University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Literacy practices of 1.5 generation Korean American parents with three to five year old children

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Literacy practices of 1.5 generation Korean American parents with three to five year old children

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LITERACY PRACTICES OF 1.5 GENERATION KOREAN AMERICAN
PARENTS WITH THREE TO FIVE YEAR OLD CHILDREN

by

Maristela Cho

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements of the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

December 2008

Copyright 2008 Maristela Cho
ii
DEDICATION

This dissertation is dedicated to my loving husband, Paul Cho, whose constant
support and encouragement have given me the strength throughout this journey. I
would like to also dedicate my dissertation to my parents, Yong Jong and Jung
Soon Mo, for always believing in me and encouraging me in the life choices I
make. For my sister, Yara Yu, for being my best friend and lastly for my parents-
in-law, Soo Young and Myung Ja Cho, for their constant support during this
process.

iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to begin by thanking my dissertation chair, Dr. Alexander Jun.
He graciously took me on as his student when I was in need of a new chair and I
am forever thankful for that. His gentle encouragement and guidance have given
me the necessary tools during this journey and I am privileged to work with such a
wonderful person. Thank you for believing in me throughout this whole process.
I would also like to thank the members of my dissertation committee, Dr.
Eugenia Mora-Flores and Dr. Susan Rose. Dr. Mora-Flores has provided a keen
insight to the literacy portion of my study and I thank you for your valuable
contributions to my committee. Dr. Rose, thank you for being both my friend and
my committee member. You have encouraged me from the beginning of my
dissertation with your constant support and guidance and I am truly thankful for
that.
My deepest appreciation goes to the families who have agreed to participate
in this study. This research would not have been possible without the generosity of
the families in opening their doors to me. I am eternally grateful for the families in
allowing me to come into their homes and observing them.
Finally, it would have been impossible for me to complete this dissertation
without the love and support of my family. I thank my husband Paul for constantly
encouraging and pushing me to complete my dissertation. I am grateful for all that
you have done to help me meet my goal. Next, to my beautiful daughter who was
born at the beginning of my dissertation process and has been (for the most part)
iv
and angel when mommy had to work on her research. Finally, to my heavenly
Father for giving me the strength and endurance throughout this journey and for the
perfect plan You have laid out for me.

v
TABLE OF CONTENTS

DEDICATION ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iii
LIST OF TABLES viii
LIST OF FIGURES ix
ABSTRACT x
CHAPTER ONE 1
Overview of the Study 1
Introduction 1
The History of Korean Immigrants 2
Statement of the Problem 6
Purpose of the Study 8
Research Questions 9
Importance of the Study 10
Theoretical Framework 10
Summary of the Literature 11
Summary of the Methodology 12
Definition of Terms 12
Organization of the Dissertation 16

CHAPTER TWO 18
Literature Review 18
Introduction 18
What is Literacy? 19
What is Emergent Literacy? 20
What is Family Literacy? 23
Literacy Practices 27
Storybook Reading 27
Environmental Print 30
Social Interactions 32
Sociodramatic Play 33
Asians in Literacy Studies 36
1.5 Generation Korean Americans 37
1.5 Generation Korean Americans and Language Issues 39
The Culture of the 1.5 Generation Korean American Parents 42

vi
CHAPTER THREE 45
Methodology 45
Introduction 45
Research Methods 46
Subject Selection 47
Site Selection 51
Data Collection 51
Interviews 52
Observation 53
Document Analysis 54
Data Analysis 55
Delimitations 60
Background of the Investigator 60

CHAPTER FOUR 65
Results 65
Introduction 65
The Park Family 66
Memories of the Past 72
Experiences as a 1.5 Generation Korean American 74
Literacy Memories 75
Literacy Events 77
Print Documents 81
HOME Inventory 83
The Kim Family 84
Memories of the Past 87
Experiences as a 1.5 Generation Korean American 89
Literacy Memories 90
Literacy Events 92
Print Documents 96
HOME Inventory 99
The Lee Family 100
Memories of the Past 103
Experiences as a 1.5 Generation Korean American 105
Literacy Memories 106
Literacy Events 109
Print Documents 111
HOME Inventory 113
Conclusion 114

CHAPTER FIVE 116
Discussion 116
Introduction 116

vii
Literacy and Communication Struggles of 1.5 Generation Korean
Americans 117
Dual Culture and Difficulties as a Latchkey Child 120
Cultural Capital 123
Literacy Events 125
HOME Inventory 127
Implications 130
Policy Recommendations 130
Limitations of the Study 132
Recommendations for Future Research 133

REFERENCES 137

APPENDICES
Appendix A – Interview Questions for Parents 147
Appendix B – Interview Questions for Child 150
Appendix C – Observation Chart 151
Appendix D – Document Analysis Chart 152
Appendix E – Home Observation for Measurement of the
Environment (HOME) Inventory 153
Appendix F – The Park Family 156
Appendix G – The Kim Family 160
Appendix H – The Lee Family 163

viii
LIST OF TABLES

Table 1: The Early Childhood HOME Inventory (ages 3 to 6) 56
Table 2: Home Inventory Result for the Park Family 83
Table 3: Home Inventory Result for the Kim Family 99
Table 4: Home Inventory Result for the Lee Family 113
Table 5: Home Inventory Result for the Three Families 129

ix
LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1: The Two Domains of Emergent Literacy 21
Figure 2: The Office Play Setting 35
Figure 3: Inclusion Criteria for Korean American Subjects 48
Figure 4: The Families 67

x
ABSTRACT
The focus of this study was to examine the literacy practices found in the homes of
families with 1.5 generation Korean American parents with three to five year old
children. A close examination at the parent’s own history as a 1.5 generation
Korean American and their experiences in literacy and the duality of their culture
provided a base on the literacy practices in the home. The literacy events and the
print environment of the home also provided an insight into the family’s literacy
practices. The subjects in this study included three Korean American families
residing in and around Los Angeles. Data were collected during the spring of 2007
and a follow-up session occurred one year afterwards during the spring of 2008.
The first set of data was collected during an eight to ten week period where the
investigator met with the families in their homes for approximately two to three
hours. Two follow-up sessions occurred for two hours at the homes of the families.
The research used a case study methodology to collect the data using interviews,
observations, and document analysis. Five findings were obtained from this study.
First, the 1.5 generation Korean Americans all experienced literacy and
communication struggles growing up as an immigrant. Second, the parents
experienced difficulties growing up with a dual culture and as a latchkey child.
Third, the 1.5 generation Korean Americans all expressed how the lack of cultural
capital by their parents left them without the tools necessary to navigate through the
school system and the American culture. Fourth, literacy events were often found
in the homes of the 1.5 generation Korean Americans suggesting that the parents
xi
are aware of the importance of literacy at an early age. Lastly, the HOME
Inventory found that all the families made a point to provide abundant stimulation
and support to support their child in her literacy and personal development.
Implications are discussed to caution the use of the data for all 1.5 generation
Korean Americans. Recommendations for future research include a further
examination on the effects of growing up as a latchkey child, the effects of
navigating through a new culture and school without cultural capital, the second
generation’s acquisition of the Korean language, further research on three to five
year old boys, and examining the 1.5 generation Korean Americans residing in
such places like New York, Chicago, Brazil, and Argentina to see if immigration
and literacy practices are different by geographic location.

1
CHAPTER ONE

Overview of the Study

Introduction
According to the 2007 Growth Academic Performance Index (API) Report
of California, Asians scored the highest with an API of 852. The Filipino subgroup
came second with 813 and the White population scored an 805. Of the Asian
subgroup, Koreans make up approximately 15% according to the US census of
2000. Even though there are a high number of Koreans in the California schools
and this group scores the highest on the API reports, there is a significant lack of
research on this minority population. Most research conducted on the educational
progress of students contains mainly White subjects but the information gathered
cannot be transferred over to other minority groups.
One study conducted by the National Center for Education Statistics on
home literacy activities and signs of emerging literacy (Nord et al. 1999) found that
compared to three to five year old children in 1993, more children the same age in
1999 participated in home literacy activities such as: being read to; learning letters,
words, or numbers; learning music and songs; participating in arts and crafts; and
visiting libraries. This study also found that there was an increase in the number of
children being able to recognize all the letters, count higher than 20, write their
names, and read or pretend read storybooks in 1999 compared to 1993.
This study suggests two things: first, parents are more aware that there are
benefits to early literacy activities in the home prior to starting formal schooling;
2
and second, children start school at higher literacy levels when they are exposed to
home literacy activities during their preschool years. While this general conclusion
may be applicable for a number of children, the subjects in this study were
generally White students and their emergent literacy strategies at home. This
information is vital in understanding that current students start school with more
literacy skills, but it cannot be applicable for all children.
This study focuses on Koreans, specifically the children of 1.5 generation
Korean Americans and their emergent literacy skills. It examines how other
factors, such as the culture of the family and the unique background of 1.5
generation Korean American parents play a part in the emergent literacy skills of
their children. By focusing on this small subgroup of Asians, more detailed
information can be gathered about Korean Americans rather than trying to fit
research results from White subjects into this population. To do this, the history of
Korean Americans must first be explored.

The History of Korean Immigrants
The history of Korean immigration to the United States can best be
described in three major waves (Choe, Kim, & Han, 2005):
• The first wave: 1903-1905, mainly laborers immigrating to Hawaii;
• The second wave: 1952-1965, war brides, orphans, and college students;
and
• The third wave: 1965 onward, massive immigration of Koreans.
3
The first wave of Korean immigrants was influenced by the signing of the Korean
American Treaty, or more correctly known as the Treaty of Amity and Commerce,
in 1882. With the signing of this treaty, Koreans were freely permitted to enter the
United States (Kim, 2003). On January 13, 1903, 101 Korean immigrants arrived
in Honolulu, Hawaii aboard the S.S. Gaelic as laborers. By 1905, the number of
Korean immigrants peaked at 7,226 (Hurh & Kim, 1984). These immigrants were
predominately male laborers hired to work in sugar plantations.
While working in the sugar plantations, the Korean immigrants differed in
many ways from their other Asian counterparts. The early Korean immigrant
laborers were able to adapt to the American culture and language at a much quicker
rate. This enabled them to leave the harsh work environments of the sugar
plantations at a faster rate (Hurh & Kim, 1984). By 1910, nearly one-third of the
Korean laborers left the fields for mainland United States (Hurh & Kim, 1984).
The number of Korean immigrant workers steadily decreased in Hawaii over the
next ten to fifteen years.
Another difference between the Korean immigrants and their Japanese and
Chinese counterparts was their extensive involvement in Christian churches (Hurh
& Kim, 1984). Their Christian faith and the connection formed through this faith
allowed Korean immigrants to become a more cohesive group. This also
contributed to their progressive acculturation and rapid mobility.
4
During the period between 1905 and the1950s, Koreans virtually ceased to
immigrate to the United States. Hurh and Kim (1984) state that a combination of
the following three factors may have accounted for this break in immigration:
1. The Japanese protectorate treaty with Korea in 1905 and the Japanese
annexation of Korea in 1910: During its 36 years of occupation, Japan
ruled with an iron fist and attempted to erase all elements of Korean culture
and language. They forced all Koreans to adopt Japanese names and even
follow the Shinto (native Japanese) religion. Korean artifacts and books
were destroyed or shipped to Japan and their resources, including the people
of Korea, were used to build up the nation of Japan. During this time,
Koreans were not allowed to leave the country and immigrate to the United
States. Only approximately 1,110 “picture brides” were allowed to leave
and join their prospective husbands in Hawaii.
2. The Korean government did not allow further emigration of Koreans
because of the harsh treatments that followed. An example occurred in
1905 when 1,031 Koreans were sent to Merida, Yucatan to work as laborers
under a four-year contract without the Korean government’s authorization.
These Koreans were recruited under the false pretense that they would
become rich at the end of their four-year commitment. Instead, they
became slave laborers and only 288 of them eventually were able to escape.
3. The enactment of the Immigration Act of 1924, or otherwise known as the
Oriental Exclusion Act, put a quota on Asian immigrants coming to the
5
United States. At this time, only approximately 900 Korean students, as
non-immigrants, were allowed into the States (Choe, Kim, & Han, 2005).
This lull of Korean immigration lasted approximately 50 years. The second wave
began in 1952.
The second wave of Korean immigrants began after the enactment of the
McCarran-Walker Act which removed the previous ban on Asian immigration
(Choe, Kim, & Han, 2005). During the period between 1952 and 1965, Korean
immigrants were mainly made up of the following three groups:
• War brides: After the Korean War ended in 1953, many American soldiers
came back home with Korean wives. These war brides often suffered from
severe culture shock and were often socially marginalized (Kim, 1977;
Hurh & Kim, 1984).
• Orphans: According to research conducted by Hurh and Kim (1984), there
were approximately 25,000 children institutionalized in orphanages
throughout Korea. Of this group, approximately 6,300 were adopted by
American families, mainly through the Holt Adoption Agency. Based on an
empirical study conducted in 1977, Kim found that the adopted children
generally adjusted well in their American homes and often identified
themselves as American rather than Korean.
• College students: According to Hurh and Kim (1984), approximately 6,000
Korean students came to the United States to pursue academic programs at
various American universities and colleges. Of this number, many returned
6
back to their homeland upon completion of their degrees (Choe, Kim, &
Han, 2005).
In 1965, the third wave of Korean immigrants began with the enactment of
the Immigration Reform Act (Choe, Kim, & Han, 2005). Since then, the number of
Koreans in the United States has steadily increased. In fact, 1970 was the first year
that the Census data included Koreans in the list of Asians residing in America
(Hurh & Kim, 1984). Over the last four decades, the data collected by the United
States Census shows this increase: 1970: 69,130 Koreans; 1980: 354,593 Koreans;
1990: 798,849 Koreans; and 2000: 1,076,872. With the drastic increase of Korean
immigrants in the 1980s, a new phenomenon occurred among the children of the
immigrants: the 1.5 generation Korean Americans were defined.
1.5 generation Korean Americans are a group of immigrants who have
immigrated to the United States during their early elementary school years and
grew up exposed to a dual culture and language environment (Hurh, 1978, 1984,
1990, 1993; Park, 1999). This duality of culture and language forces this group to
adapt in such a way that they actually form their own culture (Kim, 2004; Kim et
al., 2003; Yeh et al., 2005; Kang & Lo, 2004). By exploring the background of the
1.5 generation Korean Americans, this study aims to examine how their children
are exposed to literacy during their preschool years.

Statement of the Problem
In recent years, researchers have found much information about the
emergent literacy skills of preschool children. They found that children benefit
7
from storybook reading with an adult, the environment and the amount of print
available affects a child’s literacy growth, and adult-child social interaction
positively affect a child’s growth (Yaden, Rowe, MacGillivray, 2000; Roberts,
Jurgens, & Burchinal, 2005; Bus, van IJzendoorn, & Pellegrini, 1995; Evans,
Shaw, & Bell, 2000; Strickland, 2004; Gilliam, Gerla, & Wright, 2004). The
studies conducted by these researchers have shown that there is much that can be
done to promote literacy growth prior to formal schooling. While the research
gathered from these studies shows great potential to all children, it is primarily
focused on White, Black, or Hispanic children. Little research has been conducted
on the emergent literacy skills of other minority children, specifically Korean
Americans.
Since their first immigration in 1903, Koreans were able to adapt to the
American culture and language at a much quicker rate than other immigrants.
Researchers state that a prime reason for this quick acculturation rate is the
involvement in the church (Kim, Sawdey, Meihoefer, 1980). They conclude that
the church helped maintain the Korean ethnicity while providing a network of
fellow Korean Americans to assist each other in navigating through the American
culture. Because of this complex system, many Korean immigrants have been
successful in their businesses. In addition to the success of the parents, statistics
also showed that the children of these immigrants, the 1.5 generation, have been
successful in their schools (Baker, Keller-Wolff, & Wolf-Wendel, 2000). Braxton
(1999) attributes the academic success of the children to the culture of the family,
8
stating that the parents place a great importance to education. Korean immigrants
have stressed that their children succeed in school not only to have a better future
for themselves, but to also make their family name look good to others.
With the 1.5 generation Korean Americans success in their academic and
business ventures, the question of how their children are fairing arises. Do these
parents, the children of their first generation parents, follow the same patterns in
stressing education above all else? Do they employ certain literacy practices in
their homes? In order to examine whether the children of these 1.5 generation
parents benefit from various literacy practices, it is important to gather more
information about this ethnic subgroup as well as examine the actual practices
found in the homes of the 1.5 generation Korean Americans.

Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study is to examine the literacy practices found in
families of 1.5 generation Korean American parents. Specifically, this study
examines the literacy practices of three to five year old children and the various
approaches utilized by their parents. Emergent literacy strategies on preschool
children have been well examined in the past but the subjects were mainly middle
class White children. Little data is found on Asian children, specifically Korean
American children. This study attempts to close this information gap and provide
essential data on this minority group.
The data gathered in this study presents many applicable uses. With the
growing diversity in our school systems, educators can be better informed about the
9
background of their students. In states with a great number of Korean American
students, such as New York and California, school districts can better prepare their
teachers and curriculum to cater to the needs of this unique group. The number of
Korean American students in the American school systems are increasing
exponentially and by having the data and resources pertaining to this group,
educators can truly reach out to these students.

Research Question
The following research question and its sub-questions will guide this study:
• What are the literacy practices of three to five year old children in families
of 1.5 generation Korean American parents?
o What is the nature of parental childhood experiences in literacy?
o What kind of dual culture was led by the 1.5 generation Korean
Americans?
o What types of literacy events are found between the preschoolers
and individual family members?
o What types of literacy materials are found in the homes and how are
they used by the families?
These research questions will be employed in the data collection, analysis, and the
discussion of the study.

10
Importance of the Study
This study is both theoretically and practically significant. Theoretically,
this study strives to contribute to the currently limited knowledge on 1.5 generation
Korean Americans and the literacy practices employed in these families. The data
gathered in this study adds to the current knowledge of literacy practices by
examining a specific ethnic group, thus allowing researchers to utilize the
information found on 1.5 generation Korean Americans in relation to other ethnic
groups.
This study also contributes to the current knowledge base used in school
issues related to the acquisition of literacy of Korean Americans. With Korean
Americans making up the majority of foreign born students in America (Yearbook
of Immigration Statistics, Department of Homeland Security, 2004), this study
provides researchers and educators with specific knowledge on the literacy
practices found in the home of Korean Americans.

Theoretical Framework
For this study, a sociocultural perspective was used to examine the literacy
practices found in the homes of 1.5 generation Korean American families. This
theory is based on the works of Vygotsky (1962, 1978), who states that an
examination of the individual child cannot determine his/her development. One
must also examine the external social interactions of the child with other
individuals and objects (Vygotsky, 1978). Interactions between the child and
11
others, such as parents, teachers, and peers, help shape the development of the
child.
This view is especially significant when examining the child’s emergent
literacy skills. Rather than an isolated development, a young child’s learning
ability is shaped through a “mutual exchange of views and experiences by all
parties involved” (Ortiz & Ordoñez-Jasis, 2005, p. 112). In other words, reading,
writing, and language activities are not isolated experiences, but rather an
interaction between the learner and other individuals (McLaughlin, 1989).
By utilizing the sociocultural perspective, the interactions between the child
and the 1.5 generation Korean American parents was examined to analyze the
development of emergent literacy skills. This theory assisted the investigator in
understanding the process of literacy development of the child and recognizing the
shared literacy activities found in the homes of the Korean American families.

Summary of the Literature
The literature review found in chapter two contains two sections: an
overview of literacy and an examination of 1.5 generation Korean Americans. The
first section provides an exploration of the research conducted on emergent literacy
and how it has gained momentum over the last few decades. The literature on
family literacy is also examined to investigate how home environments and the
interactions between the child and other members of the family contribute to the
development of early literacy skills. This section concludes with a look at four
12
literacy practices: storybook reading, environmental print, social interactions, and
sociodramatic play (Yaden, Rowe, MacGillivray, 2000).
The second section of chapter two focuses on the 1.5 generation Korean
Americans. It begins with an overview of this minority subgroup and their unique
background. The investigation of the language issues found in this group followed
by a look at the culture of the 1.5 generation Korean American parents concludes
this section.

Summary of the Methodology
A pure-naturalistic-qualitative strategy was employed to an in-depth
analysis of the literacy practices found in the families of 1.5 generation Korean
American parents. Using criterion sampling to identify the families, semi-
structured interviews with parents, observations and interviews of children,
observations of adult-child interactions, and document analysis were employed to
collect the data. The main purpose of utilizing these instruments was to collect rich
descriptive data on the background of the 1.5 generation Korean American parents
and the literacy practices found in the homes.

Definition of Terms
1.5 GENERATION KOREAN AMERICANS
Although multiple definitions exist, for the purpose of this paper, 1.5 generation
Korean Americans are a group of immigrants who have immigrated to the United
13
States during their early years and grew up exposed to a dual culture and language
environment.

CRITERION SAMPLING
A form of sampling strategy in which all subjects must meet a set criterion in order
to participate. This sampling strategy allows the researcher to select information-
rich cases strategically and purposefully.

DIALOGIC READING
Dialogic reading is when children are active participants in reading where they are
encouraged to ask questions, provide their own answers, and discuss the story.

EDUCATIONAL MATERIALS
Any teaching tool used to promote learning.

EMERGENT LITERACY
Emergent literacy is the acquisition of basic literacy skills that begins during the
preschool years as opposed to the “real” reading that children are taught in their
formal classrooms.

ENVIRONMENTAL PRINT
Print and other graphic symbols, in addition to books, that are found in the physical
environment, such as posters, phonebooks, magazines, etc.

14
FAMILY LITERACY
Family literacy is the combination of home environments and the interactions
between the child and other members of the family that contribute to the
development of early literacy skills.

GENERATION
A single stage in the descent of a family or a group of people, animals, or plants, or
the individual members of that stage.

KONGLISH
A mixture of the Korean and English language often spoken by 1.5 generation
Korean Americans who are not completely fluent in the Korean language.

LITERACY
Literacy is most commonly defined as the ability to read and write. In the past
years, this definition has extended to include the ability to “function independently
and flexibly in a society” (Whitehead, 1996, p. 47). This definition stresses that
reading and writing is not just something done in school, but rather an “aspect of
living and coping in a community” (Whitehead, 1996, p. 47).

LITERACY PRACTICES
Literacy practices refer to what people do with literacy. Literacy practices also
involve how people understand and talk about literacy and their awareness of
15
constructions and discourses of literacy. The practices are recognized in such
literacy events where literacy is a component in various activities.

LITERACY SKILLS
Literacy skills refer to the ability to read, write, listen, and speak with competence.

NATURALISTIC INQUIRY

Studying real-world situations as they unfold naturally; nonmanipulative and
noncontrolling; openness to whatever emerges (lack of predetermined constraints
on findings) (Patton, 2002, p. 41)

ORAL TRADITIONS
The spoken relation and preservation, from one generation to the next, of a people's
cultural history and ancestry, often by a storyteller in narrative form.

PURE-NATURALISTIC-QUALITATIVE STRATEGY

A naturalistic inquiry that collects qualitative data and performs content analysis

SOCIAL INTERACTIONS
A dynamic, changing sequence of social actions between individuals (or groups)
who modify their actions and reactions due to the actions by their interaction
partner(s). In other words they are events in which people attach meaning to a
situation, interpret what others are meaning, and respond accordingly.

16
SOCIOCULTURAL THEORY
Sociocultural theory proposes that individual learning and social interaction are
connected. Individuals learn as they interact with others through social events
found in their daily lives (Vygotsky, 1962).

SOCIODRAMATIC PLAY
Sociodramatic play, also called symbolic, pretend, dramatic, imaginative, or make-
believe play, is when “children use make-believe transformations of objects and
their own identities to act out scripts that they invent” (Yaden, Rowe,
MacGillivray, 2000, p. 431).

Organization of the Dissertation
Chapter one of this study has introduced the study with background
information and a summary of the research. It also provided an outline of the
methodology and the literature review, along with definitions of significant
vocabulary used in this study. Chapter two focuses on the relevant literature
pertaining to this study. It focuses on emergent literacy and the importance of how
home literacy practices at an early age contribute to a child’s success during their
formal school years. This chapter also examines the history and cultural aspects of
the 1.5 generation Korean Americans to understand how the background of the
parents in this study affects how literacy practices are used in the homes. Chapter
three examines the methodology of the study, including the instrumentation used,
the data collection process, and the analysis of the data. Chapter four presents the
17
results of the study based on the data collected. Finally, Chapter five summarizes
the study and includes a conclusion. This chapter also examines the implications
found in the study.

18
CHAPTER TWO

Literature Review

Introduction
Over the past years, research on the importance of home literacy
experiences has emerged (Purcell-Gates, 1996; Baker et al., 1996; Gilliam, Gerla,
& Wright, 2004; Holloway, 2004; Roberts, Jurgens, & Burchinal, 2005; Hill-Clark,
2005). It is no wonder that this is a growing topic with pressure coming from the
No Child Left Behind Act, higher acceptance standards from colleges, and the
stress to succeed at an early age. In much of the discussion found in the literature,
researchers have stated that for students to succeed, literacy acquisition must begin
early on in the home (Cunningham & Stanovich, 1998; Purcell-Gates, 1996).
However, finding the exact formula for early literacy growth has been a challenge.
A review of the literature indicates that the frequency of book reading, print
materials found in home, and even the level of parental education all play a role in
the home literacy experiences a child might have.
Examining home literacy practices will be one of the two components of
this literature review. This review also focuses on the 1.5 generation Korean
Americans of recent years. An examination of the literature reveals that the 1.5
generation Korean Americans have sociocultural characteristics that make them
unique from the first and second generations (Hurh & Kim, 1984; Park, 1999;
Danico, 2004). The fact that they are caught in-between two generations will be
further examined in this chapter. The investigation of the language issues found in
19
this group followed by a look at the culture of the 1.5 generation Korean American
parents concludes this section.
To facilitate this review of the literature, this chapter focuses on two main
sections. The first section focuses on the literacy practices of families with specific
attention to storybook reading, environmental print, social interactions, educational
materials, and sociodramatic play. The second section explores the meaning of 1.5
generation Korean Americans and the dual nature of this group.

What is Literacy?
Literacy is most commonly defined as the ability to read and write. In the
past years, this definition has extended to include the ability to “function
independently and flexibly in a society” (Whitehead, 1996, p. 47). This definition
stresses that reading and writing is not just something done in school, but rather an
“aspect of living and coping in a community” (Whitehead, 1996, p. 47). In
addition to this extended definition, Snow et al. (1991) also states that literacy
encompasses a set of skills that develop over time. These skills, such as word
recognition and reading comprehension, can be further broken down into subskills,
which might develop independently on its own course (Snow and Dickinson,
1991). This ability to read and write, with the various skills involved, encompasses
the whole of “literacy.”
For years, researchers have thought that literacy was obtained through
formal schooling once children enter kindergarten. However, children acquire
20
literacy skills much earlier based on experiences exposed to at home. This
acquisition of early reading and writing skills is referred to as emergent literacy.

What is Emergent Literacy?
Over the past few decades, a number of terms, such as “reading readiness”
and “early reading and writing” have been used interchangeably to refer to a child’s
first interactions with print. However, Marie Clay first coined the term “emergent
literacy” in 1966 in her doctoral dissertation. Since then, the term emergent
literacy became the most commonly used term for researchers (Yaden, Rowe, &
MacGillivray, 2000, Teale & Sulzby, 1986). The emergent literacy perspective
states that the acquisition of basic literacy skills begins during the preschool years
as opposed to the “real” reading that children are taught in their classrooms
(Whitehurst & Lonigan, 2001). Through their work, Teale and Sulzby (1986)
employ the term emergent literacy to refer to the development that is occurring
during the child’s preschool years. They state that children “become literate” (p.
xx) as a result of stimulation found in their environment from interactions with
others and with objects.
Whitehurst and Lonigan (1998) further state that “emergent literacy consists
of the skills, knowledge, and attitudes that are developmental precursors to reading
and writing” (p. 848). They propose that emergent literacy consists of two distinct
domains (see Figure 1): the outside-in skills and the inside-out skills. The outside-
in skills represent how “children’s understanding of the context in which the
writing they are trying to read (or write) occurs” (p. 854) such as language and
21
Figure 1 – The Two Domains of Emergent Literacy

Fluent reading involves a number of component skills and processes. A reader
must decode units of print into units of sound and units of sound into units of
language. This is an inside-out process. However, being able to say a written
word or series of written words is only a part of reading. The fluent reader must
understand those auditory derivations, which involves placing them in the correct
conceptual and contextual framework. This is an outside-in process. The
bidirectional arrows in the figure illustrate that there is cross talk between
different components of reading. For example, the sentence context affects the
phonological rendering of the italicized letters in these two phases: “a lead
balloon,” “lead me there.” (p. 855)

Source: Whitehurst, G.J., & Lonigan, C.J. (1998). Child development and emergent
literacy. Child Development, 69(3), 848-872.

22
conceptual knowledge. The inside-out skills represent “children’s knowledge of
the rules for translating the particular writing they are trying to read into sounds (or
sounds into print for writing)” (p. 854) such as phonological awareness and letter
knowledge. Whitehurst and Lonigan state that these two domains occur from
various experiences at different stages of a child’s reading acquisition. While they
occur independently from each other, the researchers stress that these two domains
are needed for a child to successfully obtain literacy skills.
While the research on emergent literacy is still fairly new, it is important to
note that there have been positive results in early literacy development for children
prior to starting formal schooling. Research within the last decade has shown that
children are now participating in more home literacy activities such as being read
to, learning letters, words, or numbers, learning music and songs, participating in
arts and crafts, and visiting libraries. In turn, children are starting school with more
literacy skills than their counterparts from earlier years (Nord et al. 1999), showing
that emergent literacy research has a positive effect on a child’s early reading
acquisition skills. It is also important to note that these emergent literacy skills
often occur in the homes of the children through interactions with their families.
This interaction between family members and the focus on home literacy
environment is referred to as family literacy.

23
What is Family Literacy?
According to the federal government, family literacy is defined as "services
that are of sufficient intensity in terms of hours, and of sufficient duration, to make
sustainable changes in a family and that integrate all of the following activities:
(A) Interactive literacy activities between parents and their children.
(B) Training for parents regarding how to be the primary teacher for their
children and full partners in the education of their children.
(C) Parent literacy training that leads to economic self-sufficiency.
(D) An age-appropriate education to prepare children for success in school
and life experiences."
(National Center for Family Literacy)
In short, family literacy encompasses the importance of home environments and the
interactions between parent and child with regard to preschool literacy experiences
(Holloway, 2004) which are vital for a child’s reading acquisition. However,
researchers have further explored this definition and have come to include
additional components.
In Multiple Families, Many Literacies, Taylor (1997) states that the
definition of family literacy must expand to include the “cultural and language
resources of the families” (p. 3). She further states that there is no one mold of
literacy and family and the context of each may not necessarily fit into the
commonly accepted standard of reading and writing. Paratote et al. (1999) also
state that there are a number of views of family literacy, such as family literacy
24
practices holding the “key to eventual academic success” (p. 1) on one hand and the
belief that family literacy programs attempt to mold children, especially those from
low-income, minority families, into the typical “mainstream” (p. 3) students on the
other hand. Paratote et al. argue that family literacy cannot be viewed as just one
simple definition, but rather as a working definition, encompassing many different
views.
Regarding family literacy, an issue that has been a cause of concern is
whether or not the data can be viewed as valid and reliable. Purcell-Gates (1993)
examined how questionnaires and interviews may provide a skewed view on the
literacy activities actually occurring in the home since the answers provided by the
parents may be misrepresented by a number of reasons, such as the respondent’s
attitudes and emotional state at the time, an answer based on what the respondent
thinks is the “correct” one, etc. To minimize this challenge of collecting reliable
data, Taylor (1982) conducted an ethnographic study where through participation
observation, she became a “member” of the six families.
In a six-year study, Taylor (1982) explored the nature of family literacy by
examining the everyday lives of six families. Through chain sampling, Taylor
identified the families that specifically met her inclusion criteria of having at least
one child who was considered to be successful in their reading and writing
progress. In her observations, Taylor found each home to be full of rich print
materials. The children in her study were generally receiving positive literacy
reinforcements with the amount of parental involvement and reading of storybooks.
25
While the parents did not read to teach, reading for enjoyment occurred often in the
homes. Taylor also found that progressively over time, the children became aware
of the print around them and used it for social interactions (i.e. writing letters and
notes to friends, writing lists, etc.)
In another ethnographic study, Heath (1983) examined two communities,
Roadville and Trackton, and the language and print used at home and school.
Heath found that while the two communities were only a few miles apart, the
literacy skills valued at each community were drastically different. Roadville,
made up of mostly White residents, had different conceptions of literate traditions
than the mostly Black residents of Trackton. Roadville families would surround
the child’s room with various types of print and often collected reading materials.
Trackton residents, on the other hand, had no books and would oftentimes either
discard or burn reading materials that came their way. Both communities also used
oral traditions, but while Roadville residents would tell a story for the sake of
telling a story, without any embellishments, Trackton residents would “creatively
fictionalize the details surrounding the real event” (p. 166). These examples of the
different literacy skills in the two communities are the accepted norm of each
culture. The difference in the valued literacy skills corresponds with Taylor’s
(1997) view that each culture may have their own separate views of what counts as
literacy skills
Other studies have also examined the home environment and interactions
between parent and child. Baker et al. (1996) found that in a study of mixed
26
socioeconomic and sociocultural families, home literacy activities were shared
between all parents and children. However, the researchers found that the literacy
activities differed between low-income and middle-income families in that low-
income families tended to focus more on cultivation of literacy skills whereas
middle-income families “adopted a more playful approach in preparing their
children for literacy” (p. 71). Even though the parents’ perspectives on literacy
differed, all families made an effort to engage their children in activities related to
literacy.
In another study of children from low-income families, Dickinson and
Tabors (2002) conducted a longitudinal study where they followed 74 children
from preschool through high school. By examining the literacy skills obtained at
home, such as vocabulary development and extended discourse between parent and
child, and analyzing the environments that supported oral language, they found that
literacy skills obtained at home contributed to further language development in
kindergarten. In turn, the literacy measures achieved during their kindergarten
school year (such as receptive vocabulary, narrative production, and emergent
literacy) were “highly predictive of their scores on reading comprehension and
receptive vocabulary in fourth and in seventh grade” (p. 17).
Based on the findings of these studies, it is imperative that children during
their preschool years get off to a strong start in language and literacy. However,
which literacy practices can a parent adopt to foster emergent literacy skills in their
27
children? From the myriad of literacy practices that can be employed at the home,
the following will be examined for this study.

Literacy Practices
Research has shown that literacy practices established in the home by
parents play a significant role in a child’s ability to read and write (Evans, Shaw, &
Bell, 2000; Strickland, 2004; Gilliam, Gerla, & Wright, 2004; Yaden, Rowe,
MacGillivray, 2000). While there is a wide variety of literacy practices that may be
employed to promote early literacy growth, this section will focus on four specific
components: storybook reading, environmental print, social interactions, and
sociodramatic play (Yaden, Rowe, & MacGillivray, 2000).

Storybook Reading
The topic of storybook reading and its effectiveness on a child’s acquisition
of language and emergent literacy knowledge has been an area of major interest
over the past decade (Yaden, Rowe, MacGillivray, 2000). Of the research
conducted on this topic, there have been a myriad of subtopics ranging from the
frequency of book reading (Roberts, Jurgens, & Burchinal, 2005; Bus, van
IJzendoorn, & Pellegrini, 1995) to the various styles of book reading by parents
(Reese & Cox, 1999). The findings of research conducted on storybook reading
have also been varied. While a number of researchers strongly state storybook
reading can have a positive effect on reading achievement later in life (Bus, van
IJzendoorn, & Pellegrini, 1995; Heath, 1982; Lonigan, 1994), others believe that
28
there is no conclusive evidence that reading promotes a child’s literacy
development (Scarborough & Dobrich, 1994; Roberts, Jurgens, & Burchinal,
2005).
In a meta-analysis study conducted by Bus, van IJzendoorn, & Pellegrini
(1995), the researchers found significant data that supported the notion that parents
book reading to preschoolers contributed to the importance of emergent literacy.
By analyzing 29 studies from 1951 to 1993, they found that storybook reading was
related to a child’s language growth, reading achievement, acquisition of the
written language register, and emergent literacy. To examine a specific aspect of
storybook reading, Whitehurst et al. (1988) assessed the interactive techniques
parents used when reading to their children. The researchers employed an
experimental group where parents were given instructions on using reading
techniques such as asking more open-ended questions during the reading process
and giving positive feedback. The control group was asked to continue reading to
their child with no change in their behaviors. After assessing 30 children in a
period of one month, Whitehurst et al. found that the children in the experimental
group scored significantly higher than the children in the control group based on
the posttests of expressive language ability. In a similar study of 64 children and
their mothers, Arnold, Lonigan, Whitehurst, & Epstein (1994), found that the
children whose mothers received the “dialogic reading” instruction (interactive
reading between child and parent) yielded a substantial increase in their language
development skills than the children whose mothers received no treatment.
29
Other experimental investigations involving storybook reading and literacy
development include Elley’s (1989) study on how listening to stories contribute to
vocabulary acquisition. In a study of seven to eight year old students, Elley
observed teachers who read stories aloud as opposed to those that did not. Based
on her research, she concluded that the students of teachers who read stories aloud
obtained vocabulary gains of 15 percent with no explanation of the words and up to
40 percent gains with explanations.
These studies provide data on how storybook reading has a positive effect
on literacy development. However, in a review of approximately 100 relevant
literature on the efficacy of reading to preschoolers, Scarborough & Dobrich (1994)
concluded that “for now we think some parents would be reassured to know that
there is no clear indication that literacy development depends crucially on shared
reading experiences in the preschool years" (p. 295). They also indicate that while
there is a strong relationship between parent-preschooler reading and language and
literacy achievement, further research must be required to make a more conclusive
report on the benefits of storybook reading.
For now, based on the research conducted in the past few decades, it is safe
to say that the benefits of storybook reading far outweigh the negatives. While the
conclusion made by Scarborough & Dobrich (1994) may be valid and further
research on this topic is needed, storybook reading still has many benefits to the
growth of a child’s literacy skills.

30
Environmental Print
Research has shown that environmental print, such as posters and
magazines, in addition to books, have a positive effect on a child’s emergent
literacy (Purcell-Gates, 1996; Roberts, Jurgens, & Burchinal, 2005). Such
exposure allows children to “develop their understandings of language systems
through experience” (Purcell-Gates, 1996, p. 406) with print. The studies below
emphasize how environmental print promotes emergent literacy knowledge.
The importance of print use in the home is emphasized by Purcell-Gates
(1996) in a study of 24 low socioeconomic children from ages four through six.
Purcell-Gates examined how in-home uses of print related to emergent literacy
knowledge in the children. The research was a one year descriptive study where
six graduate students went in as participant observers of the 24 children of 20
families. By following these children in their homes, outside interactions, and even
to their classrooms, the researchers found that all the families used print for various
purposes. The researchers also found that text at the phrasal/causal level was most
frequently read and written (container boxes, flyers, coupons, ads, movie or TV
notices, grocery list, etc.). Purcell-Gates also found that in the low SES homes,
print was mainly utilized for entertainment purposes (i.e. TV Guide, movie
information in the newspaper, board games that required reading). One main
assumption found from this study is that “the preschoolers who began to construct
knowledge about the forms and concepts of print of written English and its
alphabetic nature will begin formal literacy instruction in school with schemata for
31
literacy which puts them at an advantage over their peers who have yet to begin this
learning” (p. 426). This is associated with Cunningham and Stanovich’s (1998)
study where they emphasized the importance of getting an early start in literacy
skills to set the “upward spiral [of reading] in motion” (p. 7).
In contrast, Roberts, Jurgens, & Burchinal (2005) examined 72 African
American children ages three to five to learn how shared book reading frequency,
maternal book reading strategies, child’s enjoyment of reading, and maternal
sensitivity during the preschool years predicted children’s language and emergent
literacy skills. In addition to examining these four components, the researchers
also studied the general elements that have an impact in the children’s language and
literacy development. They found that parents who are “responsive, sensitive, and
accepting of a child’s behavior,” and who provide “structure, organization, and a
positive general emotional climate at home,” (p. 347) helped in facilitating the early
language development of their children.
Roberts, Jurgens, & Burchinal used questionnaires, interviews, and
observations to measure the four main components in their study (i.e. shared book
reading frequency, maternal book reading strategies, child’s enjoyment of reading,
and maternal sensitivity). They found that the four specific literacy practices
attributed only slightly to the children’s language and literacy development. The
researchers also used the Home Observation for Measurement of the Environment
Inventory (HOME) and various assessments to measure the children’s language
and literacy outcomes and found that this inventory showed a positive association
32
to the children’s literacy outcome. This finding states that the home literacy
environment, including the availability of print, promotes growth in a child’s
literacy development.

Social Interactions
In addition to studying the environmental print found in the home, other
research has focused on further measures of literacy, such as the social interactions
between parents and their children (Paratore, Melzi, & Krol-Sinclair, 1999; Snow
et al., 1991; Taylor, 1988, Wells, 1985; Heath, 1982; Parkinson et al., 1982).
In a study of Latino children whose parents participated in an
intergenerational literacy project, Paratore, Melzi, & Krol-Sinclair (1999) found
that children who were identified as having high or moderate success had frequent
and varied literacy interactions with their parents at home. The parent and child
often read and wrote together and socially interacted most often daily. Similarly,
Snow et al. (1991) stated that not only do specific literacy events promote learning
but time spent by parents and children during leisure time also contributed to a
child’s literacy achievement. Activities such as eating dinner together where
conversation took place and family outings had a positive influence on a child’s
educational achievement.
The importance of interactions between parents and children begin at an
even earlier age than in the studies above. Wells (1985) found that infants, through
social interactions with their parents, began establishing their literacy knowledge
from birth. Wells also state that during their first year, infants begin to form their
33
basis of communication, the “fundamental principals upon which language in use is
based” (p. 25). These principals, “the reciprocal exchange of signals, the sequential
patterning or turns, and the assumption of intentionality,” (p.25) set at an early age
begins the literacy development in the child.

Sociodramatic Play
Sociodramatic play, also called symbolic, pretend, dramatic, imaginative, or
make-believe play, is when “children use make-believe transformations of objects
and their own identities to act out scripts that they invent” (Yaden, Rowe,
MacGillivray, 2000, p. 431). While sociodramatic play is significant in a child’s
development, research has shown that it greatly affects a child’s literacy
development (Pellegrini & Galda, 1993; Rowe, 1998; Roskos & Christie, 2001).
In an attempt to further understand how sociodramatic play could promote
children’s literacy development, Roskos and Christie (2001) conducted a critical
analysis of 20 recent investigations from 1992 through 2000. From their analysis
of these studies, they found significant evidence that supports the claim that “play
can serve literacy in several ways by:
• providing settings that promote literacy activity, skills, and strategies;
• serving as a language experience that can build connections between oral
and written modes of expressions; and
• providing opportunities to teach and learn literacy” (p. 83-84).
In another study about the literacy potentials of book-related dramatic play, Rowe
examined 16 children ranging from two to three year old. These children all
34
attended a twice-a-week preschool program where the investigator collected data
during a nine month period. Rowe specifically examined how dramatic play was
connected to the meanings of the books the children had read. From observing
these children, Rowe concluded that the “children created direct linkages between
their book and play experiences” (p. 11). Rowe also found that dramatic play
contributed to the “process of comprehending books, expressing one’s reactions,
experiencing books in affective and kinesthetic ways, and participating in literacy
events” (p.11).
While those studies examined how dramatic play specifically affects a
child’s literacy skills, Neuman and Roskos (1993) analyzed the effects of adult
mediation during various play settings. In a study of 177 minority preschoolers of
poverty, the researchers examined eight Head Start classrooms and assigned one of
the following three conditions (see Figure 2):
(a) a literacy-enriched generic “office” play setting with an adult (referred to as
“parent-teacher”) encouraged to actively assist children in learning about
literacy;
(b) a literacy-enriched office play setting with a parent-teacher asked to monitor
the children in their literacy play, without direct intervention; and
(c) a nonintervention group (p.95).
From their observations of children’s uses of print and interactions between their
peers and parent-teachers, Neuman and Roskos found that the parent-teachers’
engagement with the children during their play activities significantly affected the
35

Figure 2 – The Office Play Setting
Source: Neuman, S.B., & Roskos, K. (1993). Access to print for children of poverty: Differential effects of adult mediation and
literacy-enriched play setting on environmental and functional print tasks. American Educational Research Journal,
30(1), 95-122.

36
children’s ability to read environmental print. This finding suggests that “adult
interaction in literacy-enriched play settings may represent an important
opportunity for assisting minority children who live in poverty to think, speak, and
behave in literate ways” (p. 95).
However, Pellegrini and Galda (1993) reached a different conclusion. In a
study of various investigations on symbolic play and literacy development over the
past ten years, the researchers concluded that adult intervention may not be
necessary for children to engage in story-related play. In fact, they further state that
during child-directed play settings, adult intervention may actually interfere with
oral language production. While adult interventions may not have a positive affect
on a child’s literacy development during sociodramatic play, Pellegrini and Galda
do state that adults are “more effective tutors when a specific skill must be learned,
such as errand planning or classification tasks” (p. 173). Their findings suggest
that there are positive and negative aspects of adult intervention during a child’s
play.
Based on these studies, sociodramatic play can have a great influence in a
child’s literacy development during the preschool years. While there may be
conflicting conclusions from each study, the importance of interactions between the
child and others (e.g. peers, parents) are vital to their language growth.

Asians in Literacy Studies
The data found in the above studies are vital in understanding the
importance of emergent literacy. However, in most of the research conducted on
37
preschool children, there is a significant lack of Asian participants, particularly
Korean children. This absence in Asian subjects is not reflective of the changing
demographics in the United States. The Asian population makes up almost 4% of
the total population and the number has been increasing steadily over the past few
decades. In California, the number of Asian students reflects a much higher
percentage, almost 12%. The amount of available data in emergent literacy does
not reflect the high number of Asian students in our school districts. Research
much be conducted to obtain information on the literacy strategies used by this
minority group, especially Korean American students. This study strives to provide
the vital data that is so lacking in the literacy research field. To do this,
background of 1.5 generation Korean Americans must first be explored.

1.5 Generation Korean Americans
The term “1.5 generation,” or ilchomose in Korean, generally defines a
group of children who have immigrated at an early age to the United States with
their parents. However, researchers have had different views on who qualifies to
be in this specific subgroup of Korean Americans. Most researchers have argued to
define this term by the timing of the children’s immigration to the states. Hurh
(1978, 1984, 1990, 1993) characterizes this group as those who arrived sometime
during their adolescent years, between the ages of 11 and 16. Park (1999),
however, is much more liberal about the timing and concentrates more on the
sociocultural nature of the group. For the purposes of this study, a general
definition of 1.5 generation will be employed: 1.5 generation Korean Americans
38
are a group of immigrants who have immigrated to the United States during their
early years and grew up exposed to a dual culture and language environment.
To further examine this group and their unique characteristics, Park (1999)
conducted an ethnographic study through a participant observation of the Korean
American community of Los Angeles. In addition to the observations, Park also
conducted a number of interviews with various 1.5 generation Korean Americans
to get an understanding of the following topics: experiences of their life, social
setting, prejudice, ethnic/racial and gender identities, immigration and work
history, friendships (ethnic vs. non-ethnic), attitudes and practices of ethnic culture,
meanings of Koreatown, and thoughts about the Korean American experiences.
Through the observations and interviews, Park found that the 1.5 Korean
Americans were fully aware of their unique situation of being “in-between” the
Korean and American culture. While they preferred to speak English and were
more familiar with the American customs, they identified more with Koreans
“despite their biculturalism” (p. 146). Park also found that during the adolescent
and early adult years, many 1.5 Korean Americans try to conform and “act white”
but eventually transform and “affirm their Korean heritage” (p. 148) later on. This
is crucial to understand the 1.5 generation Korean Americans because while they
are “more Americanized” and can easily be identified as a second, third, or even a
fourth generation Korean American, they still strive to hold true to their Korean
culture. However, no matter how hard they try to be either “American” or
39
“Korean,” they will never fully fit in either group. This is the unique situation of
this subgroup.
Danico (2004) and Hurh (1990) also made the same conclusions based on
their research. Through observations and interviews with 1.5 generation Korean
Americans in Hawaii, Danico found that that this generation was characterized as
one that is “marginalized, confused, and in conflict with their first-generation
parents” (p. 2). They are bicultural and bilingual and often do not fit in either the
American or Korean society, but rather have a unique degree of adaptation in both
groups. In his study of the 1.5 generation, Hurh found that the young adolescents’
bilingualism and biculturalism lead them to face “critical psychosocial
ambivalence” (p. 23). He further states that this ambivalence may “turn out to be
an opportunity to become cosmopolitan, taking advantage of the best of both
Korean and American cultures [or] it may lead to an existential limbo, in which one
perceives a marginal self-identity for oneself” (p. 23). Other studies of the
experiences of 1.5 generation Korean Americans all point to a similar conclusion:
the adaptation and negotiation of growing up exposed to a dual culture and
language results in a unique identify filled with a struggle not found in other
immigrants (Kim, 2004; Kim et al., 2003; Yeh et al., 2005; Kang & Lo, 2004).

1.5 Generation Korean Americans and Language Issues
Being bicultural, the young 1.5 generation Korean Americans face a unique
situation. While the parents desire their children to maintain the Korean language
and culture, the 1.5ers are often more comfortable with the English language (Cho,
40
2000). Korean parents use many means to maintain the Korean language by
sending their 1.5 children to Korean language schools, professional ethnic
organizations, and even Korean churches, but the children often find it easier to
speak the dominant language, English.
In a study on the role of heritage language, Cho (2000) found that many
Korean immigrant parents would often try and maintain the Korean language and
culture by speaking solely Korean in the home. They encouraged their children to
learn the English language and become acculturated to the American culture, but at
the same time, they also wanted their children to maintain their heritage language.
Heritage language, “the language associated with one’s cultural background” (Cho,
2000, p. 369), however, was often lost among the 1.5ers. During the years of
growing up in a dual cultural setting, the 1.5 children often lost the Korean
language and, in turn, the Korean culture. However, many 1.5ers, due to racial
differences, come back in their later years to search for the language and culture of
their homeland (Kim, Sawdey, & Meihoefer, 1980).
While many 1.5 generation Korean Americans lose their heritage language
and culture, Cho stresses that maintaining their original language can be beneficial
to their social interactions, relationships with other heritage language speakers, and
to the individuals as well. In her study, Cho analyzed the findings based on 114
Korean American subjects, half of whom were second generation and the other
half, 1.5 generation. Based on her analysis, Cho concluded that there were
sociocultural advantages to maintaining the heritage language, such as having
41
better relationships with the Korean community members and having an enhanced
understanding of the Korean culture. The disadvantages are that the young Korean
Americans would have a difficult time relating to the Korean community which is a
characteristic many 1.5 generation Korean Americans face. However, while Cho’s
research shows the importance of maintaining the heritage language of Korean
Americans, the 1.5 generation still faces a pull toward the dominant language and
culture.
An example of this can be found in Lim and Cole’s (2002) study of first
language development in young Korean children. Their study, consisting of 21
children, ages two through four in American preschools, examined how children
whose parents were trained in picture book interactions has increased language
performance compared to children whose parents had no training. While it is
significant that the children whose parents received training in specific facilitation
techniques around picture books produced greater language skills, the more
interesting finding was on how the Korean language was used in the study.
Throughout the study, the mothers spoke only Korean to their children and used
only Korean picture books. However, being that the children was already exposed
to the English language through their preschools, the mothers reported that they had
difficulty with the contexts of the Korean picture books due to the cultural
differences between the two countries. The mothers also reported that they often
had a difficult time explaining certain concepts and words in Korean being that the
child was more familiar with the American way of thinking. The researcher also
42
found that the children would often code-switch from Korean to English and vice
versa when discussing the picture book with their mothers. This study shows how
even at such an early age, young Korean Americans find it difficult to maintain
their heritage language.
Based on the research of 1.5 generation Korean Americans, it is clear that
the background of this group is quite unlike that of their first and second generation
counterparts. However, the question now is that with the background and history
of growing up 1.5, how do 1.5 generation Korean American parents raise their
children? Growing up with a bicultural and bilingual setting, are there distinctive
ways they use language in their homes when it comes to promoting early literacy
skills? What literacy practices, it any, do these parents employ? These are the
questions that will be explored in this study of the families of 1.5 generation
Korean American parents.

The Culture of the 1.5 Generation Korean American Parents
Korean immigrants have been able to adapt to the American culture and
language at a much quicker rate than other immigrants. Kim, Sawdey, &
Meihoefer (1980) state that the involvement in the church provided these Korean
immigrants to have a support system to help navigate through the confusion of
acclimatizing with the new culture. Today, the children of these immigrants from
the last few decades, the 1.5 generation Korean Americans, have grown up to be
fairly successful adults. The 2005 US Census data on income, poverty, and health
insurance coverage state that Asian American have the highest income compared to
43
the White, Black, and Hispanic groups. Much of this success can be found in the
culture of the Korean homes these 1.5 children grew up in.
Korean immigrants have constantly stressed that their children succeed in
school. Braxton (1999) attributes the academic success of the children to the
culture of the family, stating that the parents place a great importance to education.
This stress in education is evident by the performance of Asian student compared to
other ethnicities. Baker, Keller-Wolff, & Wolf-Wendel (2000) found that Asians
scored the highest in the eighth grade reading and math tests compared to their
Hispanic, Black, Native American, and White counterparts. Among the various
Asian groups, Korean Americans were one of the top scorers. This study also
shows how Asians generally have higher socioeconomic status (SES) composite
values than the other race groups, Korean Americans being the highest among the
various Asian groups.
However, these studies do not specifically differentiate between the first,
1.5, second, or third generations and their educational outcomes. There is also a
significant lack of data on the children of 1.5 generation Korean Americans and
how they are faring in today’s society. Most of the research conducted in the last
couple of decades on Korean Americans mainly comprises of the 1.5 generation as
this is such a unique group of immigrants but new data must be collected on an
ever growing second and third generation of Korean American children. Data from
the United States Department of Education states that Asians have extremely high
standardized test scores but what exactly goes on in the homes of these families to
44
ensure such an outcome? Specifically, what emergent literacy strategies are
fostered at home to promote reading skills before these children even begin formal
schooling? This study hopes to fill in some of these gaps in research by examining
the literacy practices of preschool children in families of 1.5 generation Korean
Americans.

45
CHAPTER THREE

Methodology

Introduction
This chapter provides an explanation of the design, site, sample,
instrumentation, data collection, and data analysis process of the study. The
purpose of the study is to investigate the literacy practices found in homes of
preschool children. The focus of this study is to examine the literacy practices of
three to five year old children in families of 1.5 generation Korean American
parents. Three Korea American families were selected to answer the following
established research question and sub questions:
• What are the literacy practices of three to five year old children in families
of 1.5 generation Korean American parents?
o What is the nature of parental childhood experiences in literacy?
o What kind of dual culture was led by the 1.5 generation Korean
Americans?
o What types of literacy events are found between the preschoolers
and individual family members
o What types of literacy materials are found in the homes and how are
they used by the families?
A pure-naturalistic-qualitative strategy was employed to conduct an in-
depth study and an analysis of three 1.5 generation Korean American families.
Over the course of one year, descriptive data were collected using interviews,
46
observations, and documents created based on the conceptual framework of the
study. Interactions between the child and the other family member were also
observed to examine the literacy practices found in the homes. The three families
were interviewed and observed intensively during the first three months and then
follow-up interviews and observations took place at the end of the year period. A
case study method was employed to fully capture the literacy experiences found in
the homes of three Korean American families.

Research Method
The foundation of this study was designed using the concept found in the
sociocultural theory. This theory was conceived by Lev Semenovich Vygotsky, a
Russian psychologist born in 1896. His work, spanning over 10 years, was
considered innovative during his time and proved to be extremely significant,
especially his theories about language and thinking. In Vygotsky’s field of
research, there were several key concepts that were brought about by his work,
such as the zone of proximal development, mediation, internalization, and
psychological tools. For the purposes of this study, we will specifically examine
his theory of how a child’s mind is cultivated and developed by interpersonal
communication.
“Sociocultural theory maintains that social interaction and cultural
institutions, such as schools, classrooms, etc., have important roles to play in an
individual’s cognitive growth and development” (Donato & McCormick, 1994, p.
453). Vygotsky also examined how interactions between a child and significant
47
people in that child’s life, such as parents and other adults, made an impact on
his/her language development, cognitive growth, and written improvement. He
stated that individual learning and social interaction are connected (Vygotsky,
1962, 1978).
This approach maintains the fact that learning is highly shaped by
interactions between the child and other individuals, such as teachers, parents, and
other individuals. Thus, early literacy development can often be connected to the
sociocultural framework (Gee, 1992, 2001). The emergent literacy strategies
taking place in the three families was examined by utilizing the “core statements of
the sociocultural theory” (Lantolf, 2000, p. 1). Interactions and communications
between the three to five year old child and her parents and sibling were observed
and analyzed to maintain the theory that these connections have a significant role in
the child’s cognitive growth and development.

Subject Selection
Using a criterion sampling strategy (Patton, 2002), the subjects in this study
were chosen based on the following criteria: a) all families must have both parents
fit the definition of 1.5 generation Korean American, meaning that they had to have
immigrated to the United States at a young age and b) all families must have at
least one three to five year old child. Three Korean American families residing in
and around Los Angeles were observed and interviewed.
A specific method was used to find the subjects for this study. (See Figure
3) Out of the over one million Koreans residing in the United States, 345,882 live
48

Figure 3 – Inclusion Criteria for Korean American Subjects

1,076,872 Koreans in the United States*

345,882 Koreans in California*

91,595 Koreans in Los Angeles*

120 Korean American attendees at the Los
Angeles Church of God

Approximately 15 families with
preschool children

Nine families met the criteria
for this study with both parents
being 1.5 generation Korean
Americans with a 3-5 year old
child

*Source: U.S. Census Data 2000

N=3
Families
Document
Analysis
Observations
Individual
Interviews
49
in the state of California according to the 2000 United States Census. From that
number, 91,595 Koreans live in Los Angeles. To narrow down the number, and to
be able to specifically find 1.5 generation Korean Americans, churches in Los
Angeles were explored.
In and around Los Angeles alone, there are over four thousand Korean
churches based on a simple web search. This number does not even reflect the
number of churches that are not listed on the internet. Most of these churches,
however, are specifically Korean speaking congregations made up of mostly first
generation members. Many Koreans are affiliated with these churches not only
because of their beliefs but also because it is a gathering place where they can feel
comfortable speaking Korean with other people from the same background.
Koreans of later generations, however, do not feel the same comfort
attending a Korean speaking church because of the language and cultural barriers
they face. Because of this reason, many Korean American or English ministries
have sprung up in the last decade. According to the Korean American Ministry
Resources website, a ministry site specifically catering to the needs of Korean
American Churches throughout the United States, there are 46 Korean American
churches listed in and around Los Angeles. Out of these churches, the Los Angeles
Church of God was chosen because of the following reasons: a) the church was
located in the heart of Los Angeles, b) it was an English only ministry, c) most all
the members of this church were 1.5 generation Korean Americans, d) many of the
members were young families with children ranging from ages 0-6, and e) all the
50
members were from various parts in and surrounding Los Angeles, making for a
greater diversity among the subjects.
In addition to the above reasons for choosing the Los Angeles Church of
God, I chose this particular church because I am currently a member there. Since
this study was intimate in nature, it was necessary that the subjects in my study felt
comfortable with my frequent visits and the personal questions involved about their
past. It was also vital to gain entry into the homes of the families without intrusion
(Taylor, 1981) so that both the parents and the child felt comfortable conducting
their daily routines.
At the Los Angeles Church of God, there are approximately 120 Korean
American attendees. From this number, around 15 families had children from ages
three to five. Out of the 15 families, nine met the criteria for this study with both
parents being 1.5 generation Korean Americans. Three families were chosen in
order to conduct an intensive case study for each family. The families were given
pseudonyms to specifically protect the identity of the subjects.
The three families, The Parks, Kims, and Lees all reside in and around Los
Angeles. The Parks have two daughters, the Kims have a four year old daughter
and an infant boy, and the Lees have one daughter. It was interesting how the
families that volunteered for this study all had a daughter as the main child studied.
This provided continuity between the subjects as the girls were similar in age, but it
would have been interesting to have observed a preschool boy. However, for this
particular study, only the three girls were examined.
51
Site Selection
The study was conducted at the homes of the three Korean American
families. These homes were located in Los Angeles, Torrance, and Manhattan
Beach. Because of the nature of this case study, it was crucial for me to go into the
homes as often as possible to collect the necessary data. All the data collection,
including the interviews, observation, and document analysis were conducted at the
homes with the parents and children. The study took place at the homes of the
subjects so that the literacy practices the children are exposed to on a daily basis
could be examined.

Data Collection
The data for this study was collected over a year long period. The
investigator met with the three families during the spring of 2007 and again a year
later to follow up with the families during the spring of 2008. The data for each
family were collected during home visits. I visited the Park family nine times
during the spring of 2007 and two follow up visits were conducted during the
spring of 2008. The Kim family had ten visits during the spring of 2007 and two
follow up visits a year later. The Lee family was visited eight times in the spring of
2007 with two follow up visits during the spring of 2008. All the visits lasted
approximately two to three hours. The visits took place mainly during a weekday
afternoon once a week when the three to five year old child was home, although
some visits did take place during the weekend when every family member was
present.
52
Follow up visits were conducted approximately a year later to gather
information about the progress of the preschool children and their literacy
development. The parents were also interviewed to determine if the literacy
strategies they used remained unchanged or not.
All home visits were recorded on field notes without any identifiers. The
interviews were tape-recorded and transcribed. Once the interviews were
transcribed, the recording was destroyed to protect the anonymity of the subjects.
Pictures were also taken to document the print environment of the home. However,
the subjects were not present in these pictures or the faces of the subjects were
blacked out.
The study employed three types of instrumentations: interviews,
observations, and document analysis. The data in this study were collected using
thick description (Geertz, 1973) in order to provide a deeper context to the
occurrences observed of the families.

Interviews
The interviews with parents were conducted at the home during the visits.
The purpose of the interview was to obtain background information about the
parent’s childhood experiences in literacy and to understand the methods and
strategies they used when involving literacy in their child’s learning environment.
During the first part of this study, a formal interview (Appendix A) was
conducted during the first visit. During this interview, the parents were asked to
elaborate their experiences on growing up as a 1.5 generation Korean American.
53
The parents also described how they learned the English language and any barriers
that came with being an immigrant. The parents were also asked about their three
to five year old child’s reading and writing history and the skills they currently
possessed. An overview of the literacy strategies the parents used concluded this
formal interview. The first interview lasted approximately 1½ to 2 hours and was
tape recorded and later transcribed.
The parents were also involved in weekly informal interviews with the
investigator based on the literacy strategies found in the homes. These weekly
conversations were conducted during the visits when the child was being observed
and/or when the investigator was examining the home.
The interviews with the children were conducted in an informal setting
while the investigator was observing them. These informal interviews sought to
understand what the child was doing in terms of various literacy activities (i.e.
drawing, pretend-reading, etc.) Sample interview questions for the child can be
found in Appendix B.
The second part of the study was a follow up interview approximately a
year later. This interview also took place at the homes of the three families and
questioned how the preschool child improved in her literacy skills. Reading and
writing skills of the child were discussed along with current interests.

Observations
The observations took place at the homes of the three families. As
consistent with Vygotsky’s sociocultural perspective that learning is shaped by
54
social interactions, these observations mainly examined the exchanges that took
place between the child and other individuals, such as parents and other family
members. It also consisted of independent activities that the child was engaged in
during the observed time.
During the first part of the study, the observations took place at least once a
week for a period of two months for a minimum total of eight observations. During
this time, the observations were at least two hours long but were expanded,
depending on the family’s schedule and availability. The total amount of time for
the observations was a minimum of 16 hours to a maximum of 32 hours per family.
The visits were conducted at a time when the child was awake and productive. An
Observation Chart (Appendix C) was used to document the data.
The families were also observed a year later during the second part of the
study. There were two visits to each home lasting approximately two hours. The
emphasis of the observations was to observe the literacy progress of the
preschooler as well as an overall increase in the child’s development.

Document Analysis
Print documents found in each homes were documented to examine how the
home environment of the child contributed to their early literacy learning. Books
available in the home for both the child and the parents were catalogued and
recorded by the number and type of books. Posters and wall coverings that
attributed to the print environment were also documented, in addition to any other
types of print found in the home (i.e. phone book, letters, magazines, etc.). The
55
Document Analysis Chart (Appendix D) was used to record the print environment
of the home.
The Home Observation for Measurement of the Environment (HOME)
Inventory (Caldwell, & Bradley, 1984) was also utilized when examining the print
environment of the home as well as the daily routines conducted to promote early
literacy learning. The Early Childhood HOME Inventory, which specifically
targets children ages three to six, was used. The HOME Inventory seeks to
measure the quality and quantity of stimulation and support available to the child in
the home environment. This Inventory is divided into eight subscales, each
measuring a specific element of the home environment provided for the child by
his/her parents. The subscales and its descriptions are found in Table 1. A sample
of the HOME Inventory can be found in Appendix E.

Data Analysis
A case study research method was used as a framework for this study. This
method was specifically chosen for the purposes of examining the subjects closely
and completely. Creswell (2003) states that a case study is when
the researcher explores in depth a program, an event, an activity, a process,
or one or more individuals. The case(s) are bounded by time and activity,
and researchers collect detailed information using a variety of data
collection procedures over a sustained period of time” (p. 15).

56
Table 1 – The Early Childhood HOME Inventory (ages 3 to 6)
Subscale Description Example Items
Learning Materials
(items 1-11)
The availability of toys, books,
and games that facilitate learning;
Items which characterize the
adults as showing some
commitment to their own learning
Child has toys which
teach colors, sizes, and
shapes;
Family buys and reads a
daily newspaper
Language
Stimulation
(items 12 – 18)
Describes overt attempts by the
parents to encourage language
development through
conversations, modeling, and
direct teaching
Child has toys that help
teach names of animals;
Child is encouraged to
learn the alphabet
Physical
Environment
(items 19 – 25)
Examines the physical
environment as safe, sufficiently
roomy, and perceptually appealing

Building appears safe
and free of hazards;
Rooms are not
overcrowded with
furniture
Responsivity
(items 26 – 32)
Describes the adult’s emotional
and verbal Responsivity to the
child;
Gives a general picture of the
warmth in the relationship
Parent holds child close
10-15 minutes per day;
Parent converses with
child at least twice
during visit
Academic
Stimulation
(items 33 – 37)
Describes direct parental
involvement with the child’s
learning
Child is encouraged to
learn colors;
Child is encouraged to
learn numbers
Modeling
(items 38 – 42)
Describes modeling by parents of
desirable and acceptable behavior
Some delay of food
gratification is expected;
TV is used judiciously
Variety
(items 43 – 51)
Describes a family lifestyle that
provides variety and experiential
enrichment for the child

Child has real or toy
musical instrument;
Child is taken on outing
by a family member at
least every other week
Acceptance
(items 52 – 55)
Describes parental ability to accept
negative behavior from the child
as something to be expected from
young children rather than as an
act demanding immediate harsh
reprisal
No more than one
instance of physical
punishment occurred
during the past week;
Parent does not scold or
yell at or derogate child
more than once
57
Stake (1995) further states that a “case study is the study of the particularity and
complexity of a single case, coming to understand its activity within important
circumstances” (p. xi).
A case study method was required to fully examine a family’s past and
present. Taylor (1983) conducted a similar study where she examined the family
literacy strategies of six families. In this study, she stressed how a systematic
quantitative research method would not allow the researcher to understand the full
scope of the family’s specific intricacies. In fact, it would only show bits and
pieces of the family’s everyday life, preventing the researcher to understand and
observe the family’s “wholeness” that is needed to fully analyze the data.
With the case study method being the approach used for this study, another
question was raised as to the reliability and credibility of this qualitative inquiry.
Patton (2002) states that the credibility of this method depended on three elements:
(a) rigorous methods for doing fieldwork that yield high-quality data that
are systematically analyzed with attention to issues of credibility; (b) the
credibility of the researcher, which is dependent on training, experiences,
track record, status, and presentation of self; and (c) philosophical belief in
the value of qualitative inquiry, that is, a fundamental appreciation of
naturalistic inquiry, qualitative methods, inductive analysis, purposeful
sampling, and holistic thinking. (pp. 552-553)
The three elements were specifically followed in that the data was collected in a
rigorous manner, using the triangulation method to analyze the three methods for
58
trustworthiness of the data. My credibility in this study was also considered as I
examined my training and experience in this matter. The two years of intensive
study at the Doctoral of Education program at the University of Southern California
has prepared me to undertake this study. Also, my experiences as an English
teacher and as a 1.5 generation Korean American allowed me to bring a greater
knowledge to the specific topic of my study. Lastly, to fully grasp the intricacies of
the family’s dynamics, I believe that a qualitative inquiry, specifically the case
study method, must be utilized. By having this conviction on the value of this
methodological approach, I was able to go head first into my study without any
reservations or doubts.
The basis of why I chose the case study method and the reliability of this
approach has been laid out, but the advantages must also be noted. By utilizing this
method, I was able to have a firsthand experience with the subjects of my study.
The data was not collected behind questionnaires that do not require any face to
face time but rather through quality observations as the participants conducted their
daily activities. This allowed me to record the information as it was revealed at the
moment and note any specific occurrences that might not have normally have come
out in standardized forms.
Another advantage is the use of the interview sessions. I was able to
acquire historical information about the parents and ask any follow up questions to
my original set of questions. This allowed me to gather all the information needed
59
to understand the parents’ backgrounds and to truly understand where they were
coming from and why they were raising their children in a specific manner.
Finally, by going into the homes of the families, I was able to get a firsthand
examination of the print documents available to the child. Various print materials
were catalogued, documented, and examined directly by me which allowed for a
more reliable collection of data.
While these advantages further establish the method I chose for study, the
limitations must also be examined. During the observations, the subjects might not
act their “normal” way because they may feel uncomfortable or may not want to
show a certain side of their family dynamics. The researcher may also be seen as
“intrusive” and therefore might not obtain an accurate set of data. The information
collected during the interviews might be flawed since they are “indirect”
information filtered through the views of the interviewee. The researcher’s
presence might also produce a bias response from the subjects. The documents
found in the homes may not be true to what is normally seen everyday. The
materials may also be incomplete or not accurate.
In every study there are limitations and while this particular study is no
exception, the case study method is still an optimal choice. This methodological
approach allowed me to go into the homes of the three families and gather in depth
information that might not have been so apparent on a piece of paper. Using this
method allowed me to obtain a thorough understanding of the parents’ past as a 1.5
60
generation Korean American and the literacy strategies they used to promote
emergent literacy skills in their second generation Korean American children.

Delimitations
The following delimitations were evident in the study:
• The study employed a methodological triangulation (interviews,
observations, and document analysis) to promote validity.
• Subjects were identified using criterion sampling allowing only those
that met the specific requirements to participate: (a) Korean American
families where both parents meet the definition of a 1.5 generation
Korean American; and (b) Korean American families that have at least
child in the three to five year old range.

Background of the Investigator
Growing up as a 1.5 generation Korean American, my background was very
similar to many immigrant children described in Chapter Two. I immigrated to the
United States at the age of seven during the 1980s and started first grade in
Flushing, New York, a community comprised of mainly Korean immigrants. The
first two years of school was very difficult as I was still struggling to grasp the
English language. My parents were unavailable to provide any assistance since
they did not know the English language themselves and they were also working
long hours to provide for the family. This left my older sister, who was just a year
and a half older, and me at home alone as latchkey children.
61
The first few years in America were a bit of a blur as I was trying to adjust
and learn. I do remember spending many hours after school at the library where I
would just browse picture books during my first two years and then I eventually
understood enough to be able to read these books. It wasn’t until the third grade
that I was able to read well enough to understand a simple picture book.
Meanwhile, my parents were still working from six in the morning until
eight at night and it was the responsibility of my sister to take care of me. We
made our own snacks when we came home, completed our homework to the best of
our ability by ourselves and cleaned the apartment before our parents came home.
By the time we were in 5
th
/6
th
grade, we even made dinner for the family so that we
could eat as soon as my parents came home.
From the beginning, my parents stressed that learning the English language
and excelling in school was very important. While my sister and I spoke Korean at
home to communicate with our parents, my parents never discouraged us from
speaking English with each other. Education was so important to my parents that
once they moved to higher paying jobs, they spent all they could on sending my
sister and me to after school Korean owned enrichment schools and summer
programs where we would be constantly drilled on learning English and Math.
While my proficiency in English developed, my ability to speak and
understand Korean started to diminish. During my elementary school years, my
parents sent me to Korean language school at our church but I did not come out
with any better understanding of the language. I had more and more difficulty
62
communicating with my parents and it got to a point where I would just
communicate in “Konglish”, a mixture of English and Korean.
We eventually moved to Long Island, a suburb of New York City, when I
was in sixth grade. The school was primarily White and there was just one other
Korean student in my year. While I had non Asian friends at school, I spent most
of my free time with my Korean friends from church. Weekends would be spent in
Flushing at church where all my Korean friends and I would meet. When I
eventually got a car, many of my weekdays after school were also spent in Flushing
where all my friends lived. I always felt more comfortable with these friends who
were also 1.5 generation Korean Americans and basically had a similar background
as I did. I always felt that my White friends from school never fully understood the
intricacies of my constant struggle of assimilating to the American culture.
When I graduated from high school, my Korean was poor and it was to a
point where my parents and I really did not talk about much things other than the
basics of how I was doing. However, I got a job at a Korean restaurant in college
and my Korean improved dramatically. I was now able to talk freely to my parents
about anything and everything that was on my mind without the language barrier
that always seemed present for so many years. With the improvement of my ability
to speak Korean fluently, I also felt a sense of being more “Korean.” I started to
watch Korean dramas and even made more Korean speaking friends. I knew that I
was always going to have that part of me where I will be “American,” but in
63
college, I finally became “Korean” too. It was comforting and exhilarating to truly
accept my biculturalism.
With this acceptance of my dualistic background, I began to take notice of
how many of my friends had very similar upbringings. It interested me how so
many of us struggled with maintaining a dual language and culture growing up but
eventually came to accept and embrace our unique backgrounds.
Once I became pregnant with my first child, my interests altered as I began
to wonder how I was going to raise my child as a Korean American. I began to
question how other 1.5 generation Korean Americans were raising their children.
Would education be the number one priority as it was with the first generation
parents? Would the children of 1.5 generations Korean Americans be latchkey kids
too? Would there be other language barriers since the English language was not an
issue with most 1.5 generations Korean Americans speaking English at home?
Would the 1.5 generation parents be more supportive in their child/ren’s literacy
development since they now had the tools and knowledge to provide assistance?
My curiosity on this topic led me to find the answers by conducting this study.
I specifically chose to conduct a case study of three families so that I may
closely examine how the 1.5 generation Korean American parents were involved
with this child’s literacy development. I also wanted to attain a firm understanding
of the parents’ backgrounds so that I can see how their background might correlate
with how they raise their second generation child. By studying the three families, I
was able to get an in-depth look at the intricacies of these Korean American
64
families during my year of data collection. The following chapter provides the
results of my data.

65
CHAPTER FOUR

Results

Introduction
The following research question was explored in my study: What are the
literacy practices of three to five year old children in families of 1.5 generation
Korean American parents? To examine this research question fully, I have broken
it down to four specific sub-questions: (a) What is the nature of parental childhood
experiences in literacy?; (b) What kind of dual culture was led by the 1.5
generation Korean Americans?; (c) What types of literacy events are found
between the preschoolers and individual family members?; and (d) What types of
literacy materials are found in the homes and how are they used by the families?
These four sub-questions have provided a structure in my data collection process.
The results of my data are presented in this chapter through an examination
of each family. This chapter contains three sections, one for each of the three
families. I started with an introduction of the family, describing their place of
residence and a look into their background. Second, the parent’s memories were
described. This section provided a chance for the parents to describe specific
positive and/or negative recollections they had as an immigrant child growing up in
America. The experiences the parents had as a 1.5 generation Korean American
were illustrated in the third section followed by specific literacy experiences they
had in learning the English language. In the fifth section, the literacy events
between the preschool child and her parents were examined. This section provided
66
a deeper look into the types of literacy strategies the parents used as well as a look
at the literacy skills the child possessed. The print documents found in the home
made up the sixth section by examining the various print materials available to the
family. Finally, the HOME Inventory results of each family concluded the findings
of each family.
This research question and its sub-questions were thoroughly examined
during the data collection process. During the home visits, I was able to interview
the parents and the child, observe the interactions that occurred between the child
and her parents, and document the print environment of the home. Through these
intimate and personal visits I was able to fully understand the intricacies and
nuances of the three families. The results and findings of the Park, Kim, and Lee
families are found below. (See Figure 4)

The Park Family
The Park family was the first to respond to my request for families to
participate in my study. Sarah immediately showed interested and approached me
after my first announcement at a gathering for moms. We quickly started meeting
at least once a week for a total of nine visits in the Spring of 2007 and two follow
up visits a year later in 2008.
The Parks live in Manhattan Beach, located in the southwestern portion of
Los Angeles County. This coastal city boasts beautiful houses, safe
neighborhoods, and an excellent school district. According to the United States
Census of 2000, Manhattan Beach consists of 33, 852 people and 8,394
67
Figure 4 - The Families

The Kims
Torrance
Linda
Four years old

Brian
Eight months old
Jin Kim (Network Administrator)
-1.5 generation Korean American
-Immigrated at age ten

Jennifer Kim (Teacher)
-1.5 generation Korean American
-Immigrated at age five
The Lees
Los Angeles, UCLA Campus
Samantha
Four years old
Han Lee (Doctor)
-1.5 generation Korean American
-Immigrated at age three and a half
Jane Lee (Stay at home mom)
-1.5 generation Korean American
-Immigrated at age ten
The Parks
Manhattan Beach
Emily
Seven years old
Kate
Four years old
Dan Park (Entrepreneur)
-Working class background
-First generation Korean parents
-Born in the United States
Sarah Park (Stay at home mom)
-1.5 generation Korean American
-Immigrated at age one
68
families among which 88.99% are White. The neighborhood where the Park
family live is within walking distance of the popular Manhattan Beach. They live
uphill from the beach area, two blocks from the main street. The houses in the
neighborhood are wedged against each other, leaving very little space between.
Because of this limited space, there are no lawns or sidewalks but just the small and
narrow street in front of the houses. Driving through this neighborhood can be
tricky as oftentimes, you would have to wait for a car to pass if they are driving
towards you in order for you to proceed. While the houses are packed in this area
of Manhattan Beach, they are quite splendid. Most houses have at least two stories
and are architecturally very modern.
The Park family’s house is located towards the end of the block within a
few steps from a cliff overlooking another part of Manhattan Beach. The three
story house does not look very wide but makes it up in the length that is hidden
from the view of the street. The front of the house has a two car garage, which is
left open most of the time, and the main entrance to the house is located up a few
steps on the right side of the house, leading to the second floor. The houses to the
right and left of the Park house are similar in that they appear small in width but are
long and tall like the Park’s home. The local elementary school is within walking
distance so in the morning and afternoons, there are numerous children walking in
the neighborhoods.
The Parks live in a three story house with ample room for the two children
to play and learn on a daily basis. The bottom floor has a two car garage with a
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large play area in the back. The cars are usually parked in the garage but because
of the length and height of this room, the play area seems quite spacious and the
cars do not seem intrusive. The children spend most of their time in the garage
during the day. Since the family spends much time here, Sarah has made it a point
to provide the needed provisions, such as a refrigerator for drinks and snacks, a CD
player and various kid-friendly CDs, art and other materials in a plastic caddy, and
a kid size table and chair set. Inside the house, the bottom floor also contains a den
with most of the children’s toys, books, and puzzles. There is a dining table with
art materials placed in the middle, a plush couch facing an entertainment armoire,
and a large carpeted area with toys stacked by the wall. A sliding door opens into a
small courtyard but the family does not use this area often as evident by the lack of
items and slight debris. There is also a spare guest room with a full size bed and
dresser that the family rarely uses.
The family’s bedrooms are located in the second floor. There are four
rooms, two for the girls, one for the parents, and another guest room. The parents’
bedroom is a very spacious room facing the street. A guest room is next to the
parents’ room with a full size bed, a dresser and a small television. Emily’s room
connects with the guest room and has a full size bed, a loveseat, a desk and a large
closet taking up a whole wall. Kate’s room is located towards the back of the
house with a twin size bed, a bookshelf, bins for toys, a private bathroom and a
walk in closet.
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The top floor of the house contains a very spacious livingroom with a patio
overlooking the street, the kitchen, a dining room, and a small sit down area in the
back of the house. The livingroom has a large sofa set facing a fireplace and a
large television set. Behind the couches, there is an armoire with china on the top
and books in the bottom. A grand piano is also located behind the couches. The
kitchen area has a breakfast nook with a large table with benches attached to the
walls of the corner. There are two islands with a sink and faucet on one of them.
The kitchen leads into the dining room which contains a large intricately designed
dining table with eight matching chairs. The small sit down area located in the
back of the house has a small loveseat and a coffee table. On this floor, the
children mostly spent their time in the breakfast nook area either reading, drawing,
or eating. I found this area to be very cozy and inviting. A large picture of the
daughters hung on the wall behind the bench and the room was bright and sunny.
The Park family consisted of Dan and Sarah and their two daughters, Emily,
age seven, and Kate, age four. The parents both identified themselves as Korean
American. Dan and his older brother were born in America and had lived in the
Los Angeles area all their life. Sarah immigrated to the United States with her
parents and two older brothers when she was almost two years old.
Dan Park came from an academic background. Dan’s father immigrated to
the United States with his wife and had worked his way up to becoming a professor
at a university before starting a family. Dan’s mom was a stay at home parent.
When Dan and his brother were born, his family lived in an area where it was
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predominately White. At his grade school, Dan was the only Asian student but he
stated that he was “not overly affected by this.” After probing him on what he
meant by this comment, his answer was a simple, “it didn’t bother me.” When I
asked Dan if he had any negative experiences being the only Asian student, he
responded nonchalantly, “kids tease and make fun. I think I was the only Asian in
my school. I think some people would tease, but other than that it was fine.”
When I probed him a little further, his answer remained the same. It was
interesting to hear this as research on 1.5 generation Korean Americans state that
they face prejudice and ethnic/racial issues (Park, 1999) growing up. It made me
question the root of Dan’s indifference and whether or not he was aware of the
underlying tension that is often found among Korean Americans.
Dan grew up with the understanding that education was important to his
parents so going to college was a foregone conclusion. He attended Yale
University on New Haven, CT and received his Bachelors degree in economics.
He moved to New York City with Sarah and worked at a boutique investment bank
as an analyst and an associate specialist in mergers and acquisitions. However, he
decided to move back to his “hometown” of Los Angeles and is currently the head
of a company that chemically treats garments and textiles. He is also in the
import/export business with chemicals used in the dying of garments. On the side,
Dan also invests in real estate to supplement his income.
Sarah’s parents were also in academia in Korea. However, when they
immigrated to the United States, they knew the difficulty of maintaining a field in
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academics and decided to go into the clothing business instead. Because her
parents had to work long hours, Sarah and her two older brothers were latchkey
children. They came home from school and were responsible for taking care of the
house and completing their school work. Sarah recounted how she felt about her
parents working all the time:
My parents are much more hands off, to the point where I wondered if they
cared, but I got straight A’s. But my [middle] brother dabbled in
everything…he went back and got his degrees, but he didn’t do it in a
traditional way. I think it’s because my parents were uninvolved.

Sarah maintained very good grades throughout high school and eventually went to
Smith College in Massachusetts to study sociology. After graduating college,
Sarah worked as a paralegal at a corporate law firm in New York City. However,
when she and Ron decided to move back to Los Angeles, Sarah became a stay at
home mom as soon as she became pregnant with her first child eight years ago.
While she rarely applies what she learned in college in her everyday life, Sarah
concentrates more on ensuring that her daughters have what she didn’t as a child: a
parent at home all the time to take care of them.
At the beginning of the study, Emily, the older daughter was almost eight
years old and the youngest daughter, Kate, was almost four. Kate had been
attending a nearby preschool for a little over a year.

Memories of the Past
Sarah couldn’t remember the general occurrences of her experiences during
the first few years after her family immigrated to the United States when she was
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almost two. However, she recollected that she became “pretty well adjusted” fairly
quickly in elementary school. She “acquired language pretty easily so [she] didn’t
feel incompetent or insecure.” Sarah remembered one incident where she was “part
of” the White group of girls and her unique background as a Korean American did
not affect how she fit in.
I actually have a memory of bullying and making fun of a Latina girl. It
was all Caucasian at my grade school, and I’m embarrassed to say this
story, but I have memories of ostracizing this Latina girl, I don’t know
where she was from, because she couldn’t speak English so my friends and
I were doing the evil little girl thing and making her feel bad and ostracizing
her and taunting her because she couldn’t speak English. I knew I was not
Caucasian but I really didn’t think that I was a deficit.

Even though Sarah was a minority in her group of friends, she did not connect that
with the fact that the Latina girl was also a minority. While her friends were
mostly White, there were times when Sarah’s Asian background was acutely
pointed out:
My memory is terrible, but like in 3
rd
grade, one of my friends said to me, ‘I
think you’re the prettiest Oriental out of them all.’ And I thought to myself,
‘I think that’s a compliment,’ but wow, she totally puts me in a different
group. It was a real light bulb. She can’t compare apples and oranges. She
can’t compare herself to us, like comparing a blond and a brunette, for her it
was just black and white. And I thought to myself, everything is the same
about us, but physically there is a great big chasm that nobody can ignore.
That was a real big light bulb…really interesting. And I had never really
even compared myself, but when she said that I said, I guess people do see
me differently.

It was interesting how this specific incident contradicted Sarah’s previous
statement about how being Korean American did not affect how she fit in. This
one occasion points to the fact that Sarah’s peers did see her differently while she
herself did not. When probed about ethnic and racial related experiences, Sarah
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said that she generally had a happy childhood which made me wonder if her peers
were really that understanding and accepting or if Sarah just was not aware of
certain racial and ethnic tensions that came with being Korean American.

Experiences as a 1.5 Generation Korean American
Dan and Sarah had different experiences growing up as a 1.5 generation
Korean American. As a stay at home parent, Dan’s mom was able to “hold a
tighter reign on the family” and was more “controlling and had expectations for
[Dan and his brother].” Sarah’s parents, however, were more “hands off,” mainly
because they had to work long hours away from home. Sarah remembered how her
parents had to work all the time. “I don’t think they had the luxury of thinking
about how their children [were faring]. They were worried about the basics,
whether we were fed or sheltered.” Sarah also felt that one of the most difficult
parts of being a 1.5 generation Korean American immigrant was attributed to her
parent’s lack of information and experience.
One thing is that I didn’t have parents who had a history in this country and
had any experience with this country. So I didn’t have any guidance as far
as applying to college or doing different summer programs. So if anything,
it was not having a role model or having anybody to guide my route.
Luckily, I think things fell into place but who knows how my life would
have been different if I had parents who were totally involved and plugged
in.

Sarah’s experiences reminded me of my own past as a 1.5 generation Korean
American. My parents did not have a choice but work long hours to support the
family and even to this day, both they and I wonder what it would be like if “things
did not fall into place” as Sarah described.
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Another difficulty Sarah faced growing up was how she was a latchkey
child. She recounted how this experience formed the way she viewed people and
how she wanted a different life for her daughters:
I think having to have that responsibility of getting myself home and just
taking care of myself as a child made me probably mature at an earlier age.
[It made me become] more sympathetic to working class people and just
people in general. [I] understand now how difficult it is to make a living,
raise children, etc. As a parent, I didn’t want to put that much responsibility
on my children. I want them to be nurtured and have me around for their
childhood.

The fact that Sarah pointed out how being a latchkey child was one of the most
difficult attributes of her childhood was interesting since most research on 1.5
generation Korean Americans speaks so little about it. When examining 1.5
generation Korean Americans, researchers such as Danico (2004), Park (1999), and
Hurh (1990) mostly speak to difficulties with biculturalism and bilingualism,
prejudice, racial and ethnic issues, and the search for an identity. The immigration
stress attributed to being a latchkey child is not mentioned in the research. As a
latchkey child myself, I understand the stress that Sarah had to deal with growing
up and the desire of trying not to allow a similar experience to be repeated with our
children.

Literacy Memories
Dan and Sarah both remembered being able to speak Korean fluently at
home before starting formal schooling. When Dan began to learn English at
school, he did not remember any specific difficulties. He attributed this easy
transition to his father: “[my parents spoke Korean] to each other, but mainly
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English to us. My father taught at a university in English so his English is actually
better than his Korean.” Sarah, on the other hand, had a very different background.
In Sarah’s household, her parents mainly spoke Korean. However, when
Sarah began school, she remembered how she picked up the English language
quickly. She stated how she “just liked to read and language wasn’t very difficult
[sic] to pick up.” However, she made a point of stating that her English acquisition
did not come from the help of her parents.
I spoke perfect Korean as a toddler/child, but by the time I went to
kindergarten at the local public school, my English was perfect too. Maybe
the fact that I had older siblings and they brought it home from school. And
then the TV was on. It definitely wasn’t from my parents.

As Sarah became more fluent in English, her ability to speak Korean dwindled.
She recounted her communication patterns with her parents: “I tried to speak
Korean to them as much as I could, to the extent that I could. And then, what I
couldn’t say in Korean, I just explained or said it in English, and they got
it…Konglish.”
Sarah now speaks mainly English to her parents as they have learned
enough English to hold a conversation. However, looking back, Sarah wished that
she had maintained her heritage language. She stated, “I think it would have been
wonderful to be fluent in Korean. I wish my parents were stricter with me going to
Korean school and keeping our Korean language.” Dan also shared the same
sentiment as Sarah. He wished he knew Korean more, especially after going to
Korea and not understanding his heritage language. He stated that “when I’m with
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a group of people that speak only Korean, I’m a little uncomfortable because I
don’t understand what they are saying.”
Today both Dan and Sarah wish their daughters knew how to speak and
understand Korean. However, they do not know how to go about teaching their
daughters a language that they themselves have little knowledge of. Sarah stated
how she “doesn’t want them to learn Korean the way I speak it.” Dan said “it
would be nice because I wish I knew [Korean] so I would like them to learn it, but I
don’t know who will teach it.” They have attempted sending their eldest child to
Korean language classes for a year but Sarah stated that there wasn’t much gained.
Dan agreed, stating,
We put Emily in Korean language school, and she had the same reaction
that I did when I was a kid. When I was in it, I said I didn’t need it and that
there was no reason for it, so I didn’t do it. My daughter thought the same
thing.

Currently, the family only speaks English at home. When visiting the
grandparents, the parents would attempt to speak a little Korean but Emily and
Kate only spoke English and the grandparents answered back in English. While the
grandparents wished their children and grandchildren had a better knowledge of the
Korean language, no one knows how to foster a language that is not often spoken in
the household.

Literacy Events
The literacy events observed occurred mostly between Sarah and her
daughters and between Emily and Kate. The two sisters often played together with
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various activities around the house. Sarah would often join the two girls when they
were playing or working on homework. The girls were together most of the time,
always playing with each other.
Reading occurred at least once during every visit where either Emily or
Sarah would read aloud. Kate generally liked to be read to so her mom and her
sister often filled the position of the reader. At night, it had become a routine for
Sarah to read one book to Kate during bedtime but Sarah recounts how it was very
different with Emily:
I try to read at least one book of [Kate’s] choice a night. With Emily I must
have read like an hour a night from a very young age. There is a huge
difference in the time I invested with these kids because it’s just physically
so tiring. Unfortunately with Kate I didn’t read to her in infancy like I did
with Emily. It wasn’t part of [Kate’s] bedtime ritual. When she was two,
she would play with books, and I would read to her when asked. I think a
little before three it became a regular bedtime thing.

The constant exposure to books and Sarah’s attempt at reading to her daughters
supports Sarah’s belief that reading is important to a child’s acquisition of
language. Her practice confirms the research that Bus, van IJzendoorn, &
Pellegrini (1995), Heath (1982), and Lonigan (1994) contributed in that storybook
reading had a positive effect on a child’s reading achievement and language
growth. Sarah mentioned how with Emily, she started reading and writing
strategies before school began but with Kate, she relied more on the teachings at
school.
With Emily, I started doing Hooked on Phonics at 18 -24 months of age,
and she caught on very quickly. She was reading short words before she
got into preschool. She was really verbal, and I was really energetic, and it
all worked out. With Kate, I didn’t have as much time for her mental and
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academic learning before the start of schooling. But she is still ahead of the
game.

While Sarah did not read to Kate as much as she did with Emily, she made it a
point to have books available for Kate as much as possible. Sarah recounts how
books were around when Kate was a baby:
We’ve always had lots of books around, so I think [Kate] considered it like
a toy. I actually left word books and fabric infant books out. But I kept the
paper books out of reach, because there wasn’t anybody around to prevent
them from ripping it. So I think she thought those board books were toys.

Sarah also stated that the act of reading was often visible in the house for Kate to
learn and mimic:
I am a reader. I like reading for pleasure, so [Kate] probably saw me
reading and then she would pretend to read like I did. She would also see
her older sister reading. Seeing it visually, I think she just mimicked it.

Sarah remembered how Kate would watch her family members read when she was
a toddler.
When the children were not reading, they would pretend play with their
Barbie dolls. Emily would generally be in charge of the Barbie “household” while
Kate followed along. The girls had an extensive collection which allowed them to
play for hours. Emily and Kate would create imaginary scenarios which often
included a mommy, daddy, and their babies. They would state what their Barbie
dolls were doing, such as “Cassie (Kate’s doll) is walking the dog,” or “Amanda
(Emily’s doll) is preparing dinner for her babies.” The sisters would also have
make believe conversations with their Barbie characters and dress up sessions
where each Barbie had an outfit change depending on what activities were planned.
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The sisters also liked to play with the various puzzles that were stacked on
the bookcase. (See Appendix F, Picture 1) Their favorite was the Disney characters
puzzle which had pictures of all the major characters and their names. Emily
would finish most of the puzzle with the help of Kate who knew all the characters
by face but couldn’t read the actual names. Kate often turned to Emily for
assistance to match the name pieces to the pictures of the characters.
Kate was most often found interacting with either her older sister or her
mom whether through reading, pretend playing, singing, or just talking with them.
She was encouraged by her mother to often explain what she doing or what she had
understood in the book being read to her. Watching and conversing with her older
sister also encouraged literacy growth since Emily understood more of what was
going on around them. When Kate was not with Emily or her mom, she would
usually sit by the breakfast nook table in the kitchen to draw or write. An activity
cart was nearby with materials for Kate to use. (See Appendix F, Picture 4)
When Kate (age five) was observed a year afterwards, her reading and
writing skills improved greatly. Kate was able to recognize and read most of the
words in a picture book. Sarah continued to read to Kate every night but the
reading sessions were interactive rather than one sided:
I read to Kate every night before she goes to bed. Her reading level is
definitely above the standard level. When I am reading to her, she’ll follow
along and ask me questions or read a little herself. If I rush the story and
skip a line, she knows and tells me I didn’t read that section. Kate can
make out a big word by the first couple of letters.

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Kate’s writing skills have also improved. She can write short sentences in a neat
line rather than the downward line from the previous year. Sometimes, she asked
Sarah for help on spelling a word but not with the structure of the sentence. Kate’s
vocabulary has also increased and she is much more verbal now. When Kate came
home from school, she recounted what had happened in school in much more detail
as opposed to what was observed a year ago.

Print Documents
Evidence of print documents was visible throughout the home of the Park
family. In the garage, Kate and Emily had an array of materials to draw and create.
They also had various puzzles and posters stacked to the side of the garage and
pictures hanging on the spare refrigerator. A cart filled with arts and crafts
materials was next to the refrigerator and various drawings created by Emily and
Kate were hanging around the garage. The den had a television set, framed pictures
that the girls drew, various toys and learning materials, board games, and a large
bookcase. The bookcase contained both children’s picture books for Kate,
elementary books for Emily, books for the parents, and various puzzles and toys. A
mix of books for both the children and the parents lined the shelves such as some
Sandra Boyton picture books, Shel Silverstein books, various Disney princess
books, and education books like “What your Kindergartener Needs to Know” and
“Comprehensive Curriculum of Basic Skills – 1
st
Grade” for the parents. The
children spent much of their time here playing imaginary games with their Barbie
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dolls, putting puzzles pieces together, drawing, and reading. (See Appendix F,
Pictures 1-3)
Kate’s room contained a twin sized bed, a bookcase filled with children’s
books, and baskets of various toys. (See Appendix F, Picture 7) The bookcase
mainly contained picture books, such as Dr. Seuss books and the “Olivia” series.
There were a couple of Korean picture books but Kate rarely picked those up to
read. Emily’s room had a full sized bed with a table next to it. More advanced
books sat on top of her desk for her to work at. (See Appendix F, Picture 8) The
walls in both rooms were slightly bare, as the girls did not play in this room as
much as they did in the garage, den, and the kitchen.
At first glance, the living room did not seem to contain as much
environmental print as the other rooms. However, when the children were playing
in this room, they quickly went to the armoire to take out various books to read.
This armoire neatly hid all the children’s books but Kate and Emily often visited it
to retrieve various reading materials. Fictional books and magazines, such as Golf,
Architectural Digest, and Living, were lying around the room. Piano books also
lightly littered the top of the grand piano that was situated in the corner of the
room.
The kitchen area contained a small cart with various writing and reading
materials tucked neatly in it. (See Appendix F, Picture 4) The children often came
to this cart first upon entering the kitchen and took out small coloring books with
stories in them or plain paper to write and draw on. Kate and Emily were often
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found in the breakfast nook table with a writing instrument and paper when their
mother was working in the kitchen.

HOME Inventory
The Early Childhood HOME Inventory was conducted to examine the print
environment of the home as well as the daily routines conducted to promote early
literacy learning. On the HOME Inventory, the Park family received a total score
of 48 out of a possible 55, scoring above the median points of 40. A more detailed
scoring is found in Table 2. The Park family scored the highest in Learning
Materials and Physical Environment, further confirming that the print environment
of the home promotes learning. Through this inventory and the observations, it is
evident that the parents provide various learning materials as well as language and
academic stimulation for both their children.

Table 2 – HOME Inventory Results for the Park Family
Subscale Possible Score Median Score Actual Score
Learning Materials
(items 1-11)
11 8 10
Language Stimulation
(items 12 – 18)
7 6 6
Physical Environment
(items 19 – 25)
7 6 7
Responsivity
(items 26 – 32)
7 6 6
Academic Stimulation
(items 33 – 37)
5 4 4
Modeling
(items 38 – 42)
5 3 3
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Table 2 – HOME Inventory Results for the Park Family Continued

Variety
(items 43 – 51)
9 8 8
Acceptance
(items 52 – 55)
4 4 4
Total Score 55 40 48

The Kim Family
The Kims were the second family to volunteer for my study. Jennifer
showed some hesitation at first because she was 27 weeks pregnant and did not
want my observations to be interrupted before she gave birth. We often met more
than once a week to ensure that all my data was collected before the last month of
her pregnancy. We met for ten visits during the spring of 2007 and two follow up
visits a year later.
The Kims reside in a gated community in Torrance, a suburb of Los
Angeles, CA. This area was originally part of a large Spanish land grant until it
was bought and redesigned to become the industrial-residential community that it is
today. Torrance is well-known for many attractions such as the Armed Forces
Parade and the Del Amo Fashion Center but the main interest comes from the fact
that this city is often seen in television shows and movies.
Torrance is the sixth largest city in California with a population of 137, 946
according to the U.S. census of 2000. This city is well known for its high Asian
population, and is evident by the many Asian markets and stores. Torrance has a
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good school district which accounts for many families with school age children
residing in this city.
The Kims live in a three bedroom house nestled between similar houses in a
gated community on the east side of the city. This community is located in an
industrial area but once you enter the enclosed neighborhood, you would not notice
it as the streets are quiet and subdued. Upon entering through the gates, rows of
houses line the street with the garage out in the front of the house. The community
is tightly built with just a few meters between each house. At the end of the
enclosed community, a small playground and a community pool allows the
residents to safely play without intrusion from outsiders. The Kim’s home provides
ample room for their four year old daughter, Linda, their eight month old son,
Brian, the grandmother, Jin’s mother, and the parents, Jin and Jennifer.
The two story home has a spacious livingroom on the bottom floor. Upon
entering through the side of the house, you immediately see an open area with a
sofa set leaning against the back wall. The couches face a large television set and
the fireplace. A door on the front side of the house opens to a two car garage and
the laundry room is snuggled in between the livingroom and the garage. The
family spends most of their time in the livingroom watching television, reading,
drawing, and playing. Off to the back house the house, an open dining room
contains a table big enough to fit the family. When a meal is not being served, the
dining table is often used by Linda to complete school work or art activities or it is
used by the parents to work on general work or house related activities. The dining
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room faces a small backyard. The kitchen is next to the dining room. The bottom
floor of the house is one big open area so the family often moves around from
livingroom to dining room.
The three bedrooms are located upstairs. The parents’ bedroom is spacious
enough for their bed and Brian’s crib. Linda’s room is located on the other end of
the hallway and the grandmother’s room is next to hers. In between the
grandmother’s room and the parents’ room, two desks are set up in a small cove on
either side of the hallway. There is a large desk for the parents and a small desk on
the opposite side for Linda.
Jin Kim’s parents were already divorced when he immigrated to the United
States with his older brothers and sisters and his father when he was ten years old.
His father was an English translator for the Army which was the reason he moved
his family out to America. Jin’s father was not very involved in Jin’s education.
Therefore, his older brothers and sisters, who were nine and eleven years older than
him respectively, took on the role as parental figures.
In school, Jin had difficulty learning the English language but excelled in
math. His teachers saw his potential and gave more advance work during class. He
eventually went to the California State University, Northridge, where he studied
math and computers. After college, Jin worked for a video game company,
maintaining arcade machines. However, when Jennifer got pregnant with Linda, he
looked for a more stable profession. Currently, Jin is a computer network
administrator.
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Jennifer’s father worked for an American company in Korea which
eventually led him to transfer to a U.S. office. He immigrated first and the rest of
his family came afterwards. Jennifer immigrated when she was five years old and
had a difficult time adjusting to her new life in the United States. Getting a good
education was one of the top priorities for Jennifer’s parents so she maintained
good grades and also went to the California State University, Northridge. It was
there that she met Jin at a Korean Campus Christian Fellowship. Jennifer studied
to become a teacher and obtained her teacher credentials after graduating college.
She is currently a first grade teacher in the Gardena Public School system.
At the beginning of the study, Linda was fours years old and Brian had not
been born yet. Linda had been attending a preschool in Jennifer’s school for over a
year. The preschool was a Korean/English speaking class with emphasis in
learning both cultures.

Memories of the Past
When Jennifer immigrated at the age of five, she was immersed in an
English classroom. The first few years in America were a blur for her:
My childhood is very vague to me. I can’t remember a whole lot of what
happened. Now that I look at Linda at that age, kids learn so well and learn
so quickly, I think I just [adjusted to the American culture].

When she started school, Jennifer remembered how all her peers would eat
“American food” at home. Jennifer recounted how she wanted to be the same:
I remember going through a phase of not liking Korean food, of just eating
the same thing every night. I wanted to eat hamburgers and pizza and
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things like that that all the other kids were eating. I just remember going
through a phase like that.

Growing up as a 1.5 generation Korean American, I also remembered going
through a phase of trying to become only “American.” I refused to eat kimchi, a
staple side dish in the Korean cuisine, for over a month because I was convinced
that all my White friends noticed the smell. Park (1999) confirms this act of 1.5
generation Korean Americans disregarding their Korean heritage by stating that
oftentimes, many adolescent Korean Americans feel the need to conform and “act
white.” However, she also states that they eventually transform and “affirm their
Korean heritage” (p. 148).
For Jennifer, adjusting to the American culture came more easily than
adjusting to her new school. She recounts how other kids would make fun of her:
I remember being teased just because at that time at the school I was
attending, they didn’t have a whole lot of Asian students. So I remember
feeling teased and feeling that I was different from other kids. However, I
wasn’t completely isolated. I think there were some Asian students. There
were a lot of stereotypes at that time about Asian kids having small eyes
and no butt. I think I was a target of that.

As Jennifer became more adjusted at school, she eventually had a greater mix of
friends.
[In junior high and high school,] I think I mostly hung out with kids of other
race, not really Korean. I didn’t have a whole lot of Korean friends at
school. Mainly some Japanese, some Caucasian…very well mixed, I think.
At church it was mainly Korean. My boyfriend in junior high school was
Caucasian. So I hung out mainly with Caucasian and other races…not
Korean.

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Once Jennifer went to college, however, she mainly associated with other Koreans
through the Korean Campus Christian Fellowship. Today, most of Jennifer’s
friends are Korean Americans.
Jin also remembered having difficulty adjusting to his new American
school. He recounted how the other kids teased him often in the beginning:
I never got an American name and I remember being made fun of because
of my name. I definitely remember kids making fun of my name, and even
then I didn’t really understand, but I figured it out later. What can you do?

Jin also remembered one of his first experiences at school:
When I first came [to the new school], I was in 4
th
grade and I already knew
multiplication when [the teacher] was just teaching it. So my teacher gave
me different homework to do in math, but not in English. The funny thing
about learning multiplication is that in Korea, you just memorize it. So
today, when I have to multiply, I just do it in my head in Korean, and
translate it back to English. One time there was like a spelling bee type test,
where the teacher would shout out multiplication questions and you would
have to shout the answer back. All the kids thought I would do well, but it
was so slow because I had to do the whole translating thing! So it took a lot
longer than if I was writing it. I would have been much faster if I was
writing. All the kids thought we would win for sure, but we lost. To this
day, all multiplication has to be done in Korean.

Experiences as a 1.5 Generation Korean American
Jin and Jennifer both shared a similar experience growing up as latchkey
children. Their parents did not have a choice and had to worked long hours,
leaving their children at home by themselves. Jennifer recalled how being a
latchkey child was very difficult:
I remember not wanting to go to school and faking headaches. Because my
brothers were older, they were in junior high school together, rode the bus
together, and did stuff together. I rode the elementary school bus by myself
and was in charge of locking the door and stuff like that. I would see my
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parents and siblings waving goodbye and I was all by myself. It was hard.
I felt like they were all leaving me and I was in charge of the house. If I
heard a siren once during the day, that would be IT because I would think
my house was burning down.

Jennifer’s parents were also not very involved in her schooling. They viewed
education to be extremely important but Jennifer’s parents had to work long hours.
However, Jennifer remembered how her parents showed up to one of her school
production skits:
I remember being involved with a lot of activities. I think I was really
active as a student. I remember doing school production skits. I was in
choir. I was in dance. We had a performance, and you know that a lot of
Asian parents can’t make it. I remember calling my dad that morning and
telling him I had a performance and it was very nice to see my parents out
there. At the last minute they came out of work and came to watch me. My
parents didn’t go to a lot of the school functions. I just remember that one
specific dance/choir show. I was really excited about that.

Jin’s father also worked long hours and was unable to be involved in his son’s
schooling. However, Jin remembered how his friends, who were also 1.5
generation Korean Americans, gave him the support that Jin needed.
A lot of [my friends] were in the same situation I was in, so there was that
underlying common thing going on. You know our parents couldn’t speak
English. We were pretty much the same. There was a lot of support there.

Literacy Memories
When Jennifer immigrated to the United States, her parents stressed that
they came so that their children would have a good education. Jennifer said how
“learning English was very important” for my parents but “it was funny because
my mom also stressed that we learn Korean. My mom can’t really speak English
well so she stressed that we remember Korean. I think it was for her so she can
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communicate with us.” When she learned English, Jennifer recounted how she was
immersed in the language:
I remember babbling a lot, pretending to speak English. I didn’t go to an
ESL (English as a Second Language) class, I was immersed…sink or swim.
I swam, but fell through the cracks a little bit. I remember actually
speaking English when I was in 2
nd
grade. I vividly remember being able to
communicate. So I was immersed into it. I also had older siblings and my
dad who helped me out but no real structure.

For Jin, he remembered how his older siblings helped him to learn the English
language:
[My older brother and sister] kind of taught me English, but they are nine
and eleven years older, so they were more like parents trying to teach you
English. I used to have these words that I had to memorize. I didn’t learn
phonics, so you just had to memorize everything. My sister gave me ten
English words everyday and I had to memorize them, but that didn’t really
help because both my brother and sister had accents, so it’s like the blind
leading blind. But at school, you talk to friends and I think that’s how you
learn faster.

Both Jin and Jennifer are able to speak conversational Korean and only speak
Korean to their parents. Jin’s mother lives with the family so the family, including
Linda, speaks Korean on a daily basis. Jin also speaks to his father in Korean, even
though his father speaks English well.
I still speak to [my father] in Korean, although his [English] is fluent. If I
spoke to him in English, I think he would understand better because my
Korean is so bad, but I think that is just my Korean culture. Not my mom
though. I speak Korean because I’m forced to since she doesn’t know
English.

Jennifer also talks to her parents in Korean but mostly in Konglish with her father.
She said how her Korean improved after her mother in law moved in, forcing her to
practice her heritage language. She also attributed her Korean speaking ability to
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the Korean dramas that she often watches. I agree with Jennifer that constant
practice and exposure improves the ability to speak Korean more fluently. My
ability to speak Korean was so bad during high school but when I started working
at a Korean restaurant in college, I was able to speak Korean fluently. So much
that when I spoke to Korean elders, they often commented on how easily I spoke
my heritage language. Now, without anyone to practice with, my Korean had
dwindled but when my mother stayed with me for a month two years ago, I was
able to pick it up again.
Jin and Jennifer both agree that it is important for their children to learn
and maintain the Korean language and culture. Jin talked of how it was necessary
for Linda to know her heritage.
I think [Linda] can grow up here and learn the [Korean] language and
culture. Because her parents are Korean, I don’t think that she can be 100%
American, not because she doesn’t want it to be, but because other people
will see her differently. I think that’s just the way our society is. I think
learning where she is from is part of her. [Linda] has a Korean middle
name. That’s going to be something she has to learn and deal with in the
future.

Literacy Events
Literacy events were often encouraged by Jin and Jennifer. As a first grade
teacher, Jennifer would make a point of guiding Linda on the right path so that she
would be ready for elementary school. Jennifer was at all the observations while
Jin and the grandmother were each present during three of the eight visits. During
the observations, Linda was often involved with some kind of an activity, whether
drawing, playing games, or reading.
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Reading was encouraged early on in the Kim household. When Linda was
a baby, Jennifer would buy alphabet toys and often point out the letters. Jennifer
remembers how Linda started recognizing the alphabet:
[Linda] showed an interest in letters when she was very young. I can’t even
remember what age. I think it was before one. She was very fascinated
with letters especially. [The alphabets] would always be the first thing
she’d reach for. All her toys were in the corner and she would always go to
the letter magnets and she would always say that certain things look like
letters. I remember going to Las Vegas and she would just start saying the
letters that she would see.

Jin and Jennifer make it a point to read to Linda everyday. Jennifer states how
someone in the household always reads to her on a daily basis: “I used to read to
her more often, but since I got pregnant, it’s Daddy. We are both pretty good at it.
Her grandma reads to her in Korean. She’s trying to teach her the Korean
alphabet.” The parents also take Linda to the library or the bookstore so that Linda
can choose her favorite books.
We take Linda to the library but not all the time. She goes to the library at
school too. I used to take her to the library frequently but not since I got
pregnant and am working. It’s too hard. Jin takes her to Borders a lot. She
loves Dora [books], which I really don’t like because it’s not really her age
appropriate. Linda likes Sandra Boyton books because it has nice silly
pictures which she likes. She likes nursery rhymes because of school.

During the observations, Linda would pick up a book occasionally a flip through
them. Her favorites were a Dora the Explorer book and a fairytale book. Linda
read one of the Dora books aloud and she was able to read some of the words from
the book but filled in the rest of the story with her own words. There were Korean
books on her bookshelf and when I asked her to read it, she would tell me what the
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story was about from memory in English but not read the actually Korean words in
the book.
After a year from the initial visits, Linda was reading more on her own.
Jennifer said:
[Linda’s] reading on her own…well for her own age I think. She’ll sound
out words when she comes to something that she doesn’t know and will ask
us if she tries and really doesn’t know what it is because it is hard. She’ll
ask dad or me. She’ll try to read other things too, not just books. We try to
encourage her to read signs and stuff so she’ll read more. Her growth
totally surprises me.

Her interest in books also evolved from Dora and picture books to more advanced
topics.
[Linda] used to be into Dora books and such, but now she is into other stuff,
like non-fiction or fire fighter books. We try to introduce her to the
“winner” books, like Caldecott winner books. But she just seems to enjoy
all types, not just the princess stuff. She pretends to read her bible, but
she’s just pretending. She also got a magazine and she loves reading it, so
we are thinking about getting more. The magazine is Ranger Rick. She
loves animal books.

Linda’s writing has also improved dramatically. Jennifer stated with pride how her
daughter’s writing is “good most of the time. It’s just beautiful penmanship.”
Linda is also learning the Korean language. With the help of her grandmother and
the dual language program at school, Linda is learning how to read and write in
Korean. Jennifer said, “[Linda’s] learning the [Korean] consonants and vowels.
[The school] doesn’t teach the actual Korean letters, like the names of things, but
they teach it phonetically. [Linda] can write it too.”
One of Linda’s favorite pastimes was playing games on the computer. (See
Appendix G, Picture 1) There were a number of games that Linda preferred, such
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as matching cards, decorating cakes based on a description given, and matching the
correct facial features to drawings given. On some of these games, Linda was
required to type in words, which she enjoyed doing. While playing the games,
Linda often enjoyed explaining what she was doing even when she was not
prompted.
When Linda came home from school, Jennifer would often sit down at the
dining room table and assist Linda in completing her homework. Usually, the work
took approximately 30 minutes to complete and Linda would usually have to write
words and draw pictures of the topic that was discussed during school. There were
times when Linda had to perform a song as part of her homework. During
homework time, Jennifer and her daughter would talk about Linda’s day and what
activities she had in school.
Jennifer and Linda also had many other interactions other than during
homework time. They painted pictures, each describing what they drew, (See
Appendix G, Picture 2) they made a calendar together, marking the days until their
upcoming vacation, and they watched televisions shows, talking about what the
characters were doing in the show. Jennifer preferred watching cooking shows and
she would discuss what was being made and how it was prepared with Linda.
Linda liked watching the shows on Nickelodeon or the Cartoon Network. One of
her favorites was “Wow! Wow! Wubbzy!” which she spent most of the show either
explaining what was going on or telling the characters what to do.
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Linda also spent time with her grandmother. Her grandmother spoke only
Korean and Linda responded in “Konglish”, a mixture of Korean and English. I
observed them playing checkers and dress up together while the grandmother spoke
in Korean. Once, I observed Linda’s grandmother reading to her in Korean. Most
of the time, though, Linda’s grandmother often sat and listened to her talk about her
day at school and what she was playing with as Linda loved to explain everything.
Linda spent most of her time with her father doing “fun” activities since the
school work was usually finished by the time Jin came home. During one of the
observations, Linda and Jin had just returned from the community pool and Linda
was enthusiastically telling Jennifer and me about how she was learning how to
swim. Jennifer laid out a snack of vegetables and dip and Linda was happily eating
while talking a mile a minute. During another observation, Jin was showing Linda
an ant farm that he had just purchased at the Discovery Store. They tried to put
ants that they dug up from the backyard into the ant farm but on my next visit, all
the ants had died. Two weeks later, the ant farm contained bigger ants that Jin had
purchased specifically for the ant farm. Linda explained to me how “special” ants
had to be placed inside the farm to grow properly.

Print Documents
The Kim family’s home contained much evidence of print documents. The
living room had a simple layout with a sofa set and a television. There were
framed pictures of Linda when she was younger. Various drawings by Linda were
also framed around the room. Off to the side, there was a small cart that contained
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various reading and writing materials. When drawing in the living room, Linda
used a small fold out table that had the English alphabet, pictures corresponding to
the letters, and names of the pictures in English and Korean. On the fireplace
mantel, there were cards, family photos, and a certificate of excellence that Linda
received from her school. The laundry room, to the side of the living room,
contained a stack of board games.
The open dining room contained a table where Linda completed most of her
preschool homework with her mom. The walls held a painting and a homemade
calendar for Linda. There was an upcoming trip that she was counting down for
and so she and her mom made this calendar to remember how many days were left.
In the kitchen, the counter had various cookbooks that Jennifer used often and the
refrigerator door held drawings, notes, and other written items. Most of the notes
on the refrigerator contained school and work related information.
Linda’s bedroom contained many toys such as stuffed animals, a doll house,
and a kitchen area. She also had many books in a bookshelf and in a number of
smaller bins. Her bedroom was decorated with her name spelled out in blocks on
the wall as well as drawings she had made in the past. Linda also taped up projects
she had completed in preschool and a life-size drawing of herself. The books found
in Linda’s room were a mix of children’s books appropriate for her age and
advanced books that her parents read to her. Dr. Seuss, Madeline, and Disney
princess books lined the bookshelf and a number of picture books, like the Sandra
98
Boyton series, Dora the Explorer books, and Curious George books were found in a
small bin by the foot of the bed. (See Appendix G, Pictures 3-4)
Linda’s grandmother’s room was simply decorated with a full sized bed, a
dresser, and a mirror. The walls were basically bare except for a calendar from a
Korean market. There were a couple of books in Korean and a copy of a Korean
newspaper on top of the dresser.
Jin and Jennifer’s large room contained a queen sized bed, two nightstands,
a dresser, an armoire, a bookcase, and a crib for the baby. The bookcase contained
various educational books used by Jennifer and some computer books for Jin.
There were also some parenting and pregnancy books, Christian devotional books,
and two copies of the bible. Next to the bed, there were some cooking magazines
such as Cooking Light on top of the nightstand. The walls hung various pictures of
the family.
In between the parents’ and grandmother’s room, there was a work station
in a cove in the hallway. On one side of the hallway, there was a large desk for the
parents and a smaller desk on the other side for Linda. Linda’s desk station
contained various books, writing materials, pin ups of writing and drawing
assignments completed in preschool, and a CD player. On the other side, the
parent’s desk had a laptop computer, printer, books, magazines, and miscellaneous
papers. Linda spent a good amount of time on her parent’s laptop playing various
children’s games such as matching similar items and following sequence. Linda
99
also read books sitting by her desk and drew pictures with the materials available to
her. (See Appendix G, Picture 1)

HOME Inventory
On the HOME Inventory, the Kim family scored a 52 out of a possible 55
points, indicating that learning is a priority for the parents. For most of the
sections, the Kim family received a score well above the median score, scoring all
of the possible points in most sections. This scoring indicates that not only is the
print environment adequate for Linda’s growth, the daily routines conducted by the
family gears toward promoting early literacy learning. Detailed scoring of the Kim
family is found in Table 3.
Table 3 – HOME Inventory Results for the Kim Family
Subscale Possible Score Median Score Actual Score
Learning Materials
(items 1-11)
11 8 10
Language Stimulation
(items 12 – 18)
7 6 7
Physical Environment
(items 19 – 25)
7 6 7
Responsivity
(items 26 – 32)
7 6 7
Academic Stimulation
(items 33 – 37)
5 4 5
Modeling
(items 38 – 42)
5 3 3
Variety
(items 43 – 51)
9 8 9
Acceptance
(items 52 – 55)
4 4 4
Total Score 55 40 52
100
The Lee Family
The Lee family responded a few weeks after Jin and Jennifer agreed to be in
my study. Jane showed an immediate interest when I explained what my study was
about. She wanted to meet as often as possible so I visited the Lee home twice a
week on most occasions for a total of eight visits in the spring of 2007 and two
follow up visits during the spring of 2008.
The Lees live in Los Angeles within walking distance of the University of
California, Los Angeles. One of the UCLA medical research buildings is located
across their building but since it is not one of the main buildings on campus, the
neighborhood is not crowded although students are often seen walking around the
neighborhood. The Lees live just two blocks from the popular Westwood Village
but their street is very quiet. Their apartment building, along with almost all the
building around them houses students from UCLA.
The Lee family live in a two bedroom apartment that has been converted
from two one bedroom apartments. Upon entering the apartment, there is a small
walkway with a shoe rack off to the side. This entrance leads into the open
livingroom/dining area. The kitchen is immediately to the right set in a tiny cove
big enough for a small refrigerator, stove, and sink. The kitchen cabinets reach up
to the ceiling. This area is just big enough for one person. A dining table with four
chairs is placed against the right wall and a computer workstation for Han is set on
the left wall, dividing the kitchen and the livingroom. The livingroom has one
large sofa placed against the wall next to the workstation and it faces an
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entertainment stand with a large television. On the far end of the room, a small
patio faces the main street. The two bedrooms and bathrooms are located on
opposite ends of the apartment mirroring each other with the livingroom in the
middle. Each bathroom has a sink and vanity table located immediately outside of
the bathroom which made me wonder if the apartment was converted from a hotel.
Both bedrooms were jammed packed with numerous bookshelves, a bed, and a
desk.
Han and Jane both grew up as one of very few minorities in their
neighborhood. Han was the only Korean in his suburban neighborhood located 35
miles outside of Philadelphia. Jane was one of just a handful of Asians in her
school located in Harrisburg, PA, a small town also located outside of Philadelphia.
Both their neighborhood consisted on mainly White residents.
Han came from a very academic background. His father was a psychiatrist
in Korea and his mom went to college but became a stay at home for the sake of her
children. Because of personal issues with his father’s family owned practice in
Korean, Han’s dad moved the family to the United States when Han was three and
a half years old to open his own practice.
The only reason my dad went to psychiatry was because his aunt’s husband
owned one of the largest psychiatric hospital in Korea, so he got his oldest
son and my dad to go into that field. In Korea, the doctors own the hospital.
But when his aunt died, the husband remarried another psychiatrist and they
made life miserable for my dad. So we left and went to America.

Han’s father went through residency again in the United States and set up his
practice near their home. Han believes that he went into medicine because his
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father was a doctor. His younger brother also excelled in science and is currently
teaching chemistry in Syracuse, NY.
Han attended Lafayette College for his bachelor’s degree and received his
medical degree at Temple University School of Medicine in Philadelphia, PA. He
completed his internship and residency at the University of Minnesota and
completed his S.T.A.R. (Specialized Training in Advanced Research) fellowship in
gastroenterology at UCLA Medical Center where he received a Master's of Science
degrees in Epidemiology and in Clinical Research. He is currently a faculty
member at UCLA and is an assistant professor at the West Los Angeles VA
Medical Center and assistant research professor at the UCLA School of Public
Health in the Department of Epidemiology.
Jane’s mom moved her two children, Jane and her younger brother, to the
United States when Jane was 10 for the “sake of their education.” Jane recounts
how her mom stressed she do well in school. “[My mom] definitely wanted me to
learn [English]. The whole reason she came to America, like most Koreans, was so
that we can have the best education possible.” Jane’s mom was a single parent and
“had to play the mom and dad roles” for her children. From a young age, Jane
showed a great talent in singing and went to college to study music and vocal arts.
She also attended Temple University first where she met Hack and then the
University of Minnesota. She transferred to Elcamino College in Torrance, CA for
their music program but had to stop when she got pregnant six years ago. She
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recently started attending World Mission University in Los Angeles and is working
on finishing her bachelor’s degree in Music.
At the beginning of the study, Samantha had just turned five and was
finishing her last year at the local preschool. She had been attending the preschool
since she was three years old. Samantha also attended after school programs, such
as ballet classes, computer classes, and music classes.

Memories of the Past
When Jane immigrated to the United States at age ten, she had already
experienced formal education in Korea. She remembered how different school was
in the United States compared to Korea:
In Korea, the school system is so strict. There wasn’t a day that I didn’t get
spanked or stood in the corner so I hated going to school in Korea. So
imagine how I felt when I came to a nice, peaceful White school. The
school was like heaven to me. I could do anything I want! The teachers
wouldn’t do much with me at first. I didn’t speak any English, so I didn’t
have to do any work. All I did was go to ESL and play. Math in America is
so slow, and it was like levels behind me, so it was fun. They thought I was
a genius. I was doing fractions when everyone was just learning what
‘plus’ was. I didn’t go to any science classes because I didn’t know
English. I had music classes, which are universal. I just played a lot in
grade school.

At home, however, Jane had a much more difficult time trying to maintain her
Korean ethnicity while conforming to the American way of life.
Home was difficult, because my mom expected me know English and
assimilate but she also wanted me to be Korean. She expected me to be
silent, obedient, and stuff. However, in school, you have to be loud, so it
was very different and difficult. Also, at home, it was just my mom. So my
mom had to play my mom and dad’s role, and she had no tolerance
whatsoever.

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I also remembered how I had to play a double role for home and school. Early on
at school, I was quiet and obedient as I was told to act by my parents. This
prompted my teachers to think that I was actually a little slow in learning. When I
realized that it was okay to be vocal in the classroom, I tried to act the same at
home. However, I remember getting reprimanded a number of times for “sassing”
my parents.
Jane also remembered how when she first immigrated to the United States,
she did not know about discrimination and had no recollection of being the victim
of it. She remembers how people were nice since there were hardly any Asians in
her school. She recalled feeling “like an alien…one that everybody wanted to see.”
However, as she became more fluent in the English language, she started to see and
understand racial discrimination. She remembered subtle comments about the way
her eyes looked and how a person yelled “ahh…you Chineses!” in a derogatory
way.
Han also grew up in a mostly White community. He remembered how his
family members were the only Koreans in town.
My dad ended up practicing 35 miles outside of Philadelphia in a rural
town. Out of 900 kids in school, there were just a handful of Jewish kids, a
couple of Black kids, and myself. Wait, there was another Korean kid, but
he was adopted. It was a lower income area, out in the farms kind of place.

Han remembered how he played football and ice fishing with his White friends and
how most of his friends throughout high school and college were also White. “My
wedding was just about completely White on my side.”
105
Han experienced slight racial discrimination about the way he looked but he
brushed that off, attributing to the fact that all kids had different quirks about them.
“In high school, there’s always something. He has long hair, or he’s a ‘sport’ guy,
or he’s the heavy metal dude. I was the Asian guy.”

Experiences as a 1.5 Generation Korean American
Jane had a difficult time growing up, especially in high school when she
had assimilated to the American culture. Jane remembered how it seemed that her
mother did not understand her at all: “She didn’t understand anything about why I
did things, like makeup, or things like that, she would flip out. I wasn’t allowed to
go to school dances at all. I was very sheltered at home.” In high school, Jane
rebelled by fighting with her mom or changing the way she looked after her mom
went to work.
Jane also recounted how it was hard with her mother’s lack of information
and experience about the American culture. “It was difficult because my mom was
mostly working and didn’t really know how to support us in our schools. She
didn’t know how the U.S. school system worked, how the kids in U.S. were like.”
Jane had to figure out how to navigate through the school system by herself and she
remembered it being very confusing at times.
Growing up, Jane was a latchkey child and was forced to take care of her
two younger brothers while their mother worked long hours. The three children
were left alone so often that when Jane’s mother had to go to Korea for a month,
Jane and her brothers managed to take care of themselves.
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My mom got sick when I was eleven years old. One day she came and said
that she wanted to go to Korea but my brothers and I were to stay in
America. My mom was in Korea for a month and we managed fine without
her. I guess I was so used to being alone that for her to leave me and go to
Korea, it wasn’t that much different for me. After a month my mom came
back. My aunt would check in every now and then to make sure that
everything was ok because she lived close by.

Jane’s experiences as a latchkey child led her to become a stay at home mother for
Samantha. Jane did not want Samantha to take on the responsibility of having to
take care of herself at such a young age.
Han’s mother was a stay at home parent and his father worked long hours at
his office. While Han did not share the difficulties Jane did as a latchkey child,
Han remembered how it was frustrating when his parents forced him to celebrate
Korean New Years or Korean Thanksgiving when he was a child. In Han’s mind,
the only New Years and Thanksgiving were the American ones. After a while,
Han’s parents stopped celebrating the Korean holidays and conformed to the
American ones. Looking back, Han wished he had more exposure to Korean
traditions. “People will tell me that it’s Korean Thanksgiving or something and
remind me to call my mom. The only real traditional thing I know is dduk gook (a
rice cake soup) on New Years Day and mee yuk gook (seaweed soup) on birthdays.
I wish I knew more though.”

Literacy Memories
When Jane immigrated at the age of ten, it took her a few years to learn the
English language. She remembered the process as being gradual.
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I learned English gradually, first starting with ESL (English as a Second
Language) class. Talking to friends helped and I remember watching a lot
of TV. I think once I didn’t go to school for over a week because I was
watching TV.

Jane’s mother repeatedly told her that they immigrated to the United States for a
good education so learning English was a priority in the household. However,
Jane’s mom relied on the school systems to teach Jane English since she was
occupied with work.
My mom was only concerned about surviving. I think she thought that if
she worked a lot and provided for us and put us in good schools, everything
would be just fine and good. She didn’t ask us about how school was
going. I don’t remember ever having a conversation about how school was.
So everything I had to figure out on my own. I think my mom just thought
that I would learn English on my own. She definitely wanted me to learn.
The whole reason she came to America was so that we could have the best
education possible.

While Jane’s mother expected her children to learn English, she also required them
to speak Korean. To this day, Jane’s mom does not speak English well so her
children had to maintain their heritage language to communicate with her. In high
school, Jane lost some of her Korean language while she was mastering English.
However, in college and afterwards, most of Jane’s friends were Korean speaking
first generation or 1.5 generation Korean Americans. Jane regained her heritage
language and can speak Korean very fluently.
When Han immigrated to the United States, he spoke Korean fluently.
However, upon arriving to his new home town, Han’s parents believed that
learning English was the key to surviving in America.
My dad learned English in his residency and my mom took English classes
both in Korea and in America. They encouraged us to learn English at
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school. At home, [my brother and I] spoke English and my parents spoke
Korean to each other. But to us, they spoke English because they wanted us
to adjust. They never told us to speak Korean.

Han learned English quickly since he immigrated when he was three years old and
essentially lost his heritage language growing up. In college though, Han wanted to
learn the language he lost and took Korean classes. He also watches Korean
dramas with Jane and has learned enough to understand most of what the characters
are saying. Han wished he knew Korean better, though, especially when he went to
Korea recently.
I went to Korea the first time when I was in college and I got to know my
relatives but we had a hard time communicating with each other. When I
went back recently, I became close to my cousins because my Korean was a
little better. I wish I can speak it more fluently though.

Han’s mother also wished she had encouraged her sons to maintain their heritage
language. “One of [my mom’s] biggest regrets is that she didn’t speak Korean at
home. So now, when I talk to her on the phone, she’ll speak to me in Korean but
I’ll talk to her in English.”
Today, Han and Jane both want Samantha to learn Korean. Jane tries to
speak to Samantha in Korean as much as possible although Jane doesn’t know how
much Samantha actually understands. “I try to communicate in Korean with her
and ask her about her day at school. Samantha responds in English. Sometimes,
though, she gives me a blank look. I don’t think she understands everything I say
in Korean.” Han also wants Samantha to learn Korean but does not take an active
role in teaching her the language. He believes that living in Los Angeles helps
though. “It’s definitely easier [to learn Korean] in Los Angeles. There are more
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Koreans here as opposed to where I grew up. We have relatives that speak Korean
so it’s important for Samantha to learn the language.”

Literacy Events
The literacy events observed occurred mostly between Jane and Samantha.
Han was present during two of the observations. As an only child, Samantha was
very independent and would sometimes go off to her room to read or draw by
herself.
Jane read to Samantha during five different observations. While Jane read,
she would ask Samantha questions about the characters and the plot. At times, Jane
would ask her questions in Korean and Samantha would answer in English. When
Samantha was younger, Jane recalled how she and Han read to her:
I bought tons of books for Samantha. Han and I really didn’t teach her how
to read but we read to her constantly. [Samantha] started to actually
memorize the books we read often and knew what the story was about. We
just surrounded her with books.

Jane purchased both English and Korean books. In addition to the books at home,
Jane took Samantha to the library and bookstore often. Samantha’s interests
varied: “[Samantha] likes any books with pictures in it. She loves pop up and
scary books…books that require interaction.” Han said that Samantha’s ability to
read books by herself did not come until after she started preschool. “When
Samantha learned how to read, she sat in her room and read for hours sometimes.”
Samantha loved to sit by her activity table in her bedroom and write and
draw. She would spend 30 minutes to an hour just writing lists of her classmate’s
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names. Jane and Han recount how Samantha would always be found with a writing
utensil in her hand:
Ever since [Samantha] could hold a pen, she was writing and drawing. She
grabbed crayons very early on, before she was two. She was very unusual,
because usually kids just sit for like 5-10 min, but she would sit there for
hours. I once timed her and she was writing for 2 hrs! She was just
scribbling and practicing writing. At the time, she would just draw “t” and
“o” over and over again. We were worried that she was autistic!

When observing Samantha’s list writing, she would ask for the spelling of a few
names but generally spelled all her classmate’s names by herself. She would write
the names over and over on different pages of her notebook, with different colors,
formats, and styles. As she would write the names, Samantha told me little tidbits
about each classmate, whether it was the clothing they were wearing in school that
day or the game they played together. Samantha even made her mom write the
names along with her and then she would compare the two lists.
When Samantha was not reading or writing lists, she was often found
drawing. Samantha drew pictures of rainbows, her friends, her family, and other
nature scenes, like trees, houses, animals, etc. When I asked Jane what she does
with all the drawing, she responded that she never threw one away. “When
“Samantha draws, I always ask her a bunch of questions about the picture. Then I
put it up or save it. She doesn’t want me to throw away any of her pictures because
they are masterpieces so we have stacks of them in a file.”
Samantha’s reading and writing ability had improved greatly over the last
year. During the initial observations, Samantha could only write single words but
she is currently writing sentences. Her handwriting has also improved
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dramatically. All her letters are similar is size and they are written on the straight
line as opposed to tilting downwards as it was a year ago.
Samantha now reads by herself more often. Jane reads to her at night but at
home, Samantha is in her room reading and drawing by herself. Her favorite books
are no longer “baby books” but more advanced picture books. Samantha reads her
books repeatedly if she really likes them. Samantha still loves to draw. Her
drawing abilities have improved in that they are much more precise and detailed.

Print Documents
Evidence of print documents was visible in the Lee household, especially in
Samantha’s bedroom. Her room was filled with an abundance of literacy materials.
Jane had every inch of the available walls filled with posters of multiplication
tables, maps, a number of different laminated versions of the Korean alphabet (See
Appendix H, Pictures 4-6) and pictures of Samantha and the family. A bookcase
and a dresser was filled with Korean and English children’s books, math
workbooks, English and Korean flashcards of various topics, and medical books
used by Han. The drawers of the dresser had books bulging out of them. (See
Appendix H, Pictures 1-2) Samantha’s activity desk was strewn with books,
coloring items, pamphlets received from school, reading materials from church, and
various toys. (See Appendix H, Picture 3) A cart next to the dresser contained
writing instruments, paper, crayons and colored pencils, and various other items
used for arts and craft. In the back of the room, a full sized bed often had books,
drawings, or clothes on top of it.
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The parent’s room did not contain nearly as many print materials as
Samantha’s room. However, there were medical books and magazines that Han
often read by his side of the bed and Korean magazines were found by Jane’s side.
Children’s books were scattered throughout the room indicating that Samantha
often visited this room.
Between the two bedrooms, an open space contained a living room, dining
area and a kitchen. The living room was set up in the back of the room with a full
sized sofa, coffee table, entertainment center, and a small table. The area had
Samantha’s artwork posted on the walls as well as small piles of children’s books
and drawings in various places. The dining table and a work station for Han
divided the living room area and the small walk in kitchen. The small dining table
had four chairs. One of the chairs had various pieces of paper, such as bills, school
work, and documents sent home from school on top of it. On some of the visits,
the dining table had Samantha’s drawing papers and markers or school work on
top. Han’s work station had a computer, printer, and medical books lining the
shelf. The kitchen area contained a small refrigerator, sink stove, and a small
counter space. It was basically an open area so the kitchen and the living room area
were all connected. On the refrigerator, there were magnetic alphabet letters,
pictures of friends and family, cards, and notes from school. A small cart by the
kitchen held cookbooks and various cooking and Korean magazines.

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HOME Inventory
To further document the print environment and the daily routines conducted
to promote early literacy learning, The HOME Inventory was used. The Lee family
scored a 48 out of 55 points, scoring well above the median. Detailed scoring on
each section of the Inventory can be found on Table 4. With the data collected
from the HOME Inventory, interviews, and observations, it is evident that
Samantha is both academically and developmentally stimulated. With all the
encouragement she gets from her books and posters, Samantha is comfortable with
her reading and writing abilities.

Table 4 – HOME Inventory Results for the Lee Family
Subscale Possible Score Median Score Actual Score
Learning Materials
(items 1-11)
11 8 10
Language Stimulation
(items 12 – 18)
7 6 6
Physical Environment
(items 19 – 25)
7 6 4
Responsivity
(items 26 – 32)
7 6 7
Academic Stimulation
(items 33 – 37)
5 4 5
Modeling
(items 38 – 42)
5 3 3
Variety
(items 43 – 51)
9 8 9
Acceptance
(items 52 – 55)
4 4 4
Total Score 55 40 48

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Conclusion
Most of the 1.5 generation Korean Americans parents in this study have had
a difficult childhood, trying to conform to the American culture while maintaining
their Korean heritage. With this background of constant pressure from two
cultures, the parents attempted to make their children’s lives easier by providing
support and guidance that was often unavailable to them growing up. The parents
in this study feel better equipped to assist in their children’s needs now with a
better understanding and acceptance of their cultural duality and with cultural
capital that was often lacking during their childhood.
The 1.5 generation Korean American parents in this study made it a priority
to be available to their children. They have jobs that allow them much more time
to spend with their family or are stay at home parents, unlike their first generation
parents who had to work long hours to support their family. The parents are also
involved in their children’s school and make it a point to know what their child is
learning. At home, the parents extend their child’s education by promoting literacy
practices in their daily lives. Unlike their parents, the 1.5 generation Korean
American parents strove to provide their children with parental involvement and
assistance.
The children of the 1.5 generation Korean American parents had another
advantage that their parents did not have growing up. Communication between the
parents and child was not hindered by a language barrier. English was spoken
comfortable by all family members and so the children did not feel frustrated trying
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to convey their thoughts to their parents. The 1.5 generation Korean Americans
parents often struggled to communicate with their parents as their knowledge of the
Korean language diminished but they do not have that difficulty with their children.
The 1.5 generation Korean American parents also strove to make their
children’s lives easier by trying to eliminate the hardships they had growing up.
Similarly, their first generation parents tried to give their children a better life by
immigrating to the United States. Although the difficulties are different with each
generation, each group of parents attempted to make life a little easier by providing
their children what they did not have growing up.

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CHAPTER FIVE

Discussion

Introduction
The focus of this study was to examine the literacy practices found in
families of 1.5 generation Korean American parents. To examine the four specific
sub-questions of this study (the nature of parental childhood experiences in literacy;
the dual culture led by the 1.5 generation Korean Americans; literacy events
between the preschoolers and individual family members; and literacy materials
found in the homes), each family was examined in the following sections:
memories of the past; experiences as a 1.5 generation Korean American; literacy
experiences; literacy events; print documents; and HOME Inventory. The literacy
experiences and the dual culture of the 1.5 generation Korean Americans were
examined through individual interviews with the parents. Literacy events between
the three to five year old child and her family members were studied through
observations taken within a period of one year. The print environment of the home
was examined through various home visits and the HOME Inventory.
Home visits for each family were conducted during the Spring of 2007 and
follow up visits took place a year later during the Spring of 2008. I visited the Park
family nine times during the spring of 2007 and two follow up visits were
conducted during the spring of 2008. The Kim family had ten visits during the
spring of 2007 and two follow up visits a year later. The Lee family was visited
eight times in the spring of 2007 with two follow up visits during the spring of
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2008. All the visits lasted approximately two to three hours. The visits took place
mainly during a weekday afternoon once a week when the three to five year old
child was home, although some visits did take place during the weekend when
every family member was present.
Follow up visits were conducted approximately a year later to gather
information about the progress of the preschool children and their literacy
development. The parents were also interviewed to determine if the literacy
strategies they used remained unchanged or not.
The data collected from the three families in this study led to a discussion of
the following five sections: (1) literacy and communication struggles of 1.5
generation Korean Americans; (2) dual culture and difficulties as a latchkey child;
(3) cultural capital; (4) literacy events; and (5) HOME inventory. Following this
discussion, the implications of this study will be explored. Policy
recommendations based on the data collected will be stated followed by a look at
the limitations of this study. Lastly, recommendations for future research will
conclude this chapter.

Literacy and Communication Struggles of 1.5 Generation Korean Americans
This section focuses of the literacy background of the parents and how they
learned the English language as an immigrant. While learning the English
language and after fully attaining this new language, the communication struggles
they faced between their heritage language and their English language is also
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explored. Data were collected formally through interviews with the parents at the
beginning of the study as well as informally during the home visits.
Many 1.5 generation Korean Americans have very similar language and
literacy experiences. They are forced to learn the English language with little or no
assistance from their parents and often find themselves in a “sink or swim”
situation (Cho, 2000). Most of the parents in this study are no exception to this
background often found in this group.
When the 1.5 generation Korean Americans parents in this study
immigrated to the United States, they were stressed by their parents to learn the
English language. In fact, learning English was of the utmost importance to the
parents of the 1.5 generation Korean Americans. They believed that if their
children learned English, then they would automatically succeed in America.
While the parents of the 1.5 generation Korean Americans insisted that their
children learn English as quickly as possible, they were not able to provide any
assistance or guidance as they themselves could not speak the language nor did
they have the knowledge needed to navigate through the school systems. This
pressure to learn the language and the lack of assistance from the parents made the
early years in America even more stressful for the 1.5 generation Korean
Americans.
Most of the parents in this study had very similar experiences in learning
the English language. Television played a considerable role in exposing them to
the language. For some of the parents, they often found themselves in front of the
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television for many hours after school. This constant exposure expanded their
vocabulary and knowledge of the American culture. Their friends also helped him
acclimate to the new language since they were forced to either practice the
language with them or they were helping each other learn the English language.
School also played a role in learning the English language. The Kim and Lee
parents were placed in English as a Second Language (ESL) classes which slowly
helped in developing their knowledge of the English language and American
culture. Those that had older siblings had help at home and others to practice
speaking the new language. Most of the parents in this study all shared that
learning the language was a difficult process and that it took years for them to feel
comfortable speaking it.
Cho (2000) concluded that many 1.5 generation share similar experiences in
learning the English language. I found it interesting how the parents in this study
all spoke of similar difficulties and struggles the first few years of adjusting and
learning a completely different culture and language. It did not surprise me that
their experiences echoed my own personal past in learning the language.
While the 1.5 generation Korean American parents in this study were
learning the English language, most of them were still expected to maintain their
heritage language. The first generation parents did not necessarily force their
children to preserve the Korean language, but most of the 1.5 generation Korean
Americans had to know it or face not communicating with their parents at all.
However, as the exposure to the English language increased, the knowledge of the
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Korean language decreased. The 1.5 generation Korean Americans were soon
speaking “Konglish” to their parents and the first generation Koreans had an
increasingly difficult time understanding their children. Even to this day, 1.5
generation Korean Americans have difficulties communicating with their parents
and wish that they had better maintained their heritage language. Some made
specific efforts to search for the language and culture of their homeland (Kim,
Sawdey, & Meihoefer, 1980).
This effort suggests that most of the 1.5 generation Korean Americans
parents in this study still valued their Korean culture and heritage, even though
their knowledge and language acquisition of it may be slim. They also wanted this
tie with their homeland to be passed on to their children, even though their
awareness of the Korean culture and language were limited. In fact, all the parents
in this study made a point of stating that they wanted their second generation
children to learn how to speak Korean and following Korean traditions.

Dual Culture and Difficulties as a Latchkey Child
This section focuses on examining the difficulties that the 1.5 generation
Korean American parents in this study had to deal with when it came to managing
between their Korean culture and their newfound American culture. Difficulties
faced among the parents of this study as a latchkey child will also be examined.
Formal and informal interviews with the parents were used to collect the necessary
data.
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Most 1.5 generation Korean Americans have very similar backgrounds.
They immigrate to the United States at a young age and are encouraged to conform
to the American way of life (Park, 1999). This is often done without the guidance
of their parents as both parents are often working late hours trying to attain the
“American dream.” The 1.5 generation Korean Americans often found themselves
in a unique situation of being “in-between” the Korean and American culture and
while they prefer speaking English and following American traditions, they know
that they can never leave their Korean heritage behind (Park, 1999). This duality
that the 1.5 generation Korean Americans face often lead them to feel
“marginalized, confused, and in conflict with their first generation parents”
(Danico, 2004, p. 2).
Most parents in this study shared similar experiences regarding their
cultural duality and the difficulties they faced growing up. Jane Lee discussed how
she felt she had to have two “separate personalities,” one for school and one for
home because she had difficulty melding the two together. Jennifer Kim also
stated how she went through a period in her childhood when she just wanted to be
American and “eat only [American food] like hamburgers and pizza and things like
that that all the other kids were eating.” The struggles of trying to manage the
cultural duality found in many 1.5 generation Korean Americans forced most
parents in this study to rebel by disregarding their Korean heritage and striving to
completely become Americans. However, after that phase, most of the parents in
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this study stated that they have come to terms with being both Korean and
American and have found a balance between the two cultures.
Another similarity that the most of the parents in this study shared was
growing up as latchkey children. The first generation Korean parents were had no
choice but work long hours, leaving the children at home alone to take care of
themselves. The 1.5 generation Korean Americans in this study recalled how it
was difficult and sometimes frightening being home by themselves for so many
hours before and after school. They had the burden of getting ready for school by
themselves, coming home and preparing a snack, completing all their homework,
and sometimes even getting dinner ready for the family before the parents came
home from work. The 1.5 generation Korean American parents all had siblings to
“share” the load, but they were all still children without any adult supervision.
The background information of the 1.5 generation Korean American parents
in this study suggests that they have all faced some or all of the common
experiences often found in this unique group of immigrants. The results of these
data also suggest that the parents have made certain life choices based on their own
personal experience growing up. For example, Sarah Park and Jane Lee both
decided to become stay at home parents because they did not want their children to
have the same experiences they had as latchkey children. Jennifer Kim also felt the
same way and together with Jin asked his mother to live with the family so that
Linda and Brian can be taken care of.
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The difficulties 1.5 generation Korean Americans face reading their cultural
dualism was often examined in the limited number of research on this specific
minority group. However, there is a lack of information on how growing up as a
latchkey child affects the 1.5 generation Korean Americans. The experiences
shared by the parents in this study may be common thread among this minority
group that needs to be researched further.

Cultural Capital
One interesting discovery that came out from the data was that the 1.5
generation Korean American parents in this study all shared how it was difficult to
navigate through the American culture and school system because they did not
have any guidance or information. Sarah Park recalled how she did not have
parents who “had a history in this country [or] any experience” and it was “luck
that things fell into place” without a role model. Jin Kim also agreed, further
stating that there was “no involvement” from his parents when he was growing up.
He said that his parents “didn’t know what to do and just did what the teacher told
them to do.” This lack of knowledge and experience that the parents of the 1.5
generation Korean Americans in this study all had is what Pierre Bourdieu called
the lack of “cultural capital.”
The term “cultural capital” was first introduced by Pierre Bourdieu and
Jean-Claude Passeron in Cultural Reproduction and Social Reproduction (1973).
In The Forms of Capital (2001), Bourdieu stated that cultural capital is the
knowledge, experience, and information that a person has in order to succeed in
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society. He stated that parents can provide cultural capital to their children by
imparting their knowledge and experience in order for their children to excel.
The 1.5 generation Korean Americans in this study all had cultural barriers
growing up. They did not have the knowledge or guidance readily available about
school and the American culture since they and their parents were new immigrants
to this country. Their parents had no choice but work long hours and did not know
the intricacies of the American school system so they were unable to assist them
with problems and issues that came up in school. This lack of cultural capital made
adjusting to the American culture more difficult. Stanton-Salazar (1997) also
agreed that the lack of capital in working-class minority groups have hindered the
socialization and advancement of this group. However, with institutional agents,
such as teachers and counselors, the students can negotiate through the intricacies
of the school systems to succeed.
There was one experience I had growing up that exemplifies the
consequences that occur because of a lack of cultural capital. When I was in
seventh grade, there was a school-wide math test and I had scored the highest in my
grade. At that time, I was in a regular math class so the teachers and guidance
counselors all agreed that I should be placed in an advanced math class. My
parents did not know what to do so they just agreed with what the school said. So I
was moved to a new class in the middle of the school year without any guidance
from home or school. In the new class, I was lost because they were already in the
middle of an unfamiliar curriculum. My parents did not know what to do to assist
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me or did not know how to communicate to my school that I was having difficulty
and needed extra help. So, after a few weeks in the advanced class, I was placed
back in my original regular math class and never had the chance to succeed.
Perhaps if my parents knew how to ask for assistance or if I was more vocal about
the difficulties I was having, I may have received the necessary guidance to “catch-
up” in the class rather than being placed back in my previous regular math class.
This particular experience has formed the view that I would support my children
now that I have the particular knowledge to navigate through the school system.
The background experiences of the 1.5 generation Korean American
parents dictated how the parents support their children in navigating through the
school system. The parents in this study were much more aware of how their
children were faring in school and had the knowledge and cultural capital to ensure
that their children did not feel “lost” as they themselves often did growing up. As a
teacher in Linda’s school, Jennifer Kim stated that she often conversed with
Linda’s teacher on what was being taught in the classroom so that she can better
assist Linda at home. Based on the experiences of the 1.5 generation Korean
American parents, it appears that they have specifically made a point of providing
for their children what was missing in their own childhoods.

Literacy Events
This section focuses on the literacy events found in the Korean American
homes between the three to five year old child and her family members. These
literacy events can encompass a wide variety of activities such as storybook
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reading, sociodramatic play, and/or interactions between family members, peers, or
other adults. This study examined the literacy events found in the home as well as
what types of literacy strategies were employed. Observations of the three to five
year old child as well as interactions between the child and others were used to
collect the data.
Researchers have strongly stated that storybook reading can have a positive
effect on a child’s reading achievement (Bus, van IJzendoorn, & Pellegrini, 1995;
Heath, 1982; Lonigan, 1994). The parents in this study have all made it a priority
to read to their children on a daily basis. Sarah Park, Jennifer Kim, and Jane Lee
all agreed on the importance of reading and have been reading to their daughters at
least once a day. While these parents did not formally teach the act of reading to
their daughters, they attempted to make the reading time interactive between the
parent and child. They asked questions about the plot and characters and point out
various vocabulary words in the text. The three to five year old girls in this study
all had basic knowledge of how to read a book and their reading abilities have
improved over the course of the year suggesting that much literacy achievement
was acquired before the start of formal schooling through these interactive reading
sessions.
During the home visits, I found that the parents and child were interacting
and communication for most of the observation sessions. Whether it was playing
with toys, drawing, writing, or watching television, the parent and child were often
interactive in what they were doing which contributed to the child’s literacy
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achievement (Snow et al., 1991). When Linda was watching her favorite television
show, “Wow! Wow! Wubbzy!,” Jennifer would often ask what was occurring in
the show or what the characters were doing. During one of the observations,
Samantha was drawing a picture that reminded Jane of an outing they recently had
which prompted a conversation about that day. The constant interaction between
the child and parent “play a role in an individual’s cognitive growth and
development” (Donato & McCormick, 1994, p. 453) as suggested by the language
use and verbal ability of the three to five year old child.
Social interactions have been found to not only increase a child’s cognitive
abilities (Vygotsky, 1962, 1978; Donato & McCormick, 1994) but also their
literacy achievement ( Paratore, Melzi, & Krol-Sinclair, 1999; Snow et al., 1991;
Taylor, 1998; Wells, 1985; Heath, 1982; Parkinson et al., 1982). The literacy
abilities observed suggests that the parents and the children in this study were a
constantly interacting with each other.

HOME Inventory
The Early Childhood HOME Inventory was used to measure the quality and
quantity of stimulation and support available to the child in the home environment.
The inventory is broken down into eight subscales: learning materials, language
stimulation, physical environment, responsivity, academic stimulation, modeling,
variety, and acceptance. The median score of 40 was gathered through research
conducted on large samples of families by the authors of the inventory. The Park
family scored a 47, the Kim family scored a 52, and the Lee family scored a 48,
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placing each family well above the median score. The high score suggests that the
print environment of the three homes promoted early literacy learning. The scores
also imply that the quality and quantity of stimulation and support were readily
available to the child in the home environment. A detailed scoring on the three
families is found on Table 5.
The data results collected from the HOME Inventory state that each family
make it a point to not only provide a rich print environment for their children but
also make an effort to stimulate their children’s learning. All three families scored
high points in the language and academic stimulation subscale, indicating that the
parents are highly involved in their children’s language and learning. Also, the
parents provide a variety of educational and learning opportunities by providing
materials that stimulate non-academic growth, like musical toys, and taking their
children out on family outings.
When the data for the HOME Inventory was being collected, I found that
the parents in this study were more than enthusiastic in showing me the various
learning materials and sharing their attempts on supporting their children. The data
collected on just the observations alone proved that the parents of each family
deeply cared about their children academic and overall growth based on how they
responded to their children and the time and energy spent in ensuring that their
children were supported in every way. The learning stimulation and support
available to the child in each of the three families is clearly abundant based on the
results of the HOME Inventory.
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Table 5 –HOME Inventory Results for the Three Families
Subscale
Park
Family
Kim
Family
Lee
Family
Learning Materials
Availability of toys, books, and games that
facilitate learning; Items that characterize adults as
showing some commitment to their own learning
Possible Score: 11 Median Score: 8
10 10 10
Language Stimulation
Describes overt attempts by the parents to
encourage language development through
conversations, modeling, and direct teaching
Possible Score: 7 Median Score: 6
6 7 6
Physical Environment
Examines the physical environment as safe,
sufficiently roomy, and perceptually appealing
Possible Score: 7 Median Score: 6
7 7 4
Responsivity
Describes the adult’s emotional and verbal
Responsivity to the child; Gives a general picture
of the warmth in the relationship
Possible Score: 7 Median Score: 6
6 7 7
Academic Stimulation
Describes direct parental involvement with the
child’s learning
Possible Score: 5 Median Score: 4
4 5 5
Modeling
Describes modeling by parents of desirable and
acceptable behavior
Possible Score: 5 Median Score: 3
3 3 3
Variety
Describes a family lifestyle that provides variety
and experiential enrichment for the child
Possible Score: 9 Median Score: 8
8 9 9
Acceptance
Describes parental ability to accept negative
behavior from the child as something to be
expected from young children rather than as an act
demanding immediate harsh reprisal
Possible Score: 4 Median Score: 4
3 4 4
Total Score
Possible Score: 55 Median Score: 40
47 52 48
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Implications
This study focused on the literacy practices of three to five year old children
in families of 1.5 generation Korean American parents. To examine this subject,
the background experiences of the 1.5 generation parents and the literacy events
were explored. Most of the parents in this study shared similar experiences to
many other 1.5 generation Korean Americans in regards to the dual language and
culture they have struggled with growing up. However, this generalization cannot
be applied to all 1.5 generation Korean Americans. The current data on the unique
characteristics of the 1.5 generation is limited. A next step would be to explore a
larger sample of 1.5 generation Korean Americans and gather the much needed
data on this unique group of immigrants.
This study also found that the literacy practices found in the three families
were as a result of the parent’s own limited support in their acquisition of the
English language. While this study implies that the parent’s experiences as a 1.5
generation Korean American correlates to how they promote literacy growth in
their children, this cannot be applied globally to all families of 1.5 generation
Korean American parents. Further research must be conducted on this limited field
of study.

Policy Recommendations
The following recommendations were based on the findings and
conclusions of this study:
131
1. The 1.5 generation Korean American parents in this study have all
expressed that they wished they could speak their Korean heritage language more
sufficiently. While the degree of their ability in speaking Korean varied among the
six parents, they have all wished that they speak it more fluently and more often
than they do currently. Their desire to maintain the Korean language also went past
their own ability and to their children’s ability to speak the heritage language. Each
parents expressed how the Korean language was lost to their children and how
being bilingual would be ideal.
One solution was to attend Korean language classes. While this was an
option, some of the parents in this study shared how their own experiences in
Korean school did not help at all. They felt that the information was useless since
they were not using it on a daily basis. However, with their own children, sending
them to Korean language classes seemed to be the only choice.
The Park family attempted to send Emily, their eldest daughter, to Korean
language classes but after a few months, found that it was a waste of time. Emily
did not feel that the information she was learning was relevant since she never
spoke Korean at home. When she was exposed to the language during visits with
her grandparents, she would speak in English and they would respond back in the
same language. Dan and Sarah do wish that their daughters spoke Korean and
understood the language but realistically, they know that it is extremely difficult.
Parents considering sending their children to Korean language schools
should take additional measures for the learning to succeed. It would be a waste of
132
time, energy, and money by just sending the children to these schools as they will
not be able to attain the language without further practice at home. I would
recommend that the parents themselves make a point to learn and use the Korean
language at home so that the children are constantly exposed to it. They will be
able to practice the language and not feel that it is pointless to learn it.
2. Based on the results of this study, the children of 1.5 generation Korean
Americans are coming into the school systems with a higher knowledge of literacy
and language than their parents did a generation ago. The parents in this study
have strived to provide a rich learning environment to promote emergent literacy
for their children. With that in mind, schools must be able to provide for the
academic needs of these young students.
Schools must adjust their academic programs as more students come into
kindergarten and first grade with higher literacy skills. They must also take into
account the type of learning that goes on in the homes. Much of the learning in this
study took place through interactions between the child and her parents and
siblings. Rather than having a teacher-focused classroom, schools need to provide
an environment for the kids to interact and learn with and through each other and
their teachers.

Limitations of the Study
Several limitations must be noted regarding this study. First, the study’s
small sample size may not have provided enough data to be used across other
research on 1.5 generation Korean Americans. While I have attempted to attain
133
rich data on the three families in this study, the fact remains that there are only
three families. As with any case study with a small sample size, the findings of this
study may not be applicable for all families with 1.5 generation Korean American
parents.
Second, the volunteers for this study all had a girl as the main child studied.
While this provided continuity in the subjects studied, richer data could have been
attained if the children varied in sex. Also, the three girls were similar in age. By
examining children in various ages from three to five, I may have observed
different literacy strategies employed for each age.
Lastly, because of the case study methodology and its need for home visits,
I may have been seen as “intrusive” and may have disturbed the natural
occurrences of the family’s dynamics. The parents and children may not have
acted as they “normally” would have because of my presence. The parent’s may
have also felt that they had to provide a “correct” answer during the interviews and
therefore, a biased response may have been given. Also, since the interviews and
observations were indirect information filtered through my own views, the data
may have been skewed. Because of these limitations, the information obtained in
this study must be interpreted with caution.

Recommendations for Future Research
The following recommendations are suggested based on the findings and
conclusions of this study:
134
1. The current study examined the past experiences of 1.5 generation
Korean Americans and their struggles in being both bilingual and bicultural. The
research conducted previously on this minority group states that because of these
two issues, the 1.5 generation Korean Americans feel marginalized and
misunderstood. However, based on the findings of this study, a broader look at the
experiences must also be examined.
The parents in this study all shared how difficult it was growing up as a
latchkey child. This particular aspect of 1.5 generation Korean Americans was not
explored in the previous literature, suggesting that there is a gap in the data
available. Further studies must be conducted to examine the affects of being a
latchkey child.
2. All the 1.5 generation Korean Americans in this study mentioned how
their parents lacked the knowledge and experience to guide them through the
American school system and culture. I provided a definition to what the parents
were describing as a lack of cultural capital. Further research must be conducted to
understand how a lack of culture capital affects 1.5 generation Korean Americans
and the results that occurred because of it.
3. The parents in this study all stressed how they would like their children
to learn the Korean language and culture. One family attempted to send their
daughter to Korean language school but the child did not gain any more knowledge
of her heritage language. While Korean language classes might not prove to be the
most productive method of learning the language, the parents do not know how else
135
to teach their children a language that they themselves are not fluent in. Further
research must be conducted on ways of attaining knowledge of the Korean
language so that the data collected can provide parents a method on ensuring that
their children are bilingual and bicultural.
4. The children in this study were all four to five year old girls. It would
have been interesting to research both boys and girls to examine whether their sex
had an impact on the literacy practices being conducted in the homes. Also,
another area of inquiry could examine if the 1.5 generation Korean Americans
raised their children differently based on their sex. Further research must be
conducted using subjects from both sexes to determine if there is difference in the
literacy strategies used in the home.
5. This study collected data from families residing in and around Los
Angeles. While Los Angeles contains the highest number of Korean immigrants
outside of Korea, there are many cities in the world that have Korean communities
with a high number of Koreans. Future research could examine the 1.5 generation
Korean Americans residing in such places like New York, Chicago, Brazil, and
Argentina to see if immigration and literacy practices are different by geographic
location.
In conclusion, the data gathered in this study on the lives and experiences of
1.5 generation Korean Americans and the literacy practices of their children
provide just a small amount of information to the already limited research
136
conducted previously. However, my hope is that further research will be conducted
to provide the much needed data on this unique group of minorities.

137
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APPENDIX A

Interview Questions for Parents (Adapted from Durkin’s 1966 study)

Name: _________________________ Date of Interview: ________________
Family Background Information
Father
Birthplace:
When did you arrive to the United States?
High school graduate?
College graduate?
Graduate work?
Occupation:

Mother
Birthplace:
When did you arrive to the United States?
High school graduate?
College graduate?
Graduate work?
Occupation:

Parents
What were your experiences growing up as a 1.5 generation Korean American?
What difficulties did you experience as a 1.5 generation Korean American, if
any?
How did you learn the English language?
What were your parent’s views on learning the English language?
What were your early experiences in the American school system?
How did you adjust to the American culture?
Who did you mainly hang out with during your adolescent years?
Describe your communication patterns between you and your parents.
Did you maintain your heritage language? If so, do you think it gave you
certain advantages? If not, do you think it gave you certain disadvantages?
Do you consider yourself bilingual/bicultural?

Siblings
Name & Ages:

148
Home
Do any adults live here, other than the immediate parents? (If so, who?)
Language(s) spoken in home:
By whom?
Physical description of home and neighborhood:

Three to Five Year Old Child (Subject)
Birthdate:
Birthplace:
At what age did your child begin to walk?
At what age did your child begin to talk?
Did (Does) your child go to preschool?
Why did you send him/her to preschool?
What did he/she learn at the preschool?
Did your child know the alphabet before starting preschool?
Was she/he able to read?
Do you read to your child?
How often does someone read to your child?
Who reads more often to your child?
What is your child generally interested in?
What does your child like to do for fun?
Does your child watch television? How often? What programs?
What other activities do you do with your child?
Is your child part of any extracurricular activities? How often?

Early Reading and Writing
Reading
At what age did your child first show an interest in written words or numbers?
How did he/she show the interest?
Can you remember what might have encouraged the interest?
What do you have around the hose that might encourage a young child’s
interest in reading?
As you look back to the earlier years of your child, what would you say was
especially important in stimulating his/her early interest in reading?
In your family, or even outside the family, what did people do to help your
child learn to read? What kinds of help did they give him/her?
What materials did you use to help your child read?
Who seemed to teach your child the most about reading?
Does your child go to the library/bookstore now? What books is he/she
generally interested in?
149

Printing
Is your child right-handed or left-handed?
Does he/she do different things with different hands?
When did you child first begin to communicate through paper? (drawing, print,
etc.)
Does your child draw pictures? What are the pictures generally about?
Does your child explain the pictures to you?
What do you do with the pictures?
Can your child print words?
Does/Did someone help your child write words?

Parental Literacy Strategies
What types of literacy strategies do you employ when interacting with your
child?
Do you employ certain literacy strategies based on your own literacy
experiences?
Do you think the way you interact with your child correlates to your
experiences as a 1.5 generation Korean American?
Do you encourage your child to maintain their heritage language? If so, how?
If not, why?
Do you think it is important for you child to become bilingual and bicultural?

Summary Information
Do you think parents should give help, with things like reading, to preschool
children?
Do you think reading/writing ought to be taught only by a trained person?
Do you think schools are doing a good job of teaching children to read?
How would you describe your child’s temperament and attitudes? How is he/she
either like other children or different from them? What words would best describe
your child?

150
APPENDIX B
Interview Questions for Child
1. How often do your parents read to you?
2. Do you participate during the reading session or do you just listen?
3. Can you describe your bedroom?
4. What types of activities do you like to do?
5. Who do you talk to most often?
6. What is your favorite book? Story?
7. What do you do when mommy and daddy are busy?
8. Do you play with anyone other than mommy and daddy?
9. What kind of television shows do you watch?
10. Can you speak Korean?
11. Do mommy and daddy speak Korean or English to you?
12. Can you show me your drawings and explain what they are?
*Other interview questions were based on the activities the child was participating
in when the observations took place.

151
APPENDIX C
Observation Chart
Description of the
Environment

Interacted with
Whom

Activity Observed

Child

Observation #1
Observation #2
Observation #3
Observation #4
Observation #5
Observation #6
152
APPENDIX D
Document Analysis Chart
Which Room?
Print
Environment
Description
Description of the
Interaction with
the Print
Environment
Location #1
Location #2
Location #3
Location #4
Location #5

153
APPENDIX E
Home Observation for Measurement of the Environment (HOME) Inventory
(Caldwell, & Bradley, 1984)

154

155

156
APPENDIX F
The Park Family
Picture 1
The bookcase located in the den was filled with books for both the children and the
parents. There were various books, such as Disney princess books and picture
books, along with educational books for the parents. The bottom shelves contained
various puzzles and wooden matching toys.

Picture 2
The den also had a section for the children’s play toys.

157
Picture 3
More play toys in the den.

Picture 4
The cart located by the kitchen that contained various writing instruments, paper,
and other materials for craft making. The top of the cart held worksheets from
Emily’s Kumon class.

158
Picture 5
Sarah working with Kate on her homework on the breakfast nook table.

Picture 6
The garage area where the girls spent most of their time.

159
Picture 7
Kate’s bedroom. The bookshelf held mostly children’s books appropriate for her
age. Some of the books were picture books from when Kate was younger and there
were a few children’s books in Korean.

Picture 8
Emily’s room. There were some school books and a big dictionary on top of her
desk.

160
APPENDIX G
The Kim Family
Picture 1
The parent’s work desk. Linda liked to go on the computer to play games.

Picture 2
Linda watercoloring with her mom on her small work fold out work table that had
English and Korean words on it.

161
Picture 3
Linda’s bookcase in her bedroom.

Picture 4
Linda’s bookcase.

162
Picture 5
Various toys in Linda’s bedroom.

Picture 6
Drawings that Linda made hanging in her bedroom.

163
APPENDIX H
The Lee Family
Picture 1
The bookcase in Samantha’s bedroom filled with medical books for Han, family
photo albums, and educational books for the parents.

Picture 2
A bookcase and drawer set filled with children’s books for Samantha.

164
Picture 3
The activity table in Samantha’s room.

Picture 4
A Korean alphabet chart in Samantha’s room.

165
Picture 5
A number chart in Samantha’s room.

Picture 6
A map of the world next to Samantha’s bed.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Cho, Maristela (author)

Core Title Literacy practices of 1.5 generation Korean American parents with three to five year old children

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Curriculum

Publication Date 10/13/2008

Defense Date 08/12/2008

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag 1.5 generation Korean Americans,emergent literacy,family literacy,Korean Americans,Literacy,OAI-PMH Harvest

Place Name Los Angeles (city or populated place)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Jun, Alexander (committee chair), Mora-Flores, Eugenia (committee member), Rose, Susan (committee member)

Creator Email maristem@usc.edu,starrymary@gmail.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-m1665

Unique identifier UC1162803

Identifier etd-Cho-2389 (filename),usctheses-m40 (legacy collection record id),usctheses-c127-119085 (legacy record id),usctheses-m1665 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-Cho-2389.pdf

Dmrecord 119085

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Cho, Maristela

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Repository Name Libraries, University of Southern California

Repository Location Los Angeles, California

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu