 30 cities
- No it is not
Do you think that Cairo needs some spectacular modern buildings and skyscrapers as
Burj Al Arab in Dubai for example, to improve its image?
- Yes I think so
- May be. I am not sure
- No, the city does not need such type of buildings
Do you think that having famous global chains as McDonalds, Starbucks and Coffee
Beans in Cairo is good for the city?
- Yes I think so. These places show that the Cairo is modernized like Western cities
- May be
- No, they don’t help the city
- I think they harm the city and threaten its identity
Do you support the recent transformation of the Egyptian economy towards capitalism?
- Yes, very much
- May be, I am not sure
- No, I am against this
How many hours per day do you watch American TV Channels, movies or TV series?
- Never
- Very rarely
- Less than one hour per day
- Between one to two hours per day
- Between two to three hours per day
- Between three to four hours per day
- More than four hours per day
How many hours per day do you use the internet?
- Never
- Very rarely
- Less than one hour per day
289

- Between one to two hours per day
- Between two to three hours per day
- Between three to four hours per day
- More than four hours per day
Do you think that watching American satellite TV channels and movies has changed
anything in your lifestyle or taste?
- Yes, a lot
- May be little
- Not at all
Which of these aspects do you think might be influenced by what we see in American
satellite TV channels and movies?
- Fashion and the way we dress
- The way we choose our furniture and the architectural style of our home
- The way we speak
- Places where we spend our leisure time like cafes and restaurants might look like American
ones
- Nothing. These channels have no influence at all
Where do you usually go for shopping?
- Shopping malls
- Street shops
- Internet
- Traditional markets
- Other
In your leisure time, where would you prefer to go?
- Shopping malls
- Public gardens and parks
- Streets and waterfronts
- Private clubs
- Traditional cafes
- Modern cafes or restaurants
If you are given the choice, would you live in an apartment in one of the new gated
compounds or do you prefer old districts as Zamalek or Heliopolis?
- I strongly prefer the new gated communities
- May be the new gated communities
- May be the old districts
- I strongly prefer the old districts
Do you think that naming some of the new residential compounds after Western places
as Beverly Hills, Sunset or Gardenia adds to its value?
- Yes, these names add more quality to these projects
- I prefer Arabic names
- No, I think names doesn’t matter at all
Do you prefer to live or spend time in areas where lots of foreigners (Europeans or
Americans) reside in or go to?
- Yes, because they add some quality to the place
- No, I don’t prefer mixing with foreigners. I don’t like their lifestyle
- I don’t think that foreigners make any difference

290

Which of the following architectural styles would you choose for your home?

IMAGE 25: DIFFERENT ARCHITECTURAL STYLES OFFERED TO THE SURVEYED SAMPLE

•
•

What is the most prevailing architectural style in Cairo?
- Islamic
- European classic
- Modern
- There is no prevailing style. It is a mix of multiple styles which make the city beautiful
- There is no prevailing style. It is a mix of multiple styles which make the city ugly
Are you satisfied with the overall architecture look of Cairo?
- Yes very much
- It is ok
- No, the city is becoming ugly
Do you think that Cairo should focus its investments on the Tourism sector?
- Yes, I strongly think so
- A little bit, but also invests in agriculture and industry
- No, Cairo should focus mainly on other sectors as industry and production
Why do you think many people prefer to live in the new cities as 6
th
of October and Al
Qahira Al Gadida?
- They can live in villas or larger homes
- It is quieter and there is less traffic
291

- Buildings there are more elegant and nicer than the old districts like Mohandeseen and Nasr
City
- It is cheaper
- There are better services as schools and shopping areas
Why do you think many people prefer to live in the new gated compounds as Qatamiya
Heights and Beverly Hills?
- It is safer than areas like Mohandeseen and Heliopolis
- They can live with the same social class and avoid mixing with low income people
- These compounds are more elegant and nicer than most of the places in Cairo
- Prestige
- In these compounds there is control on how buildings should look like and limitations on
any changes people can do to their homes. This can keep the place in best shape for a long
time.
Do you watch religious satellite channels?
- Yes, frequently
- Sometimes
- Very rarely
- Never
Do you visit religious websites on the internet?
- Yes, frequently
- Sometimes
- Very rarely
- Never
Do you like the idea of having gender separated places as females- only beaches, gyms
and cafes?
- Yes I strongly support this idea
- I don’t care
- No, I am against this idea
Do you go to any local culture centers as Sakiet el Sawy, Beit El Harawy ect..?
- Yes, frequently
- Sometimes
- Very rarely
- Never
Do you go to any international culture centers as British Council, American Culture
Center ect…?
- Yes, frequently
- Sometimes
- Very rarely
- Never
Do you think that the people in Cairo are gradually becoming more westernized?
- Yes, I strongly think so
- A little bit
- No, I don’t think so
Do you think that the people in Cairo are losing their Egyptian/Arab/Islamic identity?
- Yes, I strongly think so
- A little bit
- No, I don’t think so

292

Other than Cairo, which city (inside Egypt) would you choose to live in?
- ------
- None
Other than Cairo, which city (outside Egypt) would you choose to live in?
- ------
- None

293

Appendix 2: Cairo Survey Results Summary

TABLE 18: CAIRO SURVEY RESULTS

294

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312

Appendix 3: Dubai Survey Questions

Gender
- Male - Female
Are you a citizen of the UAE?
- Yes - No
Age
- 21-30 years old
- 31-40 years old
- 41- 50 years old
- 51- 60 years old
- 61- 70 years old
- 71- 80 years old
- 81 and more

What is the highest educational degree you currently hold?
- Elementary school degree
- Secondary school degree
- Bachelor degree
- Master degree
- Ph.D. degree
What is your profession?
- ----------
How long have you been living in Dubai?
- Less than 5 years
- 5-10 years
- 10- 15 years
- More than 15 years
Which of these urban images comes to your mind when Dubai is mentioned?
- History and antiquity
- Traffic and crowded streets
- Luxury places and elegant buildings
- Parks and Green Areas
- Informal and ugly buildings
What is the place you are most proud of in Dubai?
- Spectacular buildings as Burj Dubai and Burj Al Arab
- Shopping malls as Jumairah
- Historic places as the Bastakiya district
- Cultural buildings and museums
In your opinion, what are the three most famous and iconic buildings or places in
Dubai that make the city known around the world?
- Burj Al Arab - Burj Dubai - El Nakheel Islands - Bastakiya district - Gold Market
- Madinat Gumeirah - Mercato Mall

313

Do you think that Dubai is a world city? In other words, could Dubai be considered as
one of the famous and important cities in the world today?
- Yes I think so
- May be, but not among the top 20 cities
- May be, but not among the top 30 cities
- No it is not
Do you think that Dubai needs more spectacular modern buildings and skyscrapers as
Burj Al Arab or Burj Dubai to upgrade its status?
- Yes, I strongly think so
- May be. I am not sure
- No, the city does not need any more of these buildings
Do you think that having famous global chains as McDonalds, Starbucks and Coffee
Beans in Dubai is good for the city?
- Yes I think so. These places show that the Cairo is modernized like Western cities
- May be
- No, they don’t help the city
- I think they harm the city and threaten its identity
Do you support the full inclination of Dubai economy towards capitalism?
- Yes, very much
- May be, I am not sure
- No, I am against this
How many hours per day do you watch American TV Channels, movies or TV series?
- Never
- Very rarely
- Less than one hour per day
- Between one to two hours per day
- Between two to three hours per day
- Between three to four hours per day
- More than four hours per day
How many hours per day do you use the internet?
- Never
- Very rarely
- Less than one hour per day
- Between one to two hours per day
- Between two to three hours per day
- Between three to four hours per day
- More than four hours per day
Do you think that watching American satellite TV channels and movies has changed
anything in your lifestyle or taste?
- Yes, a lot
- May be little
- Not at all
Which of these aspects do you think might be influenced by what we see in American
satellite TV channels and movies?
- Fashion and the way we dress
- The way we choose our furniture and the architectural style of our home
- The way we speak

314

- Places where we spend our leisure time like cafes and restaurants might look like American
ones
- Nothing. These channels have no influence at all
In your leisure time, where would you prefer to go?
- Shopping malls
- Public gardens and parks
- Streets and waterfronts
- Private clubs
- Traditional cafes
- New cafes or restaurants
Where do you usually go for shopping?
- Shopping malls
- Street shops
- Internet
- Traditional markets
- Other
Do you prefer to live or spend time in areas where lots of foreigners (Europeans or
Americans) reside in or go to?
- Yes, because they add some quality to the place
- No, I don’t prefer mixing with foreigners. I don’t like their lifestyle
- I don’t think that foreigners make any difference
What is the most prevailing architectural style in Dubai?
- Islamic/ traditional
- Modern/ high tech
- There is no prevailing style. It is a mix of multiple styles which make the city beautiful
- There is no prevailing style. It is a mix of multiple styles which make the city ugly
Are you satisfied with the overall architecture look of Dubai?
- Yes very much
- It is ok
- No, the city is becoming ugly
Do you think that Dubai should focus its investments on the Tourism sector?
- - Yes, I strongly think so
- - A little bit, but also invests in agriculture and industry
- - No, Dubai should focus mainly on other sectors as industry and production
Do you watch religious satellite channels?
- - Yes, frequently
- - Sometimes
- - Very rarely
- - Never
Do you visit religious websites on the internet?
- Yes, frequently
- Sometimes
- Very rarely
- Never

315

Do you like the idea of having gender separated places as females- only beaches, gyms
and cafes?
- Yes I strongly support this idea
- I don’t care
- No, I am against this idea
Which of the following architectural styles would you choose for your home?

IMAGE 26: DIFFERENT ARCHITECTURAL STYLES OFFERED TO THE SURVEYED SAMPLE

Do you go to any local culture centers or museums?
- Yes, frequently
- Sometimes
- Very rarely
- Never
Do you go to any international culture centers as British Council, Goethe Institute,
ect…?
- Yes, frequently
- Sometimes
- Very rarely
- Never
Do you think that the people in Dubai are gradually becoming more westernized?
- Yes, I strongly think so
- A little bit - No, I don’t think so
316

Do you think that the locals in Dubai are losing their Arab/Islamic identity?
- Yes, I strongly think so
- A little bit
- No, I don’t think so

Other than Dubai, which city (inside UAE) would you choose to live in?
- ------
- None
Other than Dubai, which city (outside UAE) would you choose to live in?
- ------
- None

317

Appendix 4: Dubai Survey Results Summary

TABLE 19: DUBAI SURVEY RESULTS

318

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Abstract (if available)

Abstract This dissertation introduces a heuristic model that can contribute to a better understanding of the nature of urban transformation in globalizing Middle Eastern cities. It primarily aims to explain the new trends of urban development that are occurring in these cities. New types of places as business headquarters, spectacular skyscrapers, financial centers, mega malls, luxury hotels and gated communities are reshaping the urban form of many Middle Eastern cities. In literature on globalization and urbanism, these trends of development are usually explained as products of global flows of capital, people, and ideas. These flows are perceived as the main forces that drive contemporary urban transformation in globalizing cities. The roles of other agencies as state, domestic enterprises and local forces are relatively ignored.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Salama, Hussam Hussein Samir (author)

Core Title Place production in globalizing middle eastern cities: a study of Cairo and Dubai

School School of Policy, Planning, and Development

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Planning

Publication Date 11/24/2009

Defense Date 05/11/2009

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Cairo,Dubai,global,Globalization,local,Middle East,OAI-PMH Harvest,place,place Production,state, market,urban transformation,urbanism

Place Name Cairo (city or populated place), Dubai (city or populated place), Egypt (countries), United Arab Emirates (countries)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Banerjee, Tridib (committee chair), Dear, Michael (committee member), Heikkila, Eric J. (committee member), Steele, James T. (committee member)

Creator Email hhssalama@hotmail.com,hsalama@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-m2761

Unique identifier UC1147581

Identifier etd-Salama-3061 (filename),usctheses-m40 (legacy collection record id),usctheses-c127-286810 (legacy record id),usctheses-m2761 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-Salama-3061.pdf

Dmrecord 286810

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Salama, Hussam Hussein Samir

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Repository Name Libraries, University of Southern California

Repository Location Los Angeles, California

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu