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Gender disparity in law enforcement

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Gender disparity in law enforcement

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Gender Disparity in Law Enforcement

Michael A. Koren

Rossier School Of Education
University Of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education

May 2023

Copyright by Michael A. Koren 2023
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Michael A. Koren certifies the approval of this Dissertation

Alan Green
Jennifer Phillips
Melanie Brady, Committee Chair

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2023

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Abstract
Gender is a perennial subject with which scholars and practitioners continue to deconstruct and
construct for a variety of reasons, such as the fluid and complex nature of a given society.
Defining gender has been relatively easy, women and men. However, recent social movements
have expanded not only how gender is defined, but how redefined gender roles fit in to a society,
specifically, into culture, workplace, and educational institutions. Gender imbalance in an
organization is a phenomenon Kanter and Acker (See Kanter’s ‘Men and Women of the
Corporation’ and Ackers’ ‘Gender Organizations’) have addressed since the mid to late 20th
century. Each describe how mechanisms and policies within an organization, which are
frequently male constructed, adversely affect women throughout a career. Like many American
corporations, law enforcement organizations emerged during a patriarchal period in history when
men and women had distinct yet imbalanced gender roles. The modern LE organization, created
more than a century ago by and for men, stubbornly persists in its hegemonically male structure
and function. The study sought to examine the problem of gender disparity from a woman’s
perspective rather an organizational perspective. Using Lent’s et al. (1994) social cognitive
career theory as a frame, two research questions were designed to discover how self-efficacy
belief’s, outcome expectations, and personal goals influence a woman’s career decisions.
1. How does a woman’s perception of law enforcement impact their law enforcement
career?
2. How do women navigate their career in law enforcement?
The study provided comprehensive descriptive data regarding the self-efficacy and career
decision-making processes of seven female law enforcement officers. Findings from the study
indicated women’s self-efficacy and career decision-making processes are significantly
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influenced by socially and organizationally constructed gender roles and norms further
reinforced by a hegemonic masculinized organization. Furthermore, findings revealed positive
and negative workplace experiences and interactions influenced female law enforcement officer
self-efficacy and career decision-making processes (Acker, 1992; Bandura, 1977, 1986, 1997;
Kanter 1977; Lent et al., 1994; Rabe-Hemp, 2009).

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Dedication
To my wife, Amanda. This dissertation is dedicated to you, my best friend, my rock. Without
your unwavering support, patience, and endless love, this would not have been possible. Across
the time and space that is academia, you have consistently, and at times insistently, been my
shining star, always ready to shine your light in the darkest of my moments. I can remember
completing my undergrad and master’s degrees, ruminating how incredibly impossible this
endeavor was to contemplate let alone embark upon. It seemed so distant, unattainable, and
carved out of the very same stuff that is often called a dream. I often think of those days, and I
am astonished, admittedly befuddled, and yet not surprised at how far we have come together. To
your persistent nature, your belief in my abilities, and your conviction of purpose and life
ambitions, I am and will always be grateful and indebted. Thank you for always being you. All
my love.

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Acknowledgments
I have achieved one of my life’s ambitions. However, my journey could not have been
accomplished without the help of a number of people along the way. In one way or another, the
following individuals impacted or influenced my academic journey here at the Rossier School of
Education. First, I must acknowledge and express my gratitude to and for Dr. Melanie Brady.
Thank you, Dr. Brady, for believing in my goals and my vision and for putting up with my
Chicago raised humanities style of writing for so long. Your patience, grace, and accessibility
throughout the entire process made my journey a memorable one, one I will not soon forget.
Thank you for each and every phone call and video call we shared, they mattered more than you
will ever know. I also want to thank Dr. Jennifer Phillips and Dr. Alan Green for supporting and
guiding me throughout this endeavor. Dr. Phillips, your expertise was crucial to shaping the
professional aspects of my dissertation while giving me additional insight to consider other
avenues. Thank you for always being available and for providing honest feedback that
sometimes required first aid. Dr. Green, your guidance and direction were instrumental in how I
first understood and then approached this endeavor, and I will always be grateful to you for your
involvement. I would also like to acknowledge Dr. Monique Datta, without her class, motivation,
and continued friendship, I would likely not be writing this. Thank you, Dr. Datta, for remaining
close to how students feel and what they go through. A special thanks to Dr. Anthony Maddox,
Dr. Eric Canny, Dr. Esther Kim, Dr. Mary Ho, Dr. Patrick Crispin, Dr. Raquel Sanchez, and Dr.
Alexandria Wilcox. Additional thanks go out to the USC Library staff, Rossier School of
Education staff, USC Graduate School staff, and the Rossier Doctoral Support Center staff.

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Table of Contents
Abstract ........................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ....................................................................................................................................... vi
Acknowledgments ........................................................................................................................ vii
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................... x
List of Figures ................................................................................................................................. xi
Chapter One: Introduction to The Problem of Practice ................................................................... 1
Context and Background of the Problem ............................................................................ 2
Impact .................................................................................................................................. 8
Stakeholder Group of Focus ................................................................................................ 9
Purpose of the Study and Research Questions .................................................................. 10
Conceptual Framework ..................................................................................................... 11
Definition of Terms ........................................................................................................... 12
Chapter Two: Literature Review ................................................................................................... 15
Literature Review Strategy ................................................................................................ 16
Female Law Enforcement Officer Employment Data ....................................................... 19
Doing and Undoing Gender ............................................................................................... 25
A Brief History of Gender Disparity in Law Enforcement ............................................... 34
Critique of Contemporary Research .................................................................................. 40
Female and Male Law Enforcement Officers .................................................................... 43
Female Law Enforcement Officer Benefits ....................................................................... 48
Social Cognitive Career Theory ........................................................................................ 55
Conceptual Framework ..................................................................................................... 63
Summary ............................................................................................................................ 65
Chapter Three: Methodology ........................................................................................................ 67

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Participants ........................................................................................................................ 68
Data Collection .................................................................................................................. 77
Limitations ....................................................................................................................... 126
Implications for Practice .................................................................................................. 127
Recommendations ........................................................................................................... 129
Conclusion ....................................................................................................................... 137
References ....................................................................................................................... 141
Appendix A: Recruitment Questionnaire .................................................................................... 164
Appendix B: Invitation and Conditions ....................................................................................... 166
Appendix C: Social Media Interview Solicitation ....................................................................... 171
Appendix D: Interview Guide ..................................................................................................... 172
Appendix E: Snowball Directions ............................................................................................... 175
Appendix E: Observational Protocol Note Matrix ...................................................................... 176

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List of Tables
Table 1: Topics by Filter, Returns, and Target Metric 18
Table 2: Key Concepts in the Literature Review and Their Descriptions 19
Table 3: Research Question Data Sources 68
Table 4: Participant Data 69
Table 5: Interview Question and Conceptual Framework 73
Table 6: Codes by Theme 88
Table 7: Thematic Findings Synopsis 91
Table 8: Participant Dominant Sub-theme Crosswalk 102
Table 9: Research Question and Theme Mapping 125
Table 10: Recommendations and Findings Mapping 131
Table 11: Recommendations and Empirical Research Linkage 132

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List of Figures
Figure 1: Percent of Female LEOs, 1987–2016 20
Figure 2: Top 10 Occupations Employing the Largest Number of Women 21
Figure 3: Self-Efficacy Decision Making Model (SEDMM) 65
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Chapter One: Introduction to The Problem of Practice
This qualitative study explores the problem of gender disparity within the law
enforcement (LE) profession. Despite decades of equality-based reform legislation, female LE
officers (LEO) have made languid progress integrating into the LE profession (Brooke, 2019;
Burch, 2016; Gossett & Williams, 1998; Langston, 2010; Muhlhausen, 2019). While extant and
new laws looked to be significant impetuses for the progress of women, results were superficial
(Brown, 1998). In particular to the LE profession, Title VII, which prohibits employment
discrimination based on a person’s race, color, religion, sex, or nationality, failed to bring about
real change for women or minorities (Brown, 1998).
Gender disparity in LE is an aging problem incapable of discretion. In 2015 President
Obama opined on the adverse effects communities experience due to a lack of female LEOs,
saying the consequences were tangible (Office of Community Oriented Policing Services, 2015).
The president’s Task Force on 21st Century Policing placed workforce diversity at the forefront
of solutions, one capable of advancing LE and community relationships (Nowacki et al., 2021).
President Obama’s initiatives were inspirational and commendable, yet as data shows, still far
from enough. While women’s progress during the early 20th century was admirable,
employment statistics from the last three decades is disconcerting (Higgins, 1951; Langston,
2010; Mishkin, 1981; Muhlhausen, 2019; Rabe-Hemp, 2009). Data shows women in LE are
underrepresented, making up less than 13% of all non-federal (state, city, county, sheriff, local)
LEOs (Muhlhausen, 2019). Statistics for federal female LEOs (FBI, ATF, Homeland Security,
National Park Service, etc.) are slightly better, accounting for 13.7% of the entire federal force
(Brooks, 2019). A study using organizational size to examine gender disparity in LE found data
was consistent with non-organizationally based research. Showing women comprised 12.3% of

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all sworn LEOs, both federal and non-federal (Hyland et al., 2019). Conversely, men have
dominated the profession’s human capital landscape, accounting for 87% of all LEOs (Bennett &
Hemenway, 2015; Boivin et al., 2020; Brooke, 2019; Burch, 2016; Chan et al., 2010; Cordner &
Cordner, 2011; Deans, 2015). The persistent uniform nature of gender disparity in LE data
provides conclusive evidence of a profession-wide problem (Brooke, 2019; Burch, 2016;
Langston, 2010; Schuck, 2017). While employment statistics for women in LE are
contemporarily based, history shows the inflexible and stubborn nature of the problem.
Context and Background of the Problem
Founded in 1829, the London Metropolitan Police Department was the precursor to
modern LE organizations (Go, 2020). In the United States, gender roles during the same period
were patriarchally skewed (Murray, 2020). Women were primarily defined as nurturers, better
suited for a domicile (Murray, 2020). Accordingly, LE jobs were explicitly male and aside from
clerical duties, females were not involved with LE duties (Higgins, 1951; Mishkin, 1981).
Interaction between police, women, and girls meant the women and or girls were detained and
processed by policemen and men working in non-police organizations (Asylums; Higgins, 1951).
Processing women and girls in custody meant non-medically trained men searching girl’s
and women’s bodies, a widely criticized and condemned practice (Higgins, 1951). The practice
compelled social organizations and communities to advocate nationally and raise awareness of
the perversions besieging women and girls held in custody (Higgins, 1951). By 1845 two women
from New York City would become the first female prison matron appointees in the country
(Higgins, 1951). An act which formally recognized women and girl prisoners should be
processed and handled exclusively by women (Higgins, 1951). Subsequently the pro-matron

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advocacy effort was to be the catalyst for generations of equality-based struggles for women in
LE.
During the 1960s and 1970s, feminist movements raised awareness for domestic violence
victims known as battered women (Belknap, 1996). The movements sought to aid battered
women by advocating policewoman, not policemen, respond and assist women who were victims
of domestic violence (Belknap, 1996). Early feminist movements like the battered women
movement unpredictably advanced discourse surrounding gender disparity in LE. Even so,
women have a comparatively modest history of employment in LE and are still underrepresented
worldwide (Veldman et al., 2017). With the addition of prison matrons in 1845 (Higgins, 1951)
and the semi-integration of women into LE in 60s and 70s (Archbold & Schultz, 2012), the LE
mission transformed in a number of ways, however, always in accordance with crime rates
(society) and typology.
Contemporary efforts to increase female LEOs by addressing gender issues have
generally failed to produce results. Causes are numerous, but female LEO recruiting efforts have
been and continue to be inadequate despite a century of organized LE (Burke & Mikkelsen,
2005). Furthermore, research examining female LEOs lacks academic attention and is
remarkably insufficient (Burke & Mikkelsen, 2005). Beyond necessary inquiry into gender
inequality, exploring women in LE is essential for a variety of reasons. For example,
representative bureaucracy theory scholars assert public organizations are more responsive to
communities if the organization reflects the communities served (Schuck, 2014). Another
example is the impact female LEOs have within the community policing effort and the
communities served (Muhlhausen, 2019). Moreover, outcomes produced by female LEOs ought
to generate recruiting efforts and interest in academic research, yet, to date, do not (Archbold &

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Schultz, 2012; Chan et al., 2010; Langston, 2010; Muhlhausen, 2019). Cumulative effects of
gender imbalance results in a variety of problems, predominantly experienced by members in
communities. The LE profession persistently continues to be masculinized, resulting in
demographically disproportionate LEO representation in the communities served (U.S. Equal
Employment Opportunity Commission, 2016). Gender equality and balance, data shows, are
critical conditions for communities, not just inside the LE organization (Lonsway, 2001). Passive
representation, or a perceived demographic diversity, is a sign of an organization’s obligation to
equal opportunity and access to power which promotes legitimacy of public bureaucracies
(Schuck, 2014). An essential element for LE and community relationships. Community and LE
relationships are complex endeavors for both LE and residents; the LE mission is the
relationship’s fundamental architecture.
Context and Background of the Problem: Mission Statements
To understand why gender disparity in LE occurs, discussing what LE organizations do
by examining mission statements is necessary. Organizational mission statements help align
daily decision-making activities around a common goal by guiding organizational members
successfully towards objectives in practical ways (Kanze et al., 2021). According to Alegre et al.,
mission statements are written declarations which convey the purpose of an organization (2018).
For LE organizations, mission statements are strategic instruments used to identify the
type of organization (jurisdiction, scope of authority, etc.) as well as unique capabilities (SWAT,
Victim Advocacy, etc.; Alegre et al., 2018). Federal LE mission statements unless chartered for
explicit purposes (i.e., the U.S. Secret Service), focus on national assets (Park Service, Capitol
Police) or strategic objectives (criminal investigations, counterterrorism, general support to other
and non-federal LE agencies, etc.; Department of Justice, 2018). Whereas state and below LE

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organizations (state police, sheriff, city police, town police) focus on policing the population
(crime prevention, community policing, etc.) and or geographic area of responsibility (state, city,
county boundaries; Kneier, 1931).
Context and Background of the Problem: Example Mission Statements
Per the Department of Justice (DOJ), the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s (FBI) mission
is to “Protect the American people and uphold the Constitution of the United States”
(Department of Justice, 2018; FBI, 2021). Specifically, the FBI’s primary responsibility is
combating terrorism and other national security threats via criminal investigations and
prosecution (Department of Justice, 2018). A state-level mission statement example such as the
Missouri State Highway Patrol (MSHP) states the force “will serve and protect all people by
enforcing laws and providing services to ensure a safe and secure environment” (MSHP, 2021).
As evidenced above, LE organizations unsurprisingly have similar missions, however, tasks,
scope, and authority are distinctly unique to each organization. Organizational business (mission
statements) scholars contend there is a link between an organization’s mission statement and the
culture, positive or negative, within (Blair-Loy et al., 2011).
Importance of Addressing the Problem
Gender disparity in LE is an important problem to explore, particularly through a
sociological lens where equity and equality discourse resides. For LE organizations, gender
disparity produces problems capable of generating workplace disfunction and systemic mistrust
(Cohen & Steele, 2002). Systemic mistrust and disfunction are hazardous and incompatible with
LE organizations and mission sets yet are realities. One method of deconstructing dysfunctional
and harmful mechanisms in the organization is to establish awareness.

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To generate awareness of gender disparity in LE organizations, an increase in academic
interest and scrutiny is prudent (Moss-Racusin et al., 2016). By engaging gender disparity in LE
academically, the subject’s relevancy is elevated, and interest is potentially resuscitated. New
gender disparity insights are crucial for producing innovative ideas which are able to yield new
data capable of addressing the problem holistically or in a targeted manner. Gaps of knowledge
within the problem area compound each other further complicating inquiry and potential
solutions. Researchers agree pragmatic inquiry examining the differences between male and
female LEOs (e.g., patrolling behaviors) to ascertain if gender influences behavior is necessary
(Novak et al., 2010). However, information on whether female LEOs differ is still astonishingly
limited (Novak et al., 2010).
The importance of the problem presented is twofold. First, women are affected by gender
and sex based social norms (i.e., gender bias or organizational discrimination) more than men
(Acker, 1992; Padavic et al., 2020). Second, gender disparity in LE effectively removes female
LEOs thereby reducing and or negating the benefits female LEOs generate within the
organization and within the communities served; both are significant and well documented
(Rabe-Hemp, 2008a, 2008b, 2011; Schuck, 2017). Gender disparity in LE is a complex problem,
one associated with unavoidable causes, virtually no solutions, and few operational theories. Any
one of the gender or social cognitive theories can broadly demonstrate why gender disparity is a
problem. While a select few of the theories are brought into the study to aid in establishing the
problem’s credibility, a single point of data known as the use of force protocol is one way to
measure female LEO impact.

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Importance of Addressing the Problem: Use of Force Exemplar
Research reveals female LEOs generate valuable quantifiable results across a range of LE
duties (Muhlhausen, 2019). One police job related task capable of illustrating the point is known
as the use of force protocol. Use of force is a metric of responses (verbal persuasion, K9, Taser,
deadly force) officers use based on the situation and is inherent to the profession (Ross, 2002).
Unlike male LEOs, Female LEOs are less likely to use force to resolve a problem, which reduces
excessive force complaints (Schuck, 2014). Subsequently, a reduction in excessive force has
been found to positively affect the population’s perception and feelings about community LE
endeavors (Schuck & Rabe-Hemp, 2008; Schuck, 2014).
In examining use of force data from five major American cities, Schuck and Rabe-Hemp
(2008) found female LEOs were unlikely to be named in civilian grievances (2–3 times less
likely) or claims of excessive force against civilians (8.5 times less likely). One reason may be
female LEOs use interpersonal communication skills and employ de-escalation techniques more
efficiently. Another reason is female LEOs are more aware of and responsive to a range of
victim typologies than male LEOs (Archbold & Schultz, 2012; Rabe-Hemp, 2011; Schuck,
2014). Data clearly shows officer gender is a factor when examining LE incident reporting and
outcomes. Yet, as previously mentioned, research efforts proving such is presently inadequate.
Importance of Addressing the Problem: Gender
Within the study’s narrow discussion on gender disparity in LE is the larger gender
conversation and includes problems, models, and theories found within the gender framework
(discrimination, bias, stereotyping, gendered organizations, DEI efforts, etc.). The epicenter of
gender discourse in the study occurs within the woman and the LE organization. Primarily, how
females, regardless of LE knowledge, skills, and attributes are treated in contrast to male

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colleagues. Even though, as Price (1996) reveals, LE organizational policies are intentionally
designed to negate the benefits of female LEOs thereby fostering inequality. Discussing the
inequality, Rabe-Hemp states hegemonic masculinity is the “configuration of gender practice
which embodies the currently accepted answer to the problem of legitimacy in patriarchy, which
guarantees (or is taken to guarantee) the dominant position of men and the subordinate position
of women” (2009, p.116). One way to prevent gender imbalance within the profession is
recruiting. Wilson et al. (2010) posit LE organizations must prioritize human capital strategies
through acquiring and maintaining a qualified and diverse workforce (Wilson et al., 2010).
Diversity in LE goes beyond social justice efforts and can be a life-or-death factor.
Organizational diversity, the U.S. Department of Justice (2009) asserts, assists in how LEOs
reach solutions which ensures impartial, appropriate, and culturally sensitive responses to critical
community problems and events. Diversity also improves the ongoing shared perception between
LE organizations and the community (U.S. Department of Justice, 2009, 2014). The resulting
benefits are decreased stereotyping towards the community by LEOs and stereotyping of the
LEOs by the community. The effects of decreased stereotyping are significant, inspiring
members of previously underrepresented groups to advocate for LE (U.S. Department of Justice,
2009). Gender discourse is of course inherently tethered to diversity, equity, and inclusion’s
objectives. Due to the degree of influence gender discourse exhibits, the study must examine the
impact of gender and diversity.
Impact
The term diversity first emerged in 1978 during the Supreme Court Case Regents of
University of California v. Bakke (Kapoor, 2011). Then Supreme Court Justice Lewis Powell
addressed diversity, positing the realization of a diverse student body was a state interest because

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a diverse student body promotes spirited exchange of notions (Kapoor, 2011). A decade later
diversity as a mainstream term to describe workplace organizational composition would emerge
in the 1987 Hudson Institute report, Workforce 2000 (Kapoor, 2011).
Within the LE organization, gender continues to be a debated issue due to a legacy of
organizational (masculinized) resistance and the fluid nature of socially defined gender and sex
terminology (Acker, 1992; Murray, 2020). Gender dynamics affect female LEOs differently
because females experience the job distinctly different compared to male counterparts (Garcia,
2005; Morash & Haarr, 2012; Rabe-Hemp, 2008; Schulze, 2011). Experiences include a feeling
of obligation to engage in duties, tasks, or roles which are stereotypically associated with women
(Rabe-Hemp, 2009). The masculine culture in LE in concert with a sparse number of female
LEOs suggests the male dominated culture continues to directly and indirectly prevent a
considerable number of current and potential female LEOs from feeling accepted (Kringen,
2014; Swan, 2016; Ward & Prenzler, 2016). Consequently, the persistent masculinized culture
has forced female LEOs to consider leaving the LE profession (Haarr & Morash, 2012).
Stakeholder Group of Focus
Donaldson and Preston submit stakeholders are “those groups without whose support the
organization will cease to exist” (1995, p. 2). The stakeholders of focus for the study are women
in LE, the LE organization, and the LE community. LE organizational leadership must recognize
gender imbalance and commit necessary resources to eliminate gender disparity. Resources
include leadership oversight, persistent funding for recruiting offices and personnel, the revision
of human capital strategies, empowering subordinates, and the hiring or assigning duties of a
diversity, equity, and inclusion officer. Research shows how masculinized LE organization
cultures are a detriment, especially with regards to hiring minorities (Duxbury, 2014). The LE

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community (LE clubs, fraternities, and Orders with platforms) must engage the problem of
gender disparity by acknowledging the problem is systemic, is unresolved, and is resource
complicated. Partnerships amongst LE, non-profit and fraternal organizations, think-tanks,
academia, and other stakeholders are vital to endeavors aimed at improving the representation
and experiences of women in LE (Muhlhausen, 2019). The LE community must add to the
discourse by exploiting political affiliations capable of influencing legislative actions on the
behalf of women. Finally, female LEOs as the center of gravity must savvily advocate and
demonstrate female LEO demands while creating and cultivating partnerships when
opportunities arise.
The LE organization is according to Acker (1992, 1990) gendered, as it does not have a
section, division, or office which does not affect women differently. Recruiting and retention is
one office/section capable of addressing gender disparity in LE, however, leadership must make
recruiting and retention an organizational priority. Recruiters must be aware of gender disparity,
understand the causes and effects, and actively recruit and retain women using targeted
incentives and professional opportunities (U.S. EEO Commission, 2016). Organizational leaders
at all levels must also clearly communicate equity and equality priorities to change the
organization’s masculinized culture of LE (U.S. EEO Commission, 2016). To do otherwise
invites perpetuation of the status quo, squandered resources, and expands activities only capable
of failure.
Purpose of the Study and Research Questions
The purpose of the study’s qualitative inquiry is to explore the obstacles and enablers
capable of contributing to gender disparity within the LE profession through the social cognitive
domain. Gender disparity in LE is a persistent problem where women are and have been

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strikingly underrepresented for decades (Archbold & Schultz, 2012; Balkin, 1988; Belknap,
1996; Brown & Silvestri, 2019). An underlying goal of the study is to continue to raise
awareness within the appropriate domains such as organizational gender equality-based
education and training programs as well as institution DEI endeavors. The research questions
guiding the study are as follows:
1. How does a woman’s perception of law enforcement impact their law enforcement
career?
2. How do women navigate their career in law enforcement?
Conceptual Framework
The study’s conceptual framework for exploring the research is the social cognitive
career theory (Lent et al., 1994). The study uses an inquiry approach to explore and describe how
a woman’s career decision-making affects gender disparity in LE. The conceptual framework is
capable of exploring a woman’s perspective via social cognitive theories models relative to
impacting gender disparity in LE (see Lent et al., 1994). Analysis of causes contributing to
gender disparity in LE is primarily through self-efficacy, a subsection of the social cognitive
career theory (Lent et al., 1994). Self-efficacy theory refers to a person’s belief in their abilities
and subsequent capacity to behave to produce desired outcomes (Bandura, 1977, 1986, 1997).
Social cognitive career theory uses self-efficacy beliefs, outcome expectations, and goals as a
framework to explain facets of career development (Lent et al., 1994).
By exploring gender disparity in LE through Lent’s social cognitive career theory, the
problem is potentially re-cast in a distinct and unexamined internal perspective. Mainstream
research on gender disparity in LE commonly focuses on factors external (e.g., social
considerations, labor market, gendered organizations, etc.) to the woman. However, the study

12

uses the inquiry approach to explore the problem from a perspective internal (e.g., individual
dispositions, self-efficacy, etc.) to women.
Definition of Terms
Doing gender refers to the complicated social process whereby men and women’s daily
personal and professional interactions are perceived by others as being feminine, masculine, or
both. West et al. say doing gender creates “differences between girls and boys and women and
men, differences that are not natural, essential, or biological” (1987, p. 135). To achieve success,
men and women alike must modify their interactions based on how to fit the occasion or demand
(West & Zimmerman, 1987). Gender is realized through social interaction and involves acting in
accountable ways to existing cultural concepts of conduct of a woman or a man (Hirst &
Schwabenland, 2018). In LE, doing gender means women exchange their gender identity to fit
within the hegemonic framework of the profession or choose to passively resist (Rabe-Hemp,
2009). Either way they are ridiculed for attempting to adapt to a new gender construct by
abandoning the idealized female gender construct or for sustaining their feminine traits (Rabe-
Hemp, 2009; Risman, 2009).
External refers to the attribution theory. External attribution places the cause of behavior
outside the individual (e.g., social structure, discrimination, weather, luck; Shirazi & Biel, 2005).
Female LEO refers to women who are employed at any level of government (town, city,
county, state, tribal, and federal) as sworn LEOs. Throughout research here, the term is
synonymous with other unisex terms such as police officer, deputy sheriff, agent, and any
variation of those terms like policewomen. Unless specified in the text, these terms do not
represent male LEOs.

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Gender disparity refers to the differences between women’s and men’s access to
resources, status and security, which typically favor men and are frequently institutionalized via
law, justice systems, and social norms (EIGE, 2022).
Gender disparity in LE refers to the differences between women’s and men’s access to
resources, status and security, [training, promotions], which typically favor men and are
frequently institutionalized via law, [policy, regulations], justice systems, and social norms [in
LE organizations] (EIGE, 2022).
Gendered institution refers to Acker’s gendered institution which stipulates when “gender
is present in the processes, practices, images and ideologies, and distributions of power in the
various sectors of social life” (1992, p. 567). A striking comment considering most United States
based organizations are fundamentally structured via a division of the genders (Acker, 1992). LE
and STEM based organizations are two examples of gendered institutions (Acker, 1990;
Argentina, 2013; Burger et al., 2010).
Internal refers to the attribution theory. Internal attribution posits a person’s behavior,
including decision making, emerges from within the individual (individual dispositions, lack [or
degree] of effort, race, gender; Shirazi & Biel, 2005).
LE organization refers to an organization imbued with statutory authority which is
chartered or mandated through legislation to enforce laws through detection, deterrence, and
investigation of crimes and or civil disturbances. Additionally, LE organizations aid in
counterterrorism efforts.
Masculine (subculture) refers to a workplace culture which adheres to male or masculine
norms, qualities, and values and is practiced by masculine subculture members (Cordner &
Cordner, 2011).

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Self-efficacy refers to an individual’s beliefs or expectations about their ability to
successfully engage in and complete a task or tasks (Bandura, 1994).
Social cognitive career theory refers to a theory which posits self-efficacy and outcome
expectations can predict occupational interests, occupational selection, and occupational (on the
job) related behaviors (Kaminsky & Behrend, 2015). Here, women and a LE profession.
Undoing gender refers to the processes whereby men and women challenge traditional or
socialized behaviors which define gender a particular way by purposefully modifying their
actions and behaviors in spite of normalized beliefs (Risman, 2009). Individuals interact in social
settings in ways which reduce gender difference (Chan et al., 2010).

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Chapter Two: Literature Review
Chapter Two is presented as a comprehensive review of the literature relating to gender
disparity in LE. Given the significance of policing today and a growing interest of women
working in traditionally masculinized occupations, there is astonishingly little research on
women in LE (Schuck & Rabe-Hemp, 2008). The purpose of the study was to explore obstacles
and enablers capable of contributing to gender disparity within the LE profession through the
social cognitive domain. The current study explores female LEOs career decisions using the
theories within the social cognitive domain to explore gender disparity in LE. The literature
review chapter is comprised of several sections and are as follows: literature review strategy,
gender discourse, doing and undoing gender, history, critique of contemporary research, female
and male LEOs, female LEOs benefits, the six advantages, female LEO employment data, social
cognitive career theory, and the conceptual framework. The following is a brief summarization
of each section.
The literature review strategy is designed to logically present researcher rationale.
Research fundamentals such as phrase and terminology search parameters (type and number of
peer reviewed journals, etc.) are offered to clearly establish a rigorous effort (see Table 1). Next,
the chapter discusses gender through a popular contemporary lens known as ‘doing and undoing
gender’. Gender is important to the study as the topic aids in anchoring societal considerations to
gender disparity in LE discourse. The chapter next engages the history of women in LE. History
is crucial when describing the nuances of gender disparity in LE by providing context which
elevates the understanding of the problem. The history section also critiques contemporary
gender disparity in LE research efforts. The intent is to shift attention to the dearth of research
and interest towards a problem with significant impact on communities nationwide. The chapter

16

next explores and compares female and male LEOs as a way to bring common misconceptions to
bear. The benefits of female LEOs are explored and presented next followed by Lonsway’s six
advantages of women in LE. Next, the employment data for female LEOs is provided to
demonstrate the principal problem via statistical context. Women’s employment data from other
professions are brought in to further illustrate the scope of gender disparity. The chapter
concludes by discussing gender disparity in LE through the social cognitive lens and the
conceptual framework.
Literature Review Strategy
A search strategy was devised to aid in identifying relevant literature. The sources
included scholarly peer reviewed journals, periodicals, and a variety of statistical data obtained
via databases such as ProQuest, JSTOR, the Bureau of Labor and Statistics, Department of
Labor, various LE organization employment data, and EBSCOhost via the University of
Southern California’s (USC) library. One hundred thirty-five search terms in varying
configurations inform the database for the literature review. Several landmark manuscripts
assisted in informing the study’s research data. For example, Bandura’s Social Learning Theory
(1977), Martin’s Breaking and Entering: Policewomen on Patrol (1980), and Schultz’ Breaking
the Brass Ceiling (2004) were utilized to meet the literature review goals.
Preliminary Research Results
The disproportion between research within the general social cognitive domain and
research within gender disparity in LE was unpredictable. While searching on-line, the collective
returns for the terms ‘social cognitive theory’, which included a broad date range (1 to 50 years)
and material type (article, dissertation, etc.), was remarkable; easily exceeding the half million
mark. Conversely, a search using ‘self-efficacy and women’ was less successful, garnering

17

187,000 results. The most disconcerting results were from the search term ‘self-efficacy and
women police’ (see Figure 1). The search netted 11,381 results across a variety of material types,
of which only 74 were scholarly articles. Each search was not ingenuous. All reasonable forms
of phrases, (e.g., synonyms, arrangements of terms, and sequences for terms such as ‘self-
efficacy policewomen’, ‘policewomen and self-efficacy’, ‘gender and self-efficacy’, etc.) were
used.
In order to manage data, study-based categories were generated. Three terms were used
to define a search parameter’s usefulness and return potential: bullseye, near miss, and near
broad (see Table 1). The categorization aided in data management and provided the researcher a
macro and micro understanding of research limitations. Near and broad were identified as the
maxim threshold for data capable of contributing to the study’s examination. The near broad data
was topically similar and yielded collateral data (i.e., policewomen) rather than precise data (i.e.,
female LE decisions). The term near miss accounted for material near the problem (policewomen
and self-efficacy) but lacked the preciseness the bullseye term signified. Finally, bullseye
denotes material directly related to the area of focus such as ‘female police officers’ and ‘how
they make career decisions.’

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Table 1
Topics by Filter, Returns, and Target Metric
Topic Filters Returns Topic target
Policewomen Articles only 950,272 Near broad
Female LEOs (FLEO) Articles only 47,829 Near broad
FLEO and self-efficacy Articles only 2,145 Bullseye
Policewomen and self-efficacy Articles only 74 Bullseye

Note. Topic target dimensions are defined in the preceding paragraph.

Dissertation Only Searches
The goal of each search was to review extant data examining links between social
cognitive career theory (Lent et al., 1994) and gender disparity in LE. Dissertation only filtered
searches were conducted using the USC on-line library database and Pro-Quest. Terms such as
‘women in LE AND self-efficacy,’ netted 44 results. The practice of searching for similar
research in dissertation format provided the study with two endorsements. First, dissertations
located with similar topics proved the study’s problem was contemporarily relevant. Second,
research exploring female LEO career decision-making processes was scarce and therefore
reaffirmed the study’s assumption regarding scarcity of engagement on the topic. Therefore, the
study is deemed imperative due to the lack of gender disparity in LE research. The literature
review provides a holistic overview of the problem via four overarching themes which are
examined throughout the chapter’s sections (see Table 2). After reviewing 110 peer reviewed
sources relating to the primary and peripheral topics, the paucity of similar research was evident
and as such research limitations exist which are discussed in Chapter Five.

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Table 2
Key Concepts in the Literature Review and Their Descriptions
Key concept Description
Women in
LE
Examines women’s challenges, progress, and status within the LE community

Gender
studies

Presents theories which add value and context to the broader discourse (e.g.,
gendered organizations; Acker, 1990, 1992)

Social
cognitive
theory

A theory of motivation positing the attainment, preservation, and subsequent
shift in behavior is due to an interaction between a person, their behaviors,
and influences within their environment

Social
cognitive
career
theory

A theory based on social cognitive theory which speculates self-efficacy and
outcome expectations can and do predict job interests, choices, as well as
job related behaviors

Female Law Enforcement Officer Employment Data
To holistically understand the effects associated with gender disparity in LE, an
examination of the data is necessary to support the study’s primary assertion. Data consistently
demonstrates steadily low employment numbers for women in LE across time (Brooke, 2019;
Burch, 2016; Langston, 2010; Schuck, 2017). For example, in 2013, 24% of LE organizations in
the United States employed zero female full-time LEOs. Another example showed during the
same period less than 29% of agencies employed 10 or more female officers (Matusiak &
Matusiak, 2018). One LE organization study revealed female LEOs represented 14.4 percent of
all LEOs in large police organizations in 1999, 13% in 2000 and 12.7% in 2001 (Archbold &
Schultz, 2012). Another study (see Figure 1) which examined all LEOs from 1987 to 2016 found
female LEO representation at or less than 12% (U.S. Department of Labor, 2020). Explanations
for low numbers vary, reasons such as academy dropout rates do influence employment data

20

(women are 2–3 times more likely to dropout from training than men; Alegre, et al., 2018). Still,
employment data from other industries and professions provide an even clearer picture of the
disparity within the LE profession (see Figure 2).

Figure 1
Percent of Female LEOs, 1987–2016

Note. Adapted from Women in Law Enforcement, 1987–2008, Langston (2010), Local Police
Departments 2016: Personnel, Hyland (2019), and Sheriffs Offices, 2016, Brooke, (2019).

21

Data from one report shows the percentage of female LEOs were significantly lower than
the percentage of other females in the labor market (12% versus 58%, respectively; U.S.
Department of Labor, 2020). A logical assertion would be women are by and large choosing
other career fields to enter, which data does support. An occupational report from 2018 (see
Figure 2) listed the top five occupations for women as teachers, nurses, nursing aides, secretaries,
and cashiers (Gaub & Holtfreter, 2021). When examined temporally, numbers for female LEOs
have plateaued, steadily remaining below 14% to 15% (see figure 1; Schuck, 2017).

Figure 2
Top 10 Occupations Employing the Largest Number of Women

Note. Adapted from the U.S. Department of Labor, Women’s Bureau, Most Common
Occupations for Women in the Labor Force (2020).

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Currently, women make up less than 13% of all LEOs (Gaub & Holtfreter, 2021;
Muhlhausen, 2019; NCWP, 1998). Another study which examines organizational size in relation
to gender disparity in LE, Hyland et al. (2019) found women represented 12.3% of all sworn
LEOs. Brooke similarly reported out of 100,000 federal LEOs, women accounted for 13.7%.
Data consistently shows female representation in LE is and has been a significant problem within
the LE profession for decades (Brooke, 2019; Burch, 2016; Langston, 2010; Schuck, 2017).
Since the late 1990s, female LEO employment data shows a persistent variance (Gaub &
Holtfreter, 2021; Harrington, 2001; Langston, 2010).
Conversely, research with conflicting or bisecting agendas frequently shows growth,
however, the data and alleged growth is often misconstrued as proof of improvement. Beginning
in the late 1980s, female LEO employment numbers rose 40% until 1997 when they peaked and
have since plateaued (Cordner & Cordner, 2011). While an increase of 40% in any context is an
improvement, the reality is the change stood for a marginal increase from 5% to 8.6% (+3.6%)
over a period of 10 years. In similar research, Langston’s data finds until the mid-1990s, female
LEO representation numbers increased, though the numbers were only marginally better, 8 to
8.5% (+0.5%; 2010).
Between 1971 and 2007, Gaub et al. (2021) found female representation in LE rose
13.5%, going from 1.5% to 15%; however, the data set is also linked to organizations with 100
or more sworn officers. Another study found in jurisdictions with at least 250,000 people, female
LEOs comprised almost 17% of the force compared to jurisdictions with fewer than 25,000
people where females accounted for only 7% of officers (Lippert et al., 2019). Large LE
organizations while useful in single scope inquiries, skew the data as organizations of certain
size naturally report higher female LEO percentages. For example, the Detroit Police Department

23

(27%). Another example is the Philadelphia Police Department (25%). Still another example is
the New York City Police Department (17%; Langton, 2010). The inconsistency is
understandable, the difference in data observed can be explained by examining the variables
researchers use (e.g., time [the year], scope [all LE or police] scale [one department or a state],
and researcher agenda).
There are other forms of data obscuration as well. The FBI Uniform Crime Reporting
(UCR) system and the LE Management and Administrative Statistics (LEMAS) survey report
from 1971 to 1980 show female LEO employment numbers nearly tripled (Cordner & Cordner,
2011). However, both UCR and LEMAS data should be carefully considered and supported with
additional research. Not all LE organizations contribute to national databases, such as the FBI’s
UCR system (Cordner & Cordner, 2011). Regardless, the data is useful in rendering a conclusion
supporting the study’s thesis—there is a problem with gender disparity in LE. Research
examining gender disparity in LE generally uses lenses external to the woman such as sexual
harassment and masculinized cultures to shape arguments and conclusions (see Acker’s
Gendered Organizations, 1992). However, women, as do men, make career decisions using a
complex decision-making process which is heavily influenced by an aspect of the social
cognitive career theory known as self-efficacy.
Gender Discourse
Gender is a perennially contentious subject, more so for women. As gender is inherently
a part of the study’s fundamental discourse (Gender disparity in LE), briefly addressing the
subject is necessary. Although an important aspect of the study’s problem, gender is not an
element of the study’s principal discourse. The term ‘gender’ is used often throughout the study
to clarify and further develop the information. Tokenism and gendered organizations are

24

examples of gender centric sections designed to provide superficial but essential insight into the
gender dynamics affecting women in LE. Why does gender discourse matter to the study?
First, gender matters as it affects an individual’s identities as well as behavioral
tendencies (Wharton, 2012). Researchers disagree over how gendered traits are developed and
become part of an individual; researchers, however, Wharton (2012) asserted, agree gender
influences how individuals see themselves, see personal behavior, and view others. Second,
gender matters because of the ways it influences social interaction. Individual identities are
products of social interaction and therefore are important settings where gender emerges and is
sanctioned (Wharton, 2012). Finally, gender organizes social institutions. Social institutions
include “formally organized public sectors of society such as education, religion, sports, the legal
system [i.e., LE], and work” (Wharton, 2012, p.19).
Gender is often mistakenly believed to be synonymous with sex, yet the two are distinct
(Blackstone, 2003). A theme social and psychological scholars continue to investigate and
expand upon (Acker, 1992; Bandura, 1971, 1989, 1997, 1999, 2012; Blackstone, 2003; Chan,
Doran, & Marel, 2010; Diamond, 2000; West & Zimmerman, 1987). Sociologists define sex as
the unchanging biology of the male and female, while gender is the societal roles and
expectations assigned to people with which both can transform over time, place, and phase of life
(Phillips, 2005). For now, sex is a biological term, a dimorphic one identifying particular
reproductive organs (Lehtonen et al., 2016). Gender is therefore the “meanings, values, and
characteristics that people ascribe to different sexes” (Blackstone, 2003). While sex and gender
definitions are widely held assertions, not all perspectives on the matter are analogous. On sex
and gender, West et al. (1987) stated sex is a “socially agreed upon biological criteria” and the
sex category is “established and sustained by the socially required identificatory displays” (p.

25

127). Chan et al. (2010) state people are responsible for acting per a gender’s membership
principles because the appropriateness of a person’s actions is subject to scrutiny. Why is sex
important to gender disparity in LE?
Hunt (1984) states a male LEOs world is representative of masculinized symbols which
permeate the organization with gender-bias meanings, thereby explaining male LEO behaviors.
The rationality of sexism rests on the male LEOs binary perspective which associate’s
masculinity and femininity with assorted organizational symbols, professional themes, work
activities (e.g., crime fighter), and situational implications (Hunt, 1984). Psychology and
sociology disciplines continue to examine and revise gender and sex discourse based on social
trends and research from the respective disciplines. Gender in action within the LE organization
is unique. West and Zimmerman’s (1987) ‘doing and undoing gender’ is not a new concept, but
it is reemerging in contemporary gender discourse.
Doing and Undoing Gender
In America, the term gender first appeared in social science literature during the late
1960s early 1970s (Murray, 2020). Gender during 60s and 70s provided a practical way to
discern social functions rather than biological aspects of life (Diamond, 2000; West &
Zimmerman, 1987). Coined by West and Zimmerman, doing gender is undertaken by people and
“involves a complex series of socially guided perceptual, interactional, and micropolitical
activities that can cast pursuits as expressions of masculine and feminine “natures” (1987, p.
126). In other words, how societies define or operationalize gender is unique and is a cultural
contrivance (Blackstone, 2003). Doing gender, Chan et al. (2010) assert, means being
responsible for actions which align to a particular sex category membership; actions taken are
subject to what is or is not appropriate. Inside the LE organization, doing and undoing gender

26

phenomenon is evident. Martin’s (1980) landmark work regarding female LEOs found conflict
between gender and job-related role norms caused female LEOs to adopt either the
POLICEwoman identity, which emphasizes overachievement and conformity to the police
subculture, or the policeWOMAN identity, which emphasizes conformity to stereotypical
feminine roles. Doing and undoing gender frameworks do have significant benefits for
researchers.
First, doing and undoing gender frameworks are not reliant upon socialization to explain
the difference between the genders, rather the concept argues men and women create gender in a
dynamic, interpersonal, and enduring way (Chan et al., 2010). Second, doing gender does not
assume gender differences emerge from organizational disparities between the genders regarding
access to power and resources (Chan et al., 2010). Third, doing gender guards the idea of gender
as a system of inequality and oppression from deteriorating into essentialism (Chan et al., 2010).
Reasonably, socially accepted gender roles vary with interpretational and expectational rules for
males and females (Kozma, 2012). Social functions such as policing, which, scholars argue is a
deeply gender-connected concept, offer researchers an idiosyncratic construct with which to
examine gender dynamics (West & Zimmerman, 1987).
Gender Dynamics in Law Enforcement
Gender dynamics in LE is markedly different than gender dynamics in other gender
imbalanced professions. Unlike STEM disciplines, such as engineering, LE’s unique mission sets
generate tangible socially contrived barriers for female LEOs. The LE profession is by social
construction masculine due to job related gender framed attributes such as aggressiveness,
physical strength, and camaraderie (Rabe-Hemp, 2009). Societal influence empowers LE
organizations to generate gendered identities specific to the profession (McCarthy, 2012).

27

Consequently, women overly exaggerate occupational identities such as a female’s idealized
traits (e.g., passivity or following rules) or opt to suspend an idealized self in favor of fulfilling
the status of being a LEO (McCarthy (2012). Therefore, female LEOs choose whether to
conform in a cognitive way and in a physical way (Pasciak & Kelley, 2013). Chan et al. (2010)
state gender biases in LE endures partly because job related tasks such as patrolling, a.k.a. crime-
fighting, is akin to physical prowess. The logic leads to a specific conclusion, LE requires
strength and is primarily a man’s job (Rabe-Hemp, 2011). The underlying idea being women are
not or are less capable of possessing adequate physical strength (Ffrench & Waugh, 1998). The
reasoning here is a socially standardized way to think about the matter (Ffrench & Waugh,
1998). The unfortunate position female LEOs exist in is by definition a double standard.
A Double, Double Standard
For women in LE, the decision to stay in a masculinized job is often a double-edged
sword, exchanging a feministic gender identity to fit within the hegemonic framework of the LE
profession (Rabe-Hemp, 2009). When female LEOs conform to LE male cultural standards, they
are derided for adapting to an occupational environment society defines as masculine as well as
for abandoning the idealized female gender construct (Rabe-Hemp, 2009; Risman, 2009).
Predictably, name calling, labeling, and stereotyping a gender emerges.
Gender Stereotyping
Gender stereotypes are generalizations made by people of people based on the group with
which they belong or identify (Heilman, 2012). In LE, a female [LEO] applicant who exhibits
stereotypically male traits can be viewed less positively whereas as a male [LEO] who exhibits
identical characteristics is viewed positively (Kunda & Spencer, 2003). Social psychological
research has proven people think about other people categorically (i.e., social group association),

28

a social-cognitive tactic which dominates a person’s information processing and reaction
generation (Macrae & Bodenhausen, 2000). When a person recognizes certain triggering signals
(e.g., hairstyle, clothing, sex-associated object), memories produce stereotype-based responses
which are especially difficult to regulate (Macrae & Bodenhausen, 2000). Therefore, female
LEOs who undertake a masculine crime-fighting image may be derogatively labeled (e.g., called
butch or dyke; Gilbert, 2002; Rabe-Hemp, 2009). Likewise, for female LEOs who choose to
forego the perceived ideal risk being labeled weak and or endure name calling (e.g., pansy or
soft; Gilbert, 2002; Rabe-Hemp, 2009). The overriding gender dilemma for female LEOs is
further expounded upon through Martin’s (1980) POLICEwomen and policeWOMEN work.
Policewoman and policeWoman
Martin’s (1980) POLICEwomen and policeWOMEN concepts describe women in the
profession as having to choose between a LE career identity or a female identity. For women
choosing a LE career identity, work life is predicated on negotiating gender roles, biases, and
stereotyping; accomplished by implementing a complicated polarized process consisting of
gender dynamics and LE work (Rabe-Hemp, 2009). POLICEwomen, Martin states, “recognize
themselves as women, adhere to predominant police norms including strong LE orientation and
understand they may be at a disadvantage on street patrol” (1980, p.186). However, the
identification and acceptance of deficiencies do not deter them from attempting to fulfill LEO
role obligations (Martin, 1980). PoliceWOMEN, however, are at the opposite end of the
spectrum; largely apathetic, policeWOMEN adopt traditional feminine behavior and see work as
a source of income only (Martin, 1980). Still, other scholars believe an intermediate possibility
exists. Women do not portray a policeWOMAN or a POLICEwoman, Rabe-Hemp states, but
integrate both into daily work, actively negotiating each concept through interaction (2009).

29

Regardless of which concept female LEOs choose to adopt, dwindling employment numbers
force yet another label upon women in LE–tokens.
Women in Law Enforcement and Tokenism
Tokenism posits if a person’s ethnic, social construct, or sexuality comprise less than
15% of the population, the person may be considered a token (Stroshine & Brandl, 2011). As
female LEOs represent less than 13% of all LEOs, the definition places female LEOs well within
the criteria for tokenism (Brooke, 2019; Burch, 2016; Langston, 2010). The theory of tokenism
was first conceived 44 years ago in 1977 by Kanter in her seminal work ‘Men and Women of the
Corporation’. Kanter’s work used a ‘theory of proportional representation’ to describe the
experiences of women operating in a male-dominated profession, such as LE (Stroshine &
Brandl, 2011). Kanter’s theory postulated a smaller group of people (i.e., tokens) worked within
larger groups of people (non-tokens), of which the larger group represented (85% to 99%) of the
total group (1977). As minorities, tokens (female LEOs) possess little to no control or influence
over the larger group or the group’s culture (masculinized LE; Stroshine & Brandl, 2011).
Tokenism is a pariah term; culturally eschewed, overtly criticized, and prohibited by
organizations via DEI mechanisms. However, the practice quietly continues inside LE
organizations (Archbold & Schultz, 2008; Gaub & Holtfreter, 2021). Tokenism causes tangible
damage. For example, tokenism causes female LEOs to experience oppression and adversity
(Stroshine & Brandl, 2011). Another example is reduced or adversely manipulated promotion
opportunities (Stroshine & Brandl, 2011). Kanter (1977) adds tokens (female LEOs) are more
observable than the dominant group (male LEOs), with their qualities often twisted to fit
preexisting and established constructs (female LEOs adopting male LEO qualities). As
preexisting constructs are seldom encouraging, “tokens are faced with high visibility, isolation,

30

problems assimilating into the group, and performance pressures stemming from a combination
of these factors” (Archbold & Schultz, 2008, p. 52). Invariably, female LEOs either separate or
acquiesce in a variety of ways (Alecu & Fekjær, 2019; Schuck, 2021).
Long viewed as interlopers inside LE communities, female LEOs encounter adversity
while seeking acceptance (Morash & Haarr, 1995). Belknap et al. (1992) report three out of four
females LEOs purportedly “felt they had to prove themselves” to male LEOs. In another study,
virtually all the female LEOs who participated reported feeling they “had to prove themselves”
(2008). While the LE profession is large and complex, nowhere is gender bias more
demonstrable than inside the LE organization (Acker, 1990, 1992; Archbold & Schultz, 2012;
Rabe-Hemp, 2009).
Gendered Organizations
Research relating to gender disparity in LE has focused on a variety of causes, however,
they are external to the woman (Acker, 1990, 1992; Kanter, 1977). Scholars investigating gender
disparity within LE organizations usually label the organization as the catalyst thereby
positioning the organization as a study’s center of gravity. The choice to examine the problem
from inside the organizational domain is not an indictment on the communities take on the
problem. The organizational perspective does yield relevant and valid data. Organizational
culture and politics have been valuable sources for gender focused researchers for some time, see
Acker and Kanter’s works (Allaire & Firsirotu, 1984). Although the concept of male dominated
industries was introduced in the 1950s, genuine interest in organizational research emerged later
in the 1970s when feminism entered the fray (Acker, 1990). Across a variety of disciplines and
for a range of reasons, organizational scholars examine organizational mechanisms, activities,
and behaviors manifesting inside organizations (Rousseau, 2020). For organizations, including

31

LE, many of the behaviors and activities are bound to organizational procedure mechanisms,
such as hierarchy protocol (e.g., police rank), customs, and policies (Nicholson-Crotty & Jr.,
2004).
One way to explain how and why gender imbalanced organizations persist is by
examining the work of feminists associated with a theory know as gendered organizations (see
work by Acker, 1990, 1992; Ferguson, 1984; Kanter, 1977). The general idea is an organization
is inherently structured with either perceived or actual obstacles, for example, equality or equity
disputes for female organizational members (Acker, 1990; Kanter, 1977). According to Wharton
(2012), women working within the modern organization still struggle with old-fashioned norms
as sex is still a dominant determinant for an organization’s division of labor. Particularly seen
within the professions carrying deference and authority (LE profession; Wharton, 2012).
Gendered organizations, Hanappi-Egger reveals, are defined as gendered spaces where gender is
a and sometimes the principal component, adding “a correlation exists between gender and the
question of power as expressed in a given value system; this reveals the existing organizational
culture with respect to masculinity and femininity” (2012, p. 281). Shelley et al. (2011) further
elaborates on women’s challenges in a male dominated workplace, stating when organizations
construct images, use symbols, and promote certain ideologies in male-dominated industries, the
organization essentially legitimizes hegemonic masculinity. Additionally, calculated decision-
making and targeted practices (within hegemonic organizations) are used to oppress and isolate
women. Practices such as policy manipulation and legal actions reinforce the negative actions
undertaken by male co-workers. (Acker, 1992).
While gendered organizational theorists present women as the primarily injured party,
other gendered organizational research offers a more dichotomous perspective. Proposing men

32

can be an injured party as well, (e.g., see gender data for nursing and teaching careers; Argentin,
2013; Folami, 2017). In terms of women’s equality, gendered organization theorists generally
believe the organizational structure and mechanisms are the catalysts for inequality (Acker,
1990, 1992; Kanter, 1977).
To date, several prominent theorists who focused on the relationship between gender and
the organizational domain continue to influence research. Kanter’s landmark work (Men and
Women of the Corporation, 1977) argued convincingly about gender inequalities resting within
the structure of an organization. While Kanter’s work did assert women had less power, less
opportunity, and were underrepresented inside corporations, inquiry was focused on the
organization rather than women (Britton & Logan, 2008). Acker’s theory of gendered
organizations (1988, 1990, 1992) is a popular theory responsible for a revitalization of interest in
research on the subject. Acker’s work argued gendered organizations marginalize women by
using “images, symbols, and ideologies in the workplace that legitimatize hegemonic
masculinity” (Shelley et al., 2011, p. 351).
Unlike Kanter, Acker’s work produced a widely recognized gendered organization
model, now in use across a variety of disciplines examining gendered organizations. Like Kanter
though, Acker’s theory posits gender differences and behaviors are due to organizational
structure rather than the character of the organization’s members (Acker, 1990). Organizational
mechanisms, policies, and procedures, says Acker (1990), are based on stereotypes which are
used to define roles and opportunities within the organization regardless of the demographic
profile. The patriarchally based stereotypes Acker discusses are well-known and while generally
rebuked persist. Because women and men traditionally fulfill dissimilar roles with the latter often
providing for “caretaking, domestic, and lower status occupational roles and men more often

33

occupying higher status occupational roles, people expect men to behave more agentically [sic]
than women and women to behave more communally than men” (Carli, 2001, p. 726).
The normalization of gendered roles is further exacerbated by contemporary societal
norms (Murray, 2020; Wharton, 2012). Particularly, how a society decides to define what is or is
not female and male outside of biological attributes (Murray, 2020). Central to the gendered
organizations theory is how societies define femininity and masculinity as well as how societies
operationalize gender definitions within the organizational settings (Alvesson & Billing, 1992).
Generally, gender roles in society are based on a variety of expectations people have about other
people based on sex, values, and beliefs (Blackstone, 2003). In other words, gender today is
more complex, not simply women and men. The LE organization purposefully normalizes and
perpetuates the masculinized culture because men are seen as the prototypical LEO. A belief
which lies within the legacy of policing, one linking the job inherently to men.
Gendered Law Enforcement Organizations
Life as a LEO is often challenging, frequently dangerous, and at times unforgiving. For
female LEOs, workplace culture, academy training, field training, patrolling, marriage,
parenting, and early retirement due to injury could collectively or unilaterally impact how long a
female LEO remains in the profession (Shelley, et al., 2011). The workplace reality for female
LEOs is in principle dualistic and opaque. In other words, the true nature of the gendered LE
organization is concealed through obfuscating the represented nature of work (Acker, 1990).
Inequitable recruiting procedures, fitness tests, academy training activities, and biased or
outmoded hiring practices generate insurmountable challenges for current and potential female
LEOs (Rossler et al., 2020). Despite legislation, academic contributions, and massive pro-
equality and equity movements within the social and gender domains, LE continues to be one of

34

the most gendered professions today (Deans, 2015). Acker’s theory reveals four gendered
processes which work in opposition of women working in largely male-dominated occupations
(1992). The four processes generate biased practices for women attempting to adapt and advance
in gendered institutions (Shelley et al., 2011). One example is a male LEO’s duties which have
been described as LE, while a female LEO’s duties have been more or less relegated to crime
prevention support where their knack for moral guidance can be exploited (Garcia, 2003). To
understand causes of gender disparity in LE, the study superficially examines early requirements
for women involved with LE jobs. Despite policies and legislation as well as a modern demand
for women to work within the LE field, history illustrates how policing was and still is
considered a ‘man’s job’ (Woodeson, 2006).
A Brief History of Gender Disparity in Law Enforcement
During the latter part of the 15th century, gender was used for the first time to describe
the nature of the social differences between the sexes while still acknowledging the biological
differences (Acker, 1992). Regarding work, gender’s impact on workforce balance is well
documented. Reskin and Padavic (1994) state early workforce participation was as likely for
women as for men. However, with industrialization emerging during the 19th century, the
workforce grew to be more male. During the 18
th
century, as cottage industries ceded to more
capable textile shops, many establishments continued to employ women and children for lower
wages than men. Even so, as dislocated peasants shifted to urban workforce markets, women in
the workforce naturally declined. Large numbers of men entered in to the workforce which led to
the masculinization of the workforce (Reskin & Padavic, 1994). A trend which continues
unabated. In America, national gender reform did not emerge in earnest until the early 1960s,
even though the term gender entered sociological literature during the 1940s and 1950s (Acker,

35

1992). The social differences Acker mentioned have evolved over time but always in strict
accordance with patriarchal standards (Murray, 2020). While the term gender was bringing
awareness to the subject’s polarity, laws reforming and or targeting gender equality were yet to
be realized.
Legislation
Throughout the early to mid-20th

century and in spite of the proliferation of gender
equality movements, the LE profession echoed societal norms and did little to promote women’s
equality within the workplace (see female LEO employment data). Prior to the 1970s, a majority
of the police officers in the United States were White men who worked in a profession where LE
language and jargon was linked to the culture of the working-class White male (Schuck, 2017).
In response to an ever-growing coalition against workplace inequalities, government officials
responded and produced a series of laws aimed at balance and fairness in the workplace. During
the mid-20th century, legislation aided in laying the foundation for equity and equality for
women in LE. The legislation includes:
• 1963 Equal Pay Act, prohibited unequal pay based on sex
• 1964 Civil Rights Act, prevented discrimination based on sex, religion, race, and
national origin
• 1972 Equal Employment Opportunity Act, amended Title VII of the Equal Pay Act
by adding state and below government
• 1973 Crime Control Act, prevented LE organizations from discriminatory practices
by withholding federally guaranteed funding
• 1978 Pregnancy Discrimination Act, which amended Title VII of the Civil Rights Act
of 1964, prohibited discrimination of pregnancy, childbirth, related medical situations

36

Each piece of the above listed legislation moved the equality and equity needle in the
right direction in varying degrees (Deans, 2015; Morash & Haarr, 1995). Additionally,
jurisprudence efforts of the period yielded positive outcomes for gender issues as well. Case law
which further aided women’s rights includes the 1962 Supreme Court decision in Shpritzer v.
Lang. The case expanded career opportunities for women by granting access to professional LE
exams (e.g., promotion; Finkelhor, 1973). Another example is the 1977 Supreme Court decision,
Dothard v. Rawlinson, which removed height and weight as criteria from physical fitness testing
(Mitchell, 1979). Progress for women outside case law also continued as a number of equality-
based endeavors emerged during the latter half of the 20th century. For example, a unisex LEO
title was considered (Women were referred to as a patrolman). Another example was the
consideration for LE recruit psychological stress, cognitive ability, personality, and education
standards (Schulz, 1993). Many of these changes were brought about by two different
commissions: the President’s Commission on LE and Administration of Justice (1967) and the
National Advisory Commission on Criminal Justice Standards and Goals (1973). Collectively,
legislation did much to advance women’s rights across the workforce by opening doors and
expanding opportunities including within the LE organization. Yet, while women have generally
made considerable progress in a labor market still embracing male dominated industries like the
STEM field, politics, and academics–the public safety sector, especially LE, seem perpetually
resilient (Shelley et al., 2011).
History of Women in Law Enforcement
A limited academic interest for female LEO history along with limited documentation
survival restricted the extant information available for historical examination during certain
periods. Evens states the unfortunate condition of female LEO history is a combination of a lack

37

of policing records brought about by self-censorship and the New York based policing museum’s
destruction (2021). As bureaucracies develop Marquis (1990) states, the amount and type of
documentation it produces proliferates. Like early American LE history, the majority of
Canadian history of LE, Marquis (1990) explains went unrecorded, particularly within the
smaller LE organizations.
Additionally, accurate statistical data pertaining to female LEOs was often skewed or
unavailable (Martin, 2005). While the annual FBI’s Uniform Crime Report offers statistics on
the number of female LEOs across various agencies, data on officer sex and race, rank, and
assignment were at the time reprehensibly limited (Martin, 2005). Though the study utilized a
range of peer reviewed references, firsthand or close to the period literature was not as available
or accessible. Therefore, the discussion of early history of women in LE is largely based on
Higgin’s and Mishkin’s research because the work represents few pieces written with primary
sources during the period on the subject. Additionally, Higgin’s and Mishkin’s work references
lost data or data no longer accessible. Both Higgins’s and Mishkin’s work with regards to prison
matrons and women in LE history are considered by LE historians as immensely critical to the
caretaking mission of the profession’s history. Early history of women in LE is defined here as
1845 through early to mid-20th century, approximately 1940. As the data temporally progresses,
reference material naturally increased.
The Need for Prison Matrons
Women working within the LE profession dates to the mid-19th century (Mishkin, 1981).
Coincidently, a period when feminism and women’s rights were taking root across the country
(Castro, 1984). The rise of women in LE whether aided by feminism or not, corresponded with a
rise in societal problems (theft, false accusation, criminal abortion, infanticide, murder,

38

prostitution, etc.) linked to women (Hartman, 1974; Higgins, 1951). A popular trend at the time,
women in custody were often regarded as barmy, mentally disturbed, or inadequate rather than
criminal (Zedner, 1991). To further complicate matters, women were assessed against socially
contrived concepts of the ideal woman, one who was a prototypical moral being (Zedner, 1991).
During the period, women and girls who found themselves in police custody were
processed (searched and housed) by male officers who were employed by police stations,
sheriff’s departments, detention homes, asylums, and other official yet non-police institutions
(Higgins, 1951). The ostensibly inappropriate yet longstanding practice was by and large
condemned. Therefore, during the latter part of the 19th century, men and women joined with
social organizations (e.g., Women’s Club, Women’s Christian Temperance Union, Men’s City
Clubs) to raise awareness and address the issues besieging women and girls held in custody
(Higgins, 1951). The social movement results led to the precursor of the female LEO, which
would originate in the late 1800s, early 1900s (Mishkin, 1981; Schultz, 2004).
Contemporary female LEOs however continue to provide unique and valuable skill sets
to LE organizations across the nation (Bevan & MacKenzie, 2012; Brown J. M., 1998a, 1998b;
Rabe-Hemp, 2011, 2009, 2008). Though, history has clearly established female LEOs have not
always enjoyed a socially accepted presence nor positive opinion (Higgins, 1951). The path to
social and LE profession (female LEO) acceptance and norms, which stretched across several
generations, was not without adversity (Higgins, 1951). Nevertheless between 1880 and 1886,
social conditions forced society and LE to adapt and women around the country were
increasingly appointed as prison and police matrons (Zedner, 1991). By 1900, women were
working as sworn police officers (Mishkin, 1981).

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Women’s Prison Reform
Female prisoner reform efforts persisted across the nation and were led by familiar
organizations, predominantly the Women’s Christian Temperance Union (Higgins, 1951).
Female prisoner advocacy included “supporters [who] were temperance leaders, Progressive Era
reformers, social workers, and social hygienists (public health officials and medical practitioners;
Archbold & Schultz, 2012). Interest in securing appointments for female caretakers for female
prisoners only intensified and in 1845, two females from New York City would become the first
prison matron appointees in the country; a significant development as the prison matron
appointments officially recognized the notion female prisoners should not be handled by males
(Higgins, 1951). Prison matrons were only charged with searching and safeguarding female
prisoners (Mishkin, 1981). Matrons and women associated with policing did not have arrest or
investigatory powers; at the time, only men were imbued with arrest powers due to the nature of
policing duties (Woodeson, 2006). Archbold states a matron was and continues today to be a
person who lacks arrest authority (2012). Of note the role of the prison matron was paradoxical,
generating women’s rights and equality yet was also inherently discriminatory. Reformers for
women’s rights during the early 20th century asserted only female LEOs be duty-bound to
manage cases involving children as women intrinsically understood better than male LEOs how
to console, conduct, and question erring and mistreated children. Similarly, reformers argued
only female LEOs should manage cases involving women as male LEOs lacked sufficient
knowledge of women’s problems and reasons (Appier, 2005). Regardless, the position was
undeniably a necessary form of protection for women and girl prisoners alike.

40

Mid-20th Century Female Law Enforcement Officers
The 1950s, regarded by modern feminists as a latent era in women’s activism and
consciousness, was a time of growth for female LEOs. For the first time since World War I,
female LEO numbers as well as female LEO responsibilities within the LE organization grew in
scope and scale. With the passage of the 1972 Amendments to the Civil Rights Act of 1964,
which added state and local government employees, female LEO rights to an equal opportunity
in a LE career were guaranteed (Martin, 2005). Accordingly, changes 1950s female LEOs
precipitated were catalytic to the evolution of females working in LE, which saw female LEOs
go from social work-based duties to crimefighters during the 70s and 80s (Schultz, 2005). In
terms of rights and opportunity within the LE profession, female LEOs today notionally possess
the same rights and opportunities as male LEOs. However, research does establish a distinct
disparity between men and women LEOs and those parameters.
Critique of Contemporary Research
Regarding gender disparity in LE research, popular themes logically include identifying
reasons why women are critical to the profession. Scholars, such as Rabe-Hemp (2011, 2009,
2008a, 2008b), Archbold (2012, 2008), and Schuck (2021, 2017, 2016, 2008, 2004), frequently
cite a range of feminine-based traits which are naturally suited for LE work. However, research
positing female LEOs importance to the profession due to the feminine-based traits is arguably
flawed. For instance, female LEOs ensure female victims have access to other females for
support. Another example is female LEOs reduce police complaints and misconduct. Rationale
such as the above examples can be criticized and categorized as gender essentialism as the
underlying assumption is female LEOs are a different kind of LEO (Alecu & Fekjær, 2019).

41

Gender essentialism theory is counterproductive to the study’s central argument as the theory
arguably obstructs gender equality (Skewes et al., 2018)
Another critique is academic interest, particularly in criminal justice and sociology as
well as LE practitioner interest. A majority of research to include seminal work relating to
gender disparity in LE is bound to the 1990s and earlier. Attention given to the topic seems to be
sparce and superficial if not blatantly insufficient. Search results were unanticipated, recent
events involving the LE community offer sound purpose for academics to investigate a range of
LE problems, including gender disparity. However, this was not the case. One explanation might
be the lack of interest to examine the problem within appropriate disciplines like sociology and
psychology. A brief review of sociology literature reveals while sociologists are in fact
examining topics near gender disparity in LE, the effort is not exclusively examining the
problem (Kaplan et al., 2020; Romero, 2020). Social justice issues are broad and do address
critical contemporary issues. Economic inequities in underdeveloped urban communities,
unbalanced education opportunities, and how COVID-19 has affected low-income minority
communities are presently popular topics (USC Library). The paucity of attention in research
relating to gender disparity in LE has solidified the need for additional investigation as well as
amplified the implications the study may have for additional exploration.
Of the extant research a great deal of frameworks used to examine women in LE is
external to the woman, such as Acker’s theory of gendered organizations (1992, 1990). Gender
disparity in LE has therefore predominantly been examined through an external lens, an
organizational lens. Acker’s work is heavily influenced by how organizational structure and
mechanisms interact and affect women’s opportunities and general work life (Acker, 1992).

42

While not a central theme, Acker’s work on gendered organizations does have a legitimate place
within the study albeit to demonstrate contrast.
Investigating the problem from a social cognitive or self-efficacy lens has been
challenging. Research examining social cognitive theories interacting with gender disparity in
LE exists albeit limitedly. Due to the dearth of research, several works which had similar
parameters (other emergency management professions, the U.S. military, and STEM professions)
were brought in as an alternative way to demonstrate the cognitive properties within a woman’s
career decision making processes. Findings in related studies reveal there to be strong similarities
with gender disparity in LE. For example, in a 2003 study examining engineer bachelor’s
degrees, Burger et al. say women accounted for 19% of engineering degrees while holding just
11% of engineer positions (2010). In another example, employment data for female firefighters
shows a worse trend, revealing women make up only 4% of all firefighters (Bishu et al., 2020).
Another example shows women comprise 1.4% of the plumbing profession (U.S. Department of
Labor, 2020). Another example is the U.S. military. In a 2020 Department of Defense report,
women comprise 18.7% of the total force (Army, Navy, Airforce, Marines, and Coast Guard)
compared to men 81.3% (DoD, 2021). The similarities between the LE profession and other
male dominated professions while troubling suggests a larger problem may exist in the U
workforce. Over the last few decades social expectations have changed to endorse the value of
gender equality in the workplace (Lord & Friday, 2003). Conscious efforts have been made to
dismantle stubborn profession stereotypes and create equal opportunities for men and women to
enter jobs traditionally held by the opposite sex (business, STEM, teaching, nursing, policing).
However, despite targeted efforts, there has been little to no success, particularly in policing
(Lord & Friday, 2003).

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Female and Male Law Enforcement Officers
Why do women want to be LEOs? The reasons vary but are similar to those of men.
Examples include always desired a career in LE, having family and friends in LE, and possessing
an overriding need to help others, or any combination of these (Schultz, 2004). Women and men
unsurprisingly share reasons due to the uniqueness of the profession. Aside from similar
professional aspirations, women and men in LE do differ in how each think about and execute
professional duties, although not severely (Schuck, 2014, 2017). What do LEOs do? According
to Yu (2018), federal LEOs, women and men, perform any one or combination of the six core
functions:
• criminal investigation and enforcement (37%)
• police response and patrol (23%)
• inspections and noncriminal investigations (15%)
• corrections and detention (14%)
• security and protection (5%)
• court operations (5%)
In a 1973 study, male supervisory and patrol officer opinions were found to be
unfavorable towards female LEOs on patrol, expressing mainly negative attitudes before and
after the study (Balkin, 1988). While the study is 49 years old, LE community culture as well as
male LEO opinions have not changed (Archbold & Schultz, 2008; Belknap, 1996; Bevan &
MacKenzie, 2012; Boivin et al., 2020; Carlan & McMullan, 2009). Male LEOs still regard
female LEOs as psychologically and emotionally incapable of performing what are deemed
masculine LE duties (Carlan & McMullan, 2009). The perspectives Carlen et al. discuss are not
without an origin. LE organizations and male LEOs draw upon masculinized images and

44

symbols to define an LEO (physical strength, crime fighter; Alecu & Fekjær, 2020). The crime-
fighting persona is most associated with how (tactics) LEOs engage and defeat criminals (use of
force). Next to the use of force data, arrest decision data is the most studied decision of street or
beat police officers; commonly referred to as patrolling (Novak et al., 2010).
Female and Male Law Enforcement Officers: Patrolling
Early studies conducted during the 1970s were successful in proving the competency of
female LEOs, particularly regarding patrolling duties (Novak et al., 2010). Many early scholars
who were opposed to female LEOs centered arguments around women’s lack of strength, dearth
of aggressiveness, and inability to project authority (Archbold & Schultz, 2012). Other
opponents of women as LEOs, Miller et al. state, have argued women are smaller and weaker
which gives way to an opinion asserting women are less than capable of performing LE duties
(2019). Yet studies tell a dramatically different story revealing in most cases, female LEOs take
part in identical physical activities and sustain the same type and number of injuries as male
LEOs during typical LE duties (Ffrench & Waugh, 1998). As women’s roles (from clerk duties
to patrolling) in LE expanded, angst-based resistance from the male LEO ranks followed. As
evidenced, the basis of the female and male LEO discussion starts and ends with social models
of gender.
Social Models of a Woman
Men (male LEOs) view women (female LEOs) in particular yet archaic ways, primarily
as people who have inherently ascribed domestic environments (classic nuclear family roles;
Murray, 2020). Even more than the public, male LEOs largely uphold traditional views about the
role of women in society and the LE organization (Brown, 1998). Research arguing in opposition
of women in LE is extensive and includes notable theorists: Conflict theory (Marx, 1818–1883),

45

socialist feminism (Smith, 1926–), structural-functionalist perspective (Durkheim, 1858–1917),
and gender labeling (Becker, 1928–; Brown, 1998).
Perspectives and theories such as these subscribe to a distinct LE culture narrative, one
which “glorifies violence and promotes a ‘cult of masculinity’” (Dick & Jankovic, 2001, p. 182).
A ‘cult’ which levies restrictions upon female LEOs by upholding axioms suggesting women
lack physical strength, an ability to project authority, and therefore do not belong (Ffrench &
Waugh, 1998). Still, studies reveal female LEOs are as adept as male LEOs, executing duties in
ways not dissimilar to male LEOs (Archbold & Schultz, 2012). However, data showing actions,
activities, and behaviors working against female LEO presence in the LE organization persist as
barriers.
Barriers
Chan et al. (2010) proposed there were several barriers working against women entering
careers in LE. Research reveals organizational members worked to prevent women’s entrance to
and success within the LE community by promoting a masculine hegemony (Dodge et al., 2010;
Garcia, 2003; Rabe-Hemp, 2009). For example, the nature of police work, which is depicted as a
masculinized crime fighter (Chan et al., 2010). Another example is the potential threat to the
image of the police officer (masculine) and men generally (masculinity; Chan et al., 2010). Yet
another example is the profession-wide culture of LE (Also masculine; Chan et al., 2010). The
act of promoting male hegemonic ideals within the LE organization is as Garcia (2003) posits, a
socially mandated form of patriarchy which has worked to produce and preserve women’s
subordination. Barriers exist in many forms for women in LE. In one study which utilized
surveys targeted individuals who attended a recruiting event for women interested in LE careers
(Kringen, 2014). The event, hosted by a large southern LE organization, included a discussion

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with former female LEO recruiters from several LE jurisdictions (Kringen, 2014). One of the
questions, (Given your experience in recruiting, why might women be hesitant to have a career
in LE career?) was asked and received the following aggregated responses:
• problems associated a lack of childcare options

• an LE career is likely unattractive to a potential spouse
• unlikely to receive emotional support from a spouse or partner
• sexual harassment and acceptance of male peers
• potential relocation
• concerns about ability to do the job
• concerns about physical disadvantages due to size or strength
• safety concerns
Capability
Female LEOs encounter tangible and intangible challenges based on socially informed
preconceived notions (gender roles) and misplaced assumptions (Murray, 2020). The challenges
however are based on biased norms not facts. In the 1960s, deliberation surrounding the
capabilities of female LEOs began as women invaded predominantly male LEO duties (e.g.,
driving police cars, patrolling; Rabe-Hemp, 2009). However, data on the capabilities and
subsequent benefits female LEOs generate for LE organizations and communities are positive
and well documented (Archbold & Schultz, 2008; Belknap & Shelley, 1992; Brown, 1998; Rabe-
Hemp, 2008, 2009a, 2009b, 2011).
Empirical research on routine LE activities and duties Rabe-Hemp (2008) reveals, is
exceedingly insufficient. Gender and LE literature have and continues to focus on comparatively
infrequent LE activities. Activities such as arrest and apprehension or use of force (i.e., crime

47

fighting; Rabe-Hemp, 2008). While communities and LE alike regard crime fighting as
authentically LE work, in reality, LE work is frequently inconsequential, tedious, and unpleasant.
In fact, most calls for service to LE involve a request for order and maintenance (Rabe-Hemp,
2008). Still, on occasions when boring LEO work is postponed due to a need for crime fighting
activities such as use of force, risk for LEO misconduct and subsequent legal action increases.
Lawsuits and Legal Differences
LE organizations do not generally release legal data (officer misconduct court cases,
settlements, etc.) regarding the officers the organization employs. While the New York Police
Department recently deployed a site which does, typically LE organizations do not. The
consequence of non-disclosure is a dearth of data capable of rendering aspects of research here
complete. However, particular LE duties are correlative to LEO misconduct, such as use of force.
Female and male LEOs do not differ greatly when considering abilities to carry out job
duties and tasks (Rabe-Hemp, 2011, 2008; Schuck, 2014). Nevertheless, a difference does exist
when scrutinizing officer conduct lawsuits brought against LE organizations. In examining
resident LE based complaints, use of force protocols strongly correlated to a community’s trust
and confidence in LE (Schuck & Rabe-Hemp, 2016). Residents’ opinions of LE conduct,
especially attitudes regarding LE misconduct, have significant consequences for LE leadership
and organizations (Schuck & Rabe-Hemp, 2016). Research shows female LEOs employ some
police tactics differently than male LEOs. Female LEOs, data suggests, are better suited for
certain tasks which produce beneficial outcomes (Grant, 2008). If use of force data is arguably a
means to discern potential legal outcomes, a logical conclusion is female LEOs are a benefit
because female LEO presence reduces a LE organizations risk to lawsuits thereby reducing
overall costs.

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Female Law Enforcement Officer Benefits
A diverse and representative LE organization generates a range of benefits, primarily, a
community’s trust (Donohue, 2019; Rowe & Ross, 2015). During the 60s and 70s amid pro-
women movements, feminists began engaging police leadership to raise awareness for domestic
violence, specifically battered women (Belknap, 1996). The movement aimed to help battered
women by advocating policewomen, not policemen, respond and assist women who were victims
of domestic violence (Belknap, 1996). Like the movements of the late 19th century, the 60s and
70s feminist movements were at least partly responsible for identifying the gender imbalance in
LE. The ‘battered women’ first responders would prove to be necessary, quickly becoming
critical to the organization’s community policing efforts (Lonsway, 2000).
Garcia (2003) asserts advocates for the competency of female LEOs maintain the female
LEO service-oriented style of policing is the most appropriate attribute in a community-policing
program. Female LEOs, according to research (Archbold & Schultz, 2008, 2012; Belknap, 1996;
Chan et al., 2010; Deans, 2015; Ffrench & Waugh, 1998; Lonsway, 2001; Martin, 1980;
Muhlhausen, 2019) manage the community police mission more efficiently than male LEOs.
Community Policing
LE cannot effectively thwart or investigate crime without the willing contributions of the
community. Therefore, communities must shift from passive consumers of LE protection to
active coproducers of public safety (Bayley & Shearing, 1996). Few would debate female and
male LEOs are of equal value to LE organizations and communities. The presence of both
genders makes the profession stronger (Bennett & Hemenway, 2015). Nevertheless, differences
between female and male LEOs exist, particularly when it comes to interaction with residents.
One of the most significant ways female LEOs impact the profession is through community

49

policing activities (Archbold & Schultz, 2008, 2012; Belknap, 1996; Chan et al., 2010; Deans,
2015; Ffrench & Waugh, 1998; Lonsway, 2001; Martin, 1980; Muhlhausen, 2019). Community
policing uses proactive rather than reactive measures to address crime by emphasizing the
community member and LEO relationship (Stein & Griffith, 2015). The rise of community
policing has given female LEOs the opportunity to demonstrate skills not associated with the
traditional male ensconced crime fighter image (Rabe-Hemp, 2008). Community policing
effectively suppresses the crime fighting image by emphasizing collaboration and partnerships
with community residents (Archbold & Schultz, 2012).
Do female LEOs have a measurable effect on community policing efforts? Schuck (2014)
believes yes, stating LE organizations with higher numbers of female LEOs consistently
emphasized community policing efforts. The question then becomes why are female LEOs better
at facilitating community policing tenets than male LEOs? Research confirms women are
innately people focused, socially adept, and emotionally acute and are therefore more likely to
engage in caring behaviors (Murray, 2020; Schuck, 2014, 2017). Schuck (2014) adds women
also prefer democratic and participative styles of leadership and seek to affect the organizational
climate where empathy, impartiality, and equity become pronounced. The attributes Schuck
discusses are crucial to community policing efforts and are considered to be advantageous to LE
community policing efforts as seen in the Wales example.
Wales Community Policing Exemplar
In Wales, one study examined the impact female LEOs have on crime and communities.
Between 2003 and 2013 violent crime fell 15% while rates for nonviolent crimes like stalking,
which disproportionally affects women, increased by 41% (Miller et al., 2019). Incidentally from
2004 to 2010, the percentage of women in LE increased from 20% to 26%. The reason, Miller et

50

al. state, is because LE organizations respond more efficiently to sexual assault and domestic
violence incidents when female LEOs were present (2019). In 2014, violent crime (56%),
stalking crimes (81%), and reported rapes (62%) each increased (Miller & Segal, 2019). The
crime reporting data parallels with an increase in women in LE. During the same timeframe,
2010 to 2018, the Wales police department saw a 19.7% decrease in male LEOs (Brown &
Silvestri, 2019). The data supports a growing theory which posits female LEOs increase the
reporting rates of violent crimes against women in a given area (Miller & Segal, 2018). From
2007 to 2017 the overall number of child sex abuse cases reported in Wales increased (178%).
The data also included an increase in reported rapes of boys and girls under 13 (355%; 187%
respectively) and an increase in reported child sexual exploitation cases (511%; Brown &
Silvestri, 2019). Notably, female LEOs consider particular crimes (rape, domestic violence,
stalking, child cases) to be more serious than male LEOs (Novak et al., 2010). Data showing an
increase in the number of female LEOs suggests the gender ratio of the population contributes to
better relationships with communities and can act as an impetus for organizational change
(Brown & Silvestri, 2019). The Wales example demonstrates communities benefit from a diverse
and representative LE organization; an undertaking LE recruiters must understand and make a
priority.
Currently LE organizations do not reflect the communities they serve despite efforts to
recruit more female LEOs; many organizations are still overwhelmingly staffed by White men
(Schuck, 2021). On the type of officer needed, Schuck (2021) states the employment crisis
cannot be resolved by hiring an adequate quantity of people alone. The solution must involve
recruiting individuals with the requisite knowledge and attributes necessary to be successful in
the profession. Experts contend to deal with the complexities of contemporary LE, LEOs should

51

have personality traits supportive of empathy and cultural sensitivity. Ideally, LEOs will be able
to form meaningful relationships with the community, possess analytical and leadership skills,
and be fluent in technology. Experts also argue hiring a diverse workforce with varying
backgrounds improves LE community relationships. Naturally, the effort will increase LE’s
understanding of the community of color experiences and challenges confronting minority
communities (Schuck, 2021).
The inflation and deflation of the Wales exemplar figures seems turbulent, but is there an
explanation? One likely reason could be an increased effort aimed at recruiting women. From
2004 until 2013, female LEO numbers within the England and Wales police services increased
from 24% in 2004 to 31% in 2010 while peaking at 34% in 2018 (Brown & Silvestri, 2019). The
data supports the notion LE organizations over time empirically recognize the unique skill sets
women inherently possess (Rabe-Hemp, 2008). Women do have a significant impact based upon
interaction with their communities. One explanation is exceptional communication skills, which
enables female LEOs to excel in certain situations (Lonsway, 2000). While addressing how to
employ community policing models, Lonsway posits female LEOs possess superior
communication skills and are more capable of facilitating cooperation and trust (2000). One
study found prisoners felt female correction officers were more professional simply because they
were able to remain composed and communicate through challenging situations (Salerno &
Sanchez, 2020).
Police Tasks
Research examining how women affect the LE profession consistently shows female
LEOs have a substantial and positive impact (Deans, 2015). For example, female LEOs have an
enhanced ability to peacefully resolve family related problems before the matter becomes a

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crime (e.g., domestic violence, rape, child abuse, etc.; Muhlhausen, 2019). Another example
shows female LEOs are less likely to use force on subjects thus negating potential excessive
force complaints which also reduces lawsuits and negative perception of police (Rabe-Hemp,
2008a, 2009b; Schuck, 2014). Because a female LEOs propensity to engage in harmful policing
tactics is significantly lower, the effect on the profession is enhanced relations with the
community, residents’ willingness to participate as coproducers of safety, and an increase in
resident perceptions of LE as a legitimate organization of social control (Schuck & Rabe-Hemp,
2008). In another example findings suggest female LEOs are more adept using interpersonal
skills, are more skilled in de-escalation techniques, and are more responsive to victims (Schuck,
2014; Miller & Segal, 2019). Additionally, Rabe-Hemp found female LEOs were more than 27%
less likely to exhibit “extreme controlling behaviors such as threats, physical restraint, searches,
and arrest in their interactions with citizens” (2008, p. 429).
The presence of female LEOs yields other more subtle benefits as well. Female criminals
have historically utilized their ‘feminine charms’ on male LEOs as a way to defuse situations
when arrest was imminent, with female LEOs the risk is reduced substantially (Evens, 2021).
The data are clear evidence female LEO produce considerable advantages inside the organization
as well as within the communities.
The Six Advantages: How and Why Female Law Enforcement Officers Are Crucial
In 2000, Lonsway, a psychologist specializing in criminal justice and sexual violence,
wrote about Six Advantages LE agencies would gain by employing women as LEOs. The
advantages provided LE agencies a modestly defined framework to consider for human resources
endeavors. The first, female LEOs are proven to be as competent as male LEOs, was based on
studies using large agencies across the country (St. Louis, Washington DC, Denver, New York

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City, Philadelphia, Newton MA, California, and Pennsylvania; 2000). The study revealed female
LEOs were flexible, assertive, emotionally independent, and creative – more so than male LEOs.
Additionally, findings show male LEOs were more prejudiced and authoritarian (2000).
The second advantage Lonsway talks about is female LEO use of force data. Contrary to
how male LEOs police, female LEOs tend to abandon authoritarian styles of policing, which
reduces the need for physical force as well (Lonsway, 2000). A 2008 study found data from “Los
Angeles, Cincinnati, San Jose, San Francisco, and Metropolitan DC, suggested female LEOs
were less likely to be named in citizen complaints (2–3 times less likely than male LEOs) or to
have allegations of excessive force brought against them (8.5 times less likely than male LEOs;
Schuck & Rabe-Hemp, 2008). Likewise, a 2014 study found hiring female LEOs reduces the
overall instances use of force was employed by the department LEOs (Carmichael & Kent,
2014). Salerno et al. (2020) maintain the chance of seeing a female LEO use force is a
comparatively rarer than seeing a male LEO use force.
The third advantage is how well female LEOs implement community policing. Lonsway
(2000) defines community policing as an effort emphasizing communication, cooperation, and
joint problem solving with residents of a community. With regards to community policing, Rabe-
Hemp (2009) states LE organizations have been forced to revive outdated techniques, such as
walking patrol, community relations, and problem solving to facilitate community policing
models. Strikingly, these are the same feminine gendered qualities which kept women from
fighting crime in the first place and yet are now included in community policing protocols.
Lonsway’s (2000) fourth advantage contends organizations more female LEOs will
improve response to violence against women. Lonsway (2000) posits female LEOs have long
been viewed as being more effective than male LEOs responding to violence against women; the

54

opinion is shared by communities, police academy instructors, female LEOs, as well as research.
In addition, a longitudinal study from 1970 to the 1990s found female LEOs positively impacted
violent crime reporting and domestic violence reporting (Miller & Segal, 2019).
The fifth advantage Lonsway asserts is by increasing the number of females in the LE
organization, problems associated with sexual harassment and discrimination will diminish
(2000). The assertion defies logic as data shows women have a history of experiencing
harassment in the workplace, especially within traditionally male dominated professions.
Lonsway herself notes upwards of 68% of female LEOs have experienced sexual harassment
(2000). The number only seems to have increased. One largescale study looked at 804 female
officers from 35 different countries in both Europe and the Americas found 77% of respondents
reported sexual harassment from male colleagues (Somvadee & Morash, 2008). In another
survey of 117 female LEOs, 106 (90%) reported severe harassment (Chaiyavej & Morash, 2009).
Lonsway believes hiring and retaining more females will decrease the exposure to liability by
reducing the numeric under representation of female LEOs (2000). In other words, saturate
organizations with women in an attempt to desensitize the men in the workplace environment.
While saturation would go far in improving gender disparity in LE, the idea might require more
examination.
The sixth advantage suggests the mere presence of female LEOs can have significant
positive effects on organizational policy. While Lonsway’s point has merit, a contention female
presence alone is inadequate as it is based solely one or two quotes. Lonsway’s point is made by
Sherman’s vision for police departments in 1973. Sherman (1973) believed if women under five
and half feet tall can execute duties associated with patrolling, why not a man of equal height? If
women need improved defense training, Sherman posited, a man will just as well. If a woman

55

resolves an aggressive situation without making an arrest, a high rating for effective performance
should be warranted. LE organization selection and training standards should be, per Sherman
(1973), job related with the intent to create new measures of police performance (Lonsway,
2000).
In her conclusion, Lonsway offered as policing becomes more complex, these advantages
will become even more clear. Adding if things do not change for women inside the LE
community, inevitable they become more of a token than an equally valued member of the
organization (2000).
Social Cognitive Career Theory
Social cognitive career theory (Lent et al., 2013, 2000, 1994) offers a useful framework
for understanding the career development of female LEOs (Yu, 2018). Lent’s et al. (2000, 1994)
model is capable of bringing career theories together with conceptually suitable constructs like
self-efficacy and self-concept. The model is just as adept explaining distinct outcomes (e.g.,
satisfaction and stability) common to a range of other career theories while at the same time
accounting for the relationships among dissimilar constructs like self-efficacy, interests,
capabilities, and desires (Lent et al., 1994). In addition, social cognitive career theory recognizes
the influence of an individual’s history and context regarding occupational development. The
context (supports and barriers) social cognitive career theory recognize are either distal, which is
how historical influence shapes interests and self-cognitions or proximal, the effects relative to
critical decision-making moments (Lent et al., 1994). Other career development models
recognize vocational outcomes as mutually influenced by people and the environment (Lent et
al., 1994). The models endorse what Lent et al. (1994) call a “partially bidirectional account of
interaction”, a consequence of interaction between a person and the environment. Behavior is

56

also considered a byproduct of a transaction rather than as a co-determent (Lent et al., 1994). Job
and career researchers frequently use social cognitive career theory to understand occupational
outlooks and behaviors. The social cognitive career theory theorizes self-efficacy and outcome
expectations can and do predict job interests, choices, as well as job related behaviors (Kaminsky
& Behrend, 2015). Betz and Klein (1996) found college students’ attitudes towards their own
occupational abilities, i.e., self-efficacy, was especially related to the career options they
considered.
Self-Efficacy
Bandura (1986) posits self-efficacy is an individual’s belief and expectations to
successfully meet and complete a task. The self-efficacy expectations “result from four types of
learning experiences: past performance accomplishments and failures, vicarious learning, verbal
persuasion (e.g., encouragement or discouragement from others), and emotional arousal (e.g.,
feelings of anxiety or excitement; Albaugh & Nauta, 2005, p. 290). Bandura’s self-efficacy
model is not a novel approach for research similar to gender disparity research, which is
principally how and why self-efficacy influences women’s career choices. Scholars who
concentrate on the cognitive aspects of career choice routinely use Bandura’s self-efficacy theory
and social cognitive theory as a framework (Lent et al., 1994). Bandura is credited as one of the
most prominent psychologists of the modern era, including one of the most cited (top five; Judge
et al., 2007). Bandura’s social cognitive theory is so popular; it is universally known as the
theory heard around the globe. Social cognitive theory has been studied across 10,000
investigations over the past 25 years (Judge et al., 2007).
Regarding occupational preference, an individual considers personal motivations and
skills relative to the opportunities and requirements of a job (Bandura, 1999, 1997; Lord &

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Friday, 2003). In one university study, male students were found to have a strong positive
relationship between interest in a LE career and self-efficacy, however, the same positive
relationship between a LE career and self-efficacy was not found with female students (Lord &
Friday, 2003). Societal values and expectations about certain careers also influence an
individual’s consideration (Betz, 2006; Betz & Klein, 1996). The concept of self-efficacy
expectations is especially relevant to understanding women’s career development when the
prospective job is stereotypically male (Lord & Friday, 2003).
Self-Efficacy in Action
Results for an examination of engineering degrees showed an individual’s level of self-
efficacy was relative to predicting the individual’s success (Marra et al., 2009). A 2011 report
showed even though women made up more than 20% of engineering degree graduates, only 11%
of the women were practicing engineers in spite of decades of interventions implemented to
resolve STEM gender gap problems (Fouad & Singh, 2011). In a study involving secondary
schools, researchers found a teacher’s self-efficacy affected teacher instructional behaviors
which in turn affected the students’ enthusiasm for learning and subsequent accomplishments
(Klassen & Chiu, 2010). Self-efficacy therefore plays a substantive and influential part in a
person’s professional advancement and pursuits (Bandura et al., 2001). Moreover, people
knowingly or unknowingly bring certain characteristics to a place of employment related to self-
efficacy (Judge et al., 2007). The LE profession provides a unique setting to explore the
characteristics Judge et al. mentions. According to societal presumptions, a LEO should possess
masculine qualities: confidence, impartiality, and physical ability. However, according to
societal presumptions, female LEOs are depicted as nurturing, subservient, and physically

58

nonthreatening (Carlan & McMullan, 2009). How then does self-efficacy in a LE organization
manifest?
Self-Efficacy in Law Enforcement
Determining the degree of self-efficacy for LEOs can be complicated as LE and job
satisfaction are commonly viewed as indistinguishable (Ashwini, 2013; Schyns & Collani,
2002). In other words, because LE’s mission is to protect and serve citizens, satisfaction is seen
by LEOs and potential recruits as default or inherent. A naturally recuring byproduct despite
hazardous duty, possible alcohol problems, tragedy (post-traumatic stress disorder), irregular
work hours, and marital problems (Ashwini, 2013: Schyns & Collani, 2002). Each are common
side effects and often contend with positive aspects of the job (sense of pride, variance of work,
and helping others; Ashwini, 2013). Resilience could explain the LEOs rationale to stay.
Resilience is the “positive end of the differences of individuals in responding to stress and
adversity” (Yada, et al., 2021). Additionally, the level of self-efficacy is heavily associated with
resilience which allows or disallows a person to cope with specific circumstances in a given
profession (Makara-Studzin, et al., 2019; Schwarzer & Warner, 2012).
Fundamentally, success and failure, two consequences of self-efficacy, come down to
effort and ability (Bar-Tel & Frieze, 1977). Specific to LE however, self-efficacy affects critical
tasks such as active shooter response, weapons qualification, conflict resolution and de-
escalation, and subdue physical altercations (Somers, 2021). In an organizational self-efficacy
study, self-esteem, locus of control, and neuroticism were examined in relation to self-efficacy.
Findings indicate the influence self-efficacy has on job performance was high (Schyns &
Collani, 2002). Likewise, Judge et al. found self-efficacy is compellingly correlational to work
performance (2007).

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One survey of 256 undergraduate criminal justice students found female criminal justice
undergraduates were considerably less likely to choose a career in LE than male criminal justice
undergraduates. Findings indicated females felt appreciably less competent in their ability to be a
police officer compared to males (Wilson & Blackburn, 2014). Wilson et al. explain stating the
hiring of potential female LEOs was inversely related to the proportion of males LEOs already
working in the department. The greater the proportion of male LEOs, the more likely the
organization was to utilize physical fitness testing, which is known to be a barrier for female
recruits (Wilson & Blackburn, 2014). Lonsway (2001) indicated policing is dominated by a
“warrior image”, which is muscular and strong male LEOs who uses physical traits to solve
crimes and handle dangerous situations. Because female LEOs do not fit the stereotype, females
are thought to be less capable than male LEOs.
Ashwini (2013) however reports female LEOs have average, rather than low, self-
efficacy when compared to male LEOs. In terms of adaptability, personal effectiveness, and a
positive attitude, female LEOs have higher self-efficacy than their male counterparts, but lower
self-efficacy when measured against violent offender situations and riot control situations (2013).
Taris et al. (2010) found specific job-related obligations [such as weapon qualification or
physical fitness] and additional responsibilities [supervisor, SWAT, Victim Advocacy, etc.]
promoted higher learning which has been shown to correlate to elevated levels of self-efficacy.
The aforementioned obligations are by nature and intent learning events. One study shows an
important correlation between academics [learning], self-efficacy, and what is known as
psychosocial theory (Vayre & Vonthron, 2016).

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Psychosocial Theory
Bandura states individuals are “self-organizing, proactive, and self-regulating agents of
their psychosocial development” (1997, 1999). Psychosocial theory posits people’s personalities
evolve from the time they are born until advanced age undergoing eight stages of development
along the way (Maree, 2021). The eight stages are:
• Stage 1: trust versus mistrust
• Stage 2: autonomy versus shame and doubt
• Stage 3: initiative versus guilt
• Stage 4: industry versus inferiority
• Stage 5: identity versus confusion
• Stage 6: intimacy versus isolation
• Stage 7: generativity versus stagnation
• Stage 8: integrity versus despair
Furthermore, people consciously apply psychosocial behaviors in complex ways to fit in
to personal and social workplace environments without interruption. As a social species, people
have a basic need to belong that promotes behaviors consistent with being a good colleague
(Heatherton, 2011). Being a good colleague, Heatherton (2011) posits, entails the aptitude for
self-regulation, which allows individuals to alter or constrain behaviors leading to group
expulsion. Self-regulation is achievable and involves four psychological elements (Heatherton,
2011). First, individual awareness of behavior relative to societal norms. Second, understanding
how others react to exhibited behaviors as a way to appropriately predict responses. Third, threat
detection, particularly in complicated social situations. Finally, behaviors consistent with being a
good colleague also include a way to resolve inconsistencies between self-knowledge and social

61

norms (Heatherton, 2011). A well-documented struggle within the LE organization (i.e., doing
and undoing gender).
Bandura et al., (2001) further state [psychosocial] behaviors “provide an agentic
explanation when it comes to career choice and development” (p. 187). According to Bandura,
[psychosocial] behaviors are informants for self-efficacy (2001). For decades, women working in
a male dominated workforce were generally offered the organization’s least desirable jobs
(Garcia, 2003). In LE, women’s job duties were based on the premise women symbolize unique,
feminine skills, and were initially employed in policing to fulfill stereotypically feminine jobs,
such as securing juveniles and women inmates and protecting young girls from social evils
(Rabe-Hemp, 2009). Contemporary LE (crime fighting, etc.) became the de facto LE persona as
popular TV programs (e.g., CHiPS, Starsky & Hutch, Hawaii 5–0, Dragnet, etc.) emphasized the
strong, masculine LE image (Rabe-Hemp, 2009). Female LEOs were often omitted from the
tough LE image despite research proving female LEOs were as capable as male LEOs (Rabe-
Hemp, 2009). In a study looking at women’s perceptions of a police force, Chu et al. (2014)
found strong willed women who are measurably more determined overcome hurdles more
frequently than less determined counterparts. Furthermore, Chu et al. (2014) state highly
motivated women who are passionate about policing retain confidence despite obstacles.
Bandura’s assertion further expands on Chu’s et al. findings. Regarding a person’s own efficacy,
Bandura (1977) posits the power of individual conviction may affect whether a person will
attempt to deal with certain situations. Conversely, alternative studies present unexpected results.
For example, research shows an individual can demonstrate high self-efficacy for a particular job
yet reject actions which ultimately lead to the job (Cardador & Caza, 2012). Or the inverse, when
an individual has a modest degree of self-efficacy yet continues to pursue career goals; either

62

scenario, depending on a decision, can have adverse effects on an individual’s life (Cardador &
Caza, 2012).
Decision-Making Process
Over the last thirty years scholars have become increasingly more interested with the
processes behind occupational decision-making (Reddan, 2015). Decision-making is a process
where a person selects a specific course of action using known criteria; for example, car
shopping, university of choice, or food selection (Wang & Ruhe, 2007). Decision-making, Wang
et al. say, is one of a person’s primary cognitive processes used to determine “rational, heuristic,
and intuitive selections in complex scientific, engineering, economical, and management
situations, as well as in almost each procedure of daily life” (2007, p. 74). The link between
decision-making and self-efficacy is well documented (Karpinski, 2020). Accordingly, self-
efficacy is an important predictor of a person’s goals, such as academic pursuits and career
decision making (Chu et al., 2020).
Career Decision-Making Influences
Parents and friends have profound effects on career decision making (Lord & Friday,
2003). Kaminski’s (2003) research strongly supports the assertion, finding parental influence,
seen as aligning with parental wishes, does affect decision making. One study examining
women’s decision-making processes within the STEM fields found a number of significant
factors affected decision making such as “interest, ability, mathematics course enrolment,
competence beliefs, self-efficacy, attitudes towards science related domains, gender stereotypes
as well as background characteristics” (Buschor et al., 2014, p. 745). With regards to LE, the
reasons for deciding whether to pursue a LE career is defensibly more complicated considering
the personal or benign aspects of the job as well as hazardous considerations.

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Law Enforcement Career and Decision-Making
Lord et al. (2003) found rather than the standard reasons given which influence LE career
decisions such as interaction with police, the primary influences were the dangers related to LE
work. Another study which examined decision-making through minority LE job offers
acceptance rates found education status, previous LE contact (negative or positive), race, gender,
and social pressure proved to influence decisions for LE job candidates (Kaminski, 1993).
Arguably the underlying reason for gender disparity in LE rests with a woman’s decision and her
self-efficacy. Studies show women who have a strong sense of self-efficacy, especially for
particular occupational behaviors, will consider a greater range of options thereby boosting
effective decision-making skills (Hackett & Betz, 1981). Self-efficacy with regards to decision-
making is not a new concept. Career decision-making and self-efficacy, or CDMSE, is a person’s
belief in their ability to successfully complete tasks associated with their occupational choices
(Taylor & Betz, 1983). Nearly all individuals possess behavioral traits where they lack
confidence in certain abilities regardless of whether the perceived shortcoming is real or
imagined (Reddan, 2015). Traits of a perceived deficiency reduce job options or the
corresponding success with which desired job options are achieved (Reddan, 2015). The
aforementioned concepts, such as decision-making, ecology of systems, and the social cognitive
career theory independently manifest for a variety of reasons. However, when combined the
amalgamation is capable of appropriately conceptually framing the study.
Conceptual Framework
The study’s primary focus is to explore the causes for gender disparity in LE. The
generally accepted rationale underlying the problem has and continues to generate academically
apathetic concepts with equally apathetic results. Results which continue to vex scholars,

64

practitioners, and the LE community alike (Alecu & Fekjær, 2020; Archbold & Schultz, 2012;
Ashwini, 2013; Bennett & Hemenway, 2015; Brooke, 2019; Burch, 2016; Cordner & Cordner,
2011; Donohue, 2019; Lonsway, 2000; Rabe-Hemp, 2008, 2009; Schuck, 2014). Maxwell
(2013) states the conceptual framework for research design is reliant on adopting theories and
concepts from existing constructs and models and the creation of methodological paradigms to
support research.
The study employs one primary conceptual framework, Lent and Brown’s social
cognitive career theory (1994) as a vehicle to explore the problem. Lent’s et al. (1994) model is
useful for identifying the effects of behaviors as well as contextual factors, i.e., support and or
barriers which affect career choice (Buschor et al., 2014). Lent’s theoretical framework offers an
alternative internal perspective capable of providing a different explanation for gender disparity
in LE. Theorists have primarily examined gender disparity in LE by looking at processes and
structures external to the woman. For example, how male dominated organization culture
impacts women (see Acker 1990, 1990; Kanter, 1977). Another example is the universal physical
fitness training requirements LE academies employ; both genders must pass a rigorous fitness
test which is heavily skewed in favor of males (Deans, 2015). One Midwest LE organization
study found over a 9-year period, 28% of the female candidates passed the physical fitness test
compared to 93% of the males (Schuck, 2014). Examining the external data such as physical
fitness is useful, however, the study contends it is analogous to treating the symptoms, not the
injury. Moreover, external approaches reduce research focused on the woman. Therefore, the
conceptual framework uses an inside out perspective examining the problem through a woman’s
perspective.

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Figure 3
Self-Efficacy Decision Making Model (SEDMM)

Note. Adapted from “Toward a Unifying Social Cognitive Theory of Career and Academic
Interest, Choice, and Performance” by Robert W. Lent and Steven D. Brown, 1994, Journal of
Vocational Behavior, 45(1), p. 88. (https://doi.org/10.1006/jvbe.1994.1027). Copyright 1994 by
Academic Press, Inc.

Summary
The literature review revealed several themes regarding gender disparity in LE. First, LE
organizational culture is unwaveringly masculine and LE organizations remain part of a larger
male centric gendered institution (Acker, 1990, 1992; Bennett & Hemenway, 2015; Boivin et al.,

66

2020; Brooke, 2019; Burch, 2016; Chan et al., 2010; Cordner & Cordner, 2011; Deans, 2015;
Shelley et al., 2011; Yu, 2015). Second, workplace gender equality and equity are wholly absent
in LE, gender bias is ingrained in organizational mechanisms supported by leadership at all
levels (Brooke, 2019; Burch, 2016; Langston, 2010; Loftus, 2008; Muller et al., 2009; Schuck,
2017). Third, gender disparity in LE is a severely under-studied problem (Rabe-Hemp, 2008a,
2008b, 2011; Schuck, 2017). Fourth, research using social cognitive career theory to investigate
gender disparity in LE is non-existent.

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Chapter Three: Methodology
The purpose of Chapter Three is to present the analysis, data collection, and participant
selection methodology for the study. The research processes and designed instruments are
ethically framed to provide findings via sound research protocols, procedures, and
methodologies. According to Merriam and Tisdell, “research is a systematic process by which
we know more about something than we did before engaging in the process” (2016, p. 5). To that
end, the study seeks to explore the obstacles and enablers contributing to gender disparity within
the LE profession.
Researchers work to establish the linkage between problems, purposes, and approach via
a process of reflecting on problem and purpose, focusing on researchable questions while
considering the best way to address the questions (Bloomberg & Volpe, 2019). Subsequently,
Lent’s et al. (1994) social cognitive career theory examines how a female LEO’s self-efficacy
influences career decision-making processes. To fully capture participants’ perspectives and
understand female LEO decision-making processes the qualitative research methodology was
selected for the study. Qualitative methodology is ideal for the study as researchers are
concerned with understanding how individuals interpret experiences, how (experiences) shape an
individual’s world, and the meanings the individual assigns to experiences (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016). Exploratory research, Creswell et al. (2018) state, is the method often employed when
little is known about a certain subject. The data are used to explore and define the subject to
generate survey instruments capable of collecting data from a greater sample. Exploratory
research is also used to probe a subject when variables are unknown, and theories do not exist
(Creswell & Creswell, 2018). See Table 3 for research question data sources.

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Table 3
Research Question Data Sources
Research questions Data source
How does a woman’s perception of LE
impact their LE career?
Interview questions
How do women navigate their career in
LE?
Interview questions

Participants
The participants for the qualitative design included seven female LEOs (see Table 4)
working for LE organizations in southern and central Missouri. While seven participants seem
relatively modest, phenomenological research’s primary purpose is to understand the intricacies
of a lived experience, in this case, female LEOs. Regarding qualitative sample size, Patton
(2002) stated a small hand selected sample size is considered a strength of qualitative research.
While the LE organizations represented were diverse, the geographical location of each
organization was in close proximity and offered a variety of LE organizations within a relatively
confined area. There are six agencies represented, which include a county sheriff’s department,
one federal organization, and four police departments. Because the LE profession mission is
executed in the same manner regardless of organization or level, a diverse set of organizations
allows the study to accept a range of participants with unique LE organizational experiences
without diluting the data from participant perspectives. Data specific to LE duty and tasks are
interconnected with the cultural experiences of female LEO membership, regardless of the
organization. Demographic (Race, ethnicity) and work attributive data (Rank, time of service,

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Additional Skill Identifier) for the officers varied. Additionally, demographic data is connected
to positionality.

Table 4
Participant Data

Number Pseudonym Rank Years of service Race/ethnicity
1. Deputy 1 MAJ 15 Caucasian
2. Deputy 2 SGT 20 Caucasian
3. Fed police officer 1 LT 5 Caucasian
4. Police officer 1 Chief 20 Hispanic
5. Police officer 2 Patrol officer 20 Native
American
6. Police officer 3 Patrol officer 5 Caucasian
7. Police officer 4 Patrol officer 3 Caucasian

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Participant Recruitment Methodology
A small sample of seven female LEOs was used to obtain in-depth and descriptive
experience-based narratives. Narrative data identified patterns and variances in participants’
perceptions of self-efficacy and decision-making pertaining to personal and professional
constructs. Despite the comparatively small sample, data collected in interviews may enable
stakeholders’ understanding thereby influencing diversity awareness and efforts. Patton (2002)
suggests selecting participants who meet predetermined criteria in order to access relevant
information. The study’s purpose was to explore gender disparity in LE via female LEO self-
efficacy and career decision-making processes. Locating specific participants with particular
experiences was imperative; therefore, criterion sampling was utilized. Interview criterion and
rationale is as follows:
Criterion 1
Female LEOs with at least 3 years of service – the participant must have a minimum of 3
years as an LEO to ensure the likelihood of experiences within the profession, community, and
organization.
Criterion 2
Female LEOs who have considered an organizational professional development
assignment (SWAT, Victim Advocacy, etc.). Participants must have considered applying to a
professional development assignment. Criterion 2 includes two subsets, the first includes female
LEOs who considered and applied to professional development assignment. The second subset
includes female LEOs who considered and did not apply to professional development
assignments. Data from criterion 1 is important as it will provide a broad range of information

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regarding decision-making and social cognitive behavior. Data from criterion 2 is important as it
relates to self-efficacy and decision-making processes.
To capture perspectives from the seven participants, a nonprobability, purposeful
snowballing sampling of female LEOs was used. Purposeful sampling, Merriam et al. state, is
“based on the assumption that the investigator wants to discover, understand, and gain insight
and therefore must select a sample from which the most can be learned (2016, p. 96).
Additionally, purposeful sampling requires particular individuals be deliberately chosen to
provide data relevant to the research questions (Maxwell, 2013; Maxfield & Babbie, 2017).
Snowball sampling is a technique used for discovering research participants whereby one
participant provides the researcher a name of another, who in turn provides the name of another,
and so on (Cohen & Arieli, 2011). An initial solicitation for participation was posted on several
social media sites within a profession specific social forum as well as LE organizational social
media (see Appendix C Social Media Interview Solicitation). The forums were selected based on
forum membership, largely LEOs. The snowballing method started by recruiting one female
LEO working in the geographical location via the recruiting material posted on a social media
forum. After receiving one response, the participant was provided an invitation to participate in
the study as well as the background of the study, the procedures, and a statement of privacy and
consent. The chain continued until the study reached data saturation which occurred after seven
participants who worked in varying levels (city, county, and federal) and capacities of LE were
interviewed. Snowball sampling also provided participants a degree of identity protection
(Maxfield & Babbie, 2018). A $35 cash gift was given as a participation incentive for the study
and was deemed appropriate. The level of compensation was not considered enough to cause
participants to feel compelled or in any way coerced.

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Interview Protocol
Within the research design are the functional parts required to collect and analyze the
data. Commonly referred to as instruments, the tools permit the collection of relevant data, the
data’s organization, and finally a way to measure the data (Kumar, 2011). Types of instruments
included interviews and observation (Birmingham & Wilkinson, 2003). The study’s interview
guide included a demographic (recruitment) questionnaire and a list of 15 interview questions
with probing questions (see Appendix A: Demographic Questionnaire and Appendix D:
Interview Guide); probing questions afforded an opportunity to respond to the participant’s
developing perspectives (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Interview Question Design
Five of the six types of questions utilized included knowledge, sensory and background,
experience and behavior, opinion and values, and feeling (Patton, 2002). Questions were
designed to be exploratory, and probing. Interview questions focused on specifics rather than
generalizations and were further supplemented by probing questions which aided in obtaining the
greatest amount of data from the participants (Maxwell, 2013). To design the interview
questions, an extensive list of unrefined questions and ideas were generated using the study’s
research questions and conceptual framework as guides (see Table 5). Next, a chart was created
which assisted in visualizing and subsequently connecting the interview questions to the study’s
research questions and conceptual framework. After, categories were established in order to
manage the questions’ purpose and potential contributions. Gap analysis was conducted to
identify if questions failed to address the study’s research questions. Finally, a quality control
check ensured appropriate language, question bias, and phrasing were monitored for and
addressed. Probing questions refined initial responses by encouraging participants to provide

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more details, clarification, or different examples (Merriam, 2016). To further strengthen the
interview protocol, question design refrained from utilizing double barrel questions, leading
questions, and yes-or-no questions to the maximum extent possible (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).

Table 5
Interview Question and Conceptual Framework Rationale
Question CF/RQ Rationale
How did you decide to
pursue a LE career?
1
SE/DM
RQ 1
Decision to enter into a masculinized profession
can yield data about belief in one’s
capabilities and chance for success (Betz et
al., 1996; Burger et al., 2010; Clore &
Huntsinger, 2007).
If family and friends
have influenced your
decisions, how have
they?
SE/DM
RQ 1/2
Question may reveal how proximal and distal
elements influence the participant’s decision-
making process (Bandura, 1989, 2001, 2012;
Correll, 2001).
What influenced your
choice to remain in LE?
SE/DM
RQ 1
Question may reveal a link between
participant’s gender identity (Doing Gender),
social perspectives, and priorities, goals, and
outcome expectations (Martin, 1980; Rabe-
Hemp, 2009).
How has the reputation
of LE influenced the
pursuit of your career?
SE/DM
RQ 1
Question may reveal a link between
participant’s gender identity (Doing Gender),
social perspectives, priorities, goals, and
outcome expectations (Martin, 1980; Rabe-
Hemp, 2009).
What is your decision-
making process?
SE/DM
RQ 1/2
Question may reveal decision-making process
data that shows a pattern between active
female LEOs (Betz & Klein, 1996; Chu &
Abdulla, 2014).
Is there an experience or
time in your life that
influenced you to
persist in this career?
SE/DM
RQ 1
Question may reveal self-efficacy and resilience
interactions (Bandura, 1989, 2001, 2012;
Correll, 2001).
What does this phrase,
“LE culture”, mean to
you?

SE/DM
RQ 2
Question may reveal level of cultural awareness
and how the participant has managed the
working and socializing within musicalized
culture.

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Question CF/RQ Rationale
What training
opportunities have been
available to you
(SWAT, VICE, etc.)?
SE/DM
RQ 1/2
Question may reveal the level of participant self-
efficacy as well as how self-efficacy affects
individuals (Bandura, 1989, 2001, 2012).
What would you say to
someone who
suggested a female
officer is at greater
risk?
SE/DM
RQ 1
Question may reveal beliefs and opinions about
the masculinized culture of LE. Additionally,
question may validate other responses and other
participant responses.
How has organizational
culture in your
department either
positively or negatively
affected you (Morals,
ethics, values)?
SE/DM
RQ 2
Question may reveal the level of cultural
awareness as well as how the participant has
managed the working and socializing within the
musicalized culture.
How confident are you in
executing difficult tasks
such as subduing a
subject, death
notifications, or violent
crime victims?
SE/DM
RQ 1

Question seeks to ascertain how self-efficacy
interacts with routine yet difficult LE tasks
(Bandura, 1989, 2001, 2012; Rabe-Hemp,
2009).
What experiences helped
build your skills for this
career?
SE/DM
RQ 1
Question may reveal a participant’s innate
characteristics, and how internal and external
factors which are either capable or incapable of
duplication, affect performance (Bandura, 1989,
2001, 2012; Rabe-Hemp, 2009).
What motivated you to
succeed in this
hazardous field?
SE/DM
RQ 1
Question may reveal a participant’s innate
characteristics, and how internal and external
factors which are either capable or incapable of
duplication, affect performance (Bandura, 1989,
2001, 2012; Rabe-Hemp, 2009).
What is the most difficult
problem you have faced
in the LE profession?
SE/DM
RQ 1/2
Question may reveal underlying organizational
culture beliefs based on participant experience
as well as gender biases issues. Additionally,
question may reveal gender role commonalities
with other officers (Rabe-Hemp, 2009).
If you attended an
academy or during your
training for this career,
what LE tasks if any
were you concerned
about being able to
effectively perform?
SE/DM
RQ 1/2

Question may reveal self-efficacy pre-academy,
academy, and post academy data. Possibly
illustrating the evolution of a participant’s self-
efficacy (Bandura, 1989, 2001, 2012).

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Question CF/RQ Rationale
Is there anything else you
would like to share you
believe would be
beneficial to the study?
RQ 1/2

Provides the participant an opportunity with an
open-ended question to present issues or points
of interest the researcher has not engaged in.

Note. Based on the New General Self-Efficacy Scale by Chen, Gully, and Eden (2001). Based on
the Self-Efficacy scale created by Gaumer et al. (2016). Based on Bandura’s Instrument Teacher
Self-Efficacy Scale (1977). Self-efficacy (SE), law enforcement (LE), conceptual framework
(CF), research question (RQ), and decision-making (DM).

As the study sought to understand gender disparity in LE through examining a woman’s
perspective and decision-making process, question design focused on self-efficacy and career
decision making (Bandura, 1986, 1989, 1997, 1999, 2001, 2012; Lent et al., 1994). Each
question was connected to the study’s research questions and conceptual framework to ensure
linkage between both the interview questions and the study’s framework.
To structure the interview data appropriately, Lent and Brown’s social cognitive career
theory was used to establish a framework capable of organizing, analyzing, and discussing
interactions between women, self-efficacy, and career decision-making. The questions were
further delineated by subject and placed in to two distinct subsets. Subset one questions targeted
general non-professional decision-making processes. The questions in subset one focused on
general decision-making in the woman’s daily life capable of non-work-related responses or
workplace influenced decisions. The goal was to generate a baseline for the woman’s decision-
making process. The range of time or period of the participants life the questions pursued were
early adulthood through the present. While overlap was expected, subset one questions focused
on addressing Research Question 2. Subset two questions targeted specific professional

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(rationale, work experiences, etc.) decision-making processes. Like group one, the period of time
the questions cover ranges from adulthood to the present day. Subset two questions focused on
addressing Research Questions 1 and 3. The total time for each interview ranged from 30 to 45
minutes.
Interviews
The study utilized interviews with open-ended semi-structured questions as well as a
short demographic questionnaire. Researchers using non-standardized semi-structured interviews
do not do the research to analyze a hypothesis (David & Sutton, 2004). Rather the researcher
uses themes, applicable social issues, and the interview protocol to generate questions capable of
informing a study (Virginia Tech, 2021). Semi-structured interview questions permitted the
study’s participants to offer beliefs and openly discuss interpretations of the world in which they
live. In-depth interviews elicited specific qualitative data such as emotions, opinions, perceived
barriers, and a range of stimuluses (Virginia Tech, 2021). The interview approach permitted
flexibility, enhanced organic flow, and encouraged participants to be spontaneous in their
responses (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Utilizing the study’s research questions as guides, in-depth
interviews allowed the researcher a way to understand the participants perspectives and
experiences which yielded a rich form of data (Virginia Tech, 2021).
Additionally, research questions and interview questions were logically linked
(Bloomberg & Volpe, 2019). In or order to demonstrate the linked relationship between the
study’s research questions and interview questions, a research and interview question matrix was
generated (Bloomberg & Volpe, 2019). Next, criteria were established to guide the alignment of
the study’s research and interview questions and ensure the participant population was capable of
providing appropriate data.

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Regarding alignment with the conceptual framework, the first research question and the
interview questions derive from specific self-efficacy and career decision-making constructs and
were coded accordingly. Answers aided in determining how female LEOs navigate a LE career,
relationships (gender issues and people), and the organization (culture and job duties).
Additionally, interview questions which asked about participants’ perceptions and opinions
regarding decision-making activities directly addressed both research questions.
Data Collection
The study’s data collection process centered on capturing rich data via quality narratives
to support the research rather than focus on the quantity of participants. Creswell and Creswell
posit qualitative research is designed to purposefully choose participants and places which aid in
the researcher’s understanding of the problem (2018). To that end, the study’s qualitative
research consisted of purposefully selected individuals to aid in the understanding of the problem
via descriptive and focused meaning and explanations (Creswell, 2014). Planning for the study
included transportation to the geographical location where the seven participants lived and
worked. The interviews were conducted at a site selected by participants. Prior to each interview,
when appropriate, the researcher attended to the agreed upon site for the interview to set-up and
sterilize the area. Set-up consisted of coordinating with location managers, opening the area,
ensuring the necessary furnishings were available, removing potentially distracting items, and
preparing the voice recorder equipment. As digital platforms and devices are susceptible to a
range of technical malfunctions, the researcher manually recorded the interview via long-hand
note taking in order to aid in informing the study’s analytical memo.
Each interview was identical in terms of question composition and time with each
participant interviewed for not less than 30 minutes and not more than 45 minutes. Per the

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interview guide every question was delivered in the same way to each of the seven participants.
A well validated transcriber service was used to transcribe the recorded data (Otter.ai). Data was
recorded, analyzed, and coded until data saturation occurred. Data saturation, as Creswell and
Creswell (2018) suggest, occurs when data is no longer capable of leading to new insights or
properties. By the end of the seventh interview, data saturation was present thereby halting
further data collection.
Data Analysis
The study analyzed two types of data which consisted of the seven interviews and
demographic information. The data analysis utilized Merriam and Tisdell’s (2018) six analytical
axioms as a guide: maintain the integrity of the study’s purpose; utilize the study’s
epistemological framework; use patterns and insights as a handrail for coding; maintain
perspective; verify data consistency; attempt to use the constant comparable method. Due to the
limited number of participants, analytical memorandums illustrating the researcher’s opinions
and reflections regarding behaviors and observations of participants during the interview process
were generated. Analytical memos for the study were deemed important as they allow the
researcher to engage with the research data in a more meaningful and complete manner than
would otherwise be the case (Birks et al., 2008). Each of the analytical memos used identical
rudimentary protocols (general thoughts, observations, etc.). Analysis for interviews began after
data collection. Post-interview activities began with transcribing and coding which consisted of
four phases (Harding, 2013):
1. identifying preliminary categories by open coding each transcript
2. establishing axial codes
3. reviewing and categorizing codes to generate themes

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4. ascertaining findings and assertions for each category
Phase I: Coding
The analysis was completed using common wording/themes coding analysis. Because no
studies with exact inquiries existed, the study used inductive coding. Inductive coding is an
inverted approach, researchers begin without codes and develop codes as the data is analyzed
(Nowell et al., 2017). Thematic analysis was used to identify reoccurring patterns created by
codes, which was seen as an ideal capability due to the scarcity of inquiry related to the study’s
subject (Nowell et al., 2017). The interview transcripts were processed using NVivo 11 software
by QSR International, Melbourne, Australia (Sotiriadou et al., 2014). Largely seen as a
conventional way of presenting and analyzing the interview data, the NVivo 11 service organizes
and extracts data from transcripts and categorically places them into common themes for further
analysis (Seidman, 2006).
Open Coding
Coding was utilized to provide highly desirable outcomes. Therefore, two phases of
coding exist for the study. During the first phase of analysis, open coding was used to identify,
label, and code the data appropriately and as specifically as possible. During the second phase of
analysis, axial coding was used to identify codes and themes in relation to the study’s conceptual
framework and research questions. Merriam and Tisdell (2016) state open coding is a basic
coding method, where researchers are seeking any form of relevant data from the data source,
such as interview transcripts. Empirical codes were identified which originated from aspects of
the conceptual framework. Specific constructs and narrative excerpts which associated with the
conceptual framework were sought throughout the interview process as well as any developing
commonalities amongst the data. The open codes established in the initial phase of analysis

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formed the data collection’s primary lexicon used throughout the analytic process. A data
analysis program (NVivo 11) assisted with increasing, eliminating, refining, and reconfiguring
codes over several cycles of coding yielding 65 codes. Codes were identified and selected due to
frequency within each narrative and in accordance with the context of the narrative. Because a
priori coding was not used, the researcher examined the data twice searching for codes which
again resulted in a total of 65 codes. Further analysis, refinement, and reflection of the 65 codes
resulted in five primary themes and 16 sub-themes (see Chapter Four, Table 7).
Phase II: Axial Coding
Axial coding is the act of categorizing the study’s open codes (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Open coding actions for the study consited of two comprehensive reviews of the interview
transcripts for each of the seven particpants. Open codes identifed were aggregated and
converted to axial codes and placed into categories representing analogous concepts. For
example, gender centric codes were categorized unde the theme gender. Self-efficacy type codes
were categorized under the theme self-efficacy. Codes describing decision-making actions were
categorized under the theme decision-making. Sequentially then, themes were generated by the
coding data. Categories, as Bloomberg et al. (2019) state, should relate to research questions as
was the case here. The study’s category construction was completed by assigning codes to
specific pieces of data (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). As transcript data was analyzed, key themes
and sub-themes which indicated how self-efficacy and decision-making processes affect
workplace and career selection appeared and were recorded. The themes and sub-themes are
discussed in the next section.
Phase III: Patterns and Themes

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During phase four, observed patterns were recorded and used to establish themes from
the interview data relative to the research questions and conceptual framework. In particular,
identified repetitive patterns in the data offered insight and validated study key concepts
(Harding, 2013; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Pertinent quotes from transcripts were separated and
categorized based on conceptual framework aspects and research question affiliation. Quote
categorization was completed using NVivo 11 software, which was used to organize data into the
predetermined code categories during phase two. The study’s narrative data generated five
themes and 16 sub-themes. Theme one, the human element, contained three sub-themes: (a)
affected by (b) perspective (her), and (c) influenced by. Theme 2, gender, produced nine codes
and three sub-themes: (a) double-standards, (b) biological logic, and (c) stereotyping/labeling.
Theme 3, self-efficacy, had five codes and three sub-themes: (a) present in action, (b) action,
activity, and (c) absent, lack of. Theme 4, decision-making, bore 16 codes and three sub-themes:
(a) No spouse/family support, (b) Analytical, systematic, and (c) no external influence. Theme 5,
organization, generated 11 codes and three sub-themes: (a) positive/negative organizational
culture, (b) positive/negative LE duty experiences, (c) positive/negative community relations.
Following Phase 4, the codebook was revised to include the frequency and categorization of
codes.
Phase IV: Determining Findings
Transitioning from coding to findings was based on the frequency or saturation of codes
found in the data. Findings were considered as ‘a finding’ and validated when the data was
observed as recurrent across the participants’ narratives. During phase four, researcher
reflexivity was a factor in establishing meaning as well as generating preliminary assertions from
the data. Due to the researcher’s previous career, shared experiences existed between the

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researcher and the participants. Subsequently, comparable experiences aided in understanding
what participants described (Corbin & Strauss, 2008). Common experiences likewise compelled
researcher reflection as well as prompted active monitoring of assumptions regarding particular
data during the interview and data analysis phases (Corbin & Strauss, 2008).

Credibility and Trustworthiness
To be acknowledged as trustworthy, qualitative researchers must establish the data
analysis was completed in a specific, reliable, and comprehensive manner by revealing the
methods of analysis to enable the reader to decide whether the process was credible (Nowell et
al., 2017). Trustworthiness describes the level of confidence for data in a research project
(Merriam, 2016). Described as being comprised of four different concepts, trustworthiness
includes: credibility, transferability, dependability, and confirmability (Merriam, 2016).
Credibility speaks to the correspondence between the research’s findings and reality, what is real
(Merriam, 2016).
To ensure credibility, interview data from each of the participants was triangulated with
extent research to evaluate the degree of congruency with past similar studies (Shenton, 2004).
Triangulation aided in reducing potential researcher bias by ensuring the findings were consistent
across interviews and participants (Shenton, 2004). Transferability refers to the presence of
extent findings from one study, in other studies (Merriam, 2009, p. 223). To ensure
transferability, thick description was “provided to allow readers to have a proper understanding
of it, thereby enabling them to compare the instances of the phenomenon described in the
research report with those they have seen emerge in their situations” (Shenton, 2004, p. 70).
Dependability focuses on the results and is dependent upon whether the findings are consistent

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with the data portrayed (Merriam, 2009). Dependability was accomplished through the research
design process, data collection, and data analysis. Confirmability refers to the level of confidence
the research findings are based on experiences of the participants, rather than researcher biases
(Shenton, 2004).

Positionality
Reyes (2018) posits reflexivity does not expunge potential conflicts which might occur in
the field. Even though scholars analyze how non-researcher attributes effect field dynamics,
Reyes believes continuous interrogation of researcher positionality remains a vital undertaking of
qualitative research because reflexivity impacts writing up the data as well as the data’s status
and clout. A number of scholars (Ellis and Berger, 2003; Pillow, 2003; Guba and Lincoln 1981;
Merriam 2002; Pitts and Miller-Day, 2007; Watts, 2008) who have examined the subject state
the qualitative interview is a social interaction and should be an important consideration for the
qualitative researcher (Pezalla et al., 2012). Pezella et al. (2012) further state because the
researcher is the instrument in qualitative interviews (semi- and un-structured), distinctive
researcher attributes could potentially impact the empirical data. Although methodological works
offer useful frameworks and heuristics to direct the process of converting field data into reliable
conclusions, learning to analyze and decipher qualitative data also requires [self-awareness] and
a transformation of the researcher as an instrument (Barrett, 2007). The significance of
positionality in qualitative inquiry cannot be discounted. Care must be taken to account for a
central assumption. An assumption which submits qualitative inquiry has implications for the
research process such as the relative differences and likenesses between the qualities of the
researcher and the participants (Olukotun, et al., 2021). As the researcher is a former LEO and in

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conjunction with the researcher’s positionality (White male), interviewer reflexivity (referred to
as positionality as well) is considered as a significant instrument for the study.
Ethics
Ethics in research is a vital consideration for data generation and maintenance throughout
the research process. Additionally, the ‘do no harm’ ethical standards of the researcher
significantly influences data trustworthiness and the implications of and for the research
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Ethics compel the researcher to “protect their research participants;
develop a trust with them; promote the integrity of research; guard against misconduct and
impropriety that might reflect on their organizations or institutions; and cope with new,
challenging problems” (Creswell, 2014, p. 132). The study observed all ethical standards laid out
by the American Psychological Association (APA Ethics Code, 2017), and sought and gained
approval by the University of Southern California Institutional Review Board.
Research interaction with LEOs inherently includes significant considerations such as
confidentiality and the protection of each participant. To appropriately address these concerns, an
understanding of the cultures existing within paramilitary, military, and police type organizations
was considered advantageous to the study’s ethical endeavors. To demonstrate adherence to
ethical practices, the study ensured participants had a general understanding of the research and
by provided each participant documents pertaining to the voluntary nature of the study as well as
the project’s purpose. Additionally, an informed consent form, which assured participant
personally identifiable information (PIDI) was kept confidential, was reviewed and signed by
each participant and the researcher. To further strengthen confidentiality mechanisms, the study
employed pseudonyms for each participant.

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Prior to each interview, the researcher explained how each participant’s information
would be utilized, safeguarded, and the protocol for the data following the study’s conclusion.
When the voice recording tools were in operation, the researcher did not use any of the
participant’s PIDI (real name, geographic locale, etc.). Following the interviews, the researcher
transferred the raw interview data to an encrypted file and deleted all unencrypted forms of the
data. During data analysis, the researcher omitted all PIDI and or attributes capable of identifying
a participant, such as real name, age, years of service, and the name of LE organization.
The researcher continually adhered to confidentiality during the entire research process.
However, risk of a privacy infraction is real. The snowball method is not without such a risk to
privacy as the researcher at a minimum knows participant PIDI. The snowball method may
inadvertently permit the researcher to acquire PIDI for an individual without express permission.
Therefore, to safeguard participants, the researcher requested other participants pass along
informational data sheets with researcher contact information to potential participants to prevent
confidentiality or privacy violations to the maximum extent. Another ethical consideration for
the study was participant compensation. Compensation is a tool researchers use in order to
incentivize participation in a study. Compensation for the study was considered an advantageous
tool and thus was utilized. Each participant received a $35 cash gift, issued prior to the interview.
The amount of the gift card was not considered enough to be a coercive or compelling
mechanism. The decision to use an incentive was based on the sample’s turbulent and often
hectic scheduling (e.g., LEOs work irregular shifts).
As a former LEO, the potential for researcher biases was a concern even if
subconsciously. The researcher employed a purposeful analysis method where each action and
activity were carefully executed in accordance with established methodologies. The intent of the

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purposeful analysis was to ensure the data was accurately portrayed in accordance with the
study’s findings and not the researcher’s experience and exposure to the LE profession’s culture,
policies, and procedures. Due to the potential, biases were mitigated by the following steps
during analysis. First, raw data was extracted directly from the participants narratives without
using elements of inference, postulation, or hyperbole. Next, the data were separated into like
categories and given appropriate thematic designations. Thematic designations were a derivative
of the raw data coding. For example, raw data (participant words) which were associated with
decisions or decision-making were placed into one category, raw data associated with the
organization were placed into a separate and appropriately named category, and so forth. At no
time did the researcher draw upon experiences to explain, enhance, or generate data. Proof and
validation of the process is readily available in Chapter Four, Table 6.
Finally, the credibility of academic inquiry and ethics during research involving human
participants can have a measurable effect on the outcome or conclusions. Therefore, no contact
with any participants was attempted until University of Southern California’s Institutional
Review Board (IRB) approval was granted. The research methodology and design presented here
was intended to protect participants to maxim extent possible by preventing harm whether
ethical, emotional, or physical.

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Chapter Four: Results and Findings
Chapter Four presents the results and findings of the qualitative study. The results and
findings are sequentially categorized to enhance content flow. First, results for the study’s coding
are presented, followed by thematic analysis, interview findings, and a summary and a
conclusion close the chapter. A data analysis program assisted with increasing, eliminating,
refining, and reconfiguring codes over several cycles of coding yielding 65 codes and five
primary themes and 16 sub-themes (see Table 6).

Table 6
Codes by Theme

Decision-making Gender Organization SE Human
Analytical Biologic logic Community – Absent Ability
External influence Double stnd Community + Action Accountability
Family support Equality Culture Awareness Adapting
friend influence Equity Culture agnostic Inaction Affected by
Inflexible Inequality Culture – Present Aspirations
Maternal Influenced Inequity Culture – (Soc) Beliefs
No external influence Labeling Culture + Determination
No family support labeled Duty – Empathy
No spouse support Stereotype Duty + Ethics
Friend/family influ. Performance Influenced by
Parent influence Resource
Constr.
Influences
Passive Logical
Resource constraint Maternal –
Sibling influence Maternal +
Social influence Morals
Spouse support Motivated by/to
Systemic Perspective
Values based Racial undertone
Resilience
Self-actualization
Self-assessing
Values

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Results
Results and findings from the data analysis phase of the study demonstrated alignment
between the conceptual framework discussed in Chapter Three and the data retrieved from
interview narratives. Furthermore, findings presented in Chapter Four are deemed capable of
informing and advancing future studies to address the problem of underrepresentation of female
LEOs. The below participant narratives offer evidence in support of the study’s key assumptions
regarding self-efficacy, decision-making, and women’s perspectives while validating and
expanding upon both research questions. The primary means of data collection was the
interview, conducted with seven female LEOs with contrasting rank, experience, working at
varying organizational levels (e.g., local, county, state, federal). Coding and thematic analysis of
the study’s interviews revealed data collected is consistent with similar studies. Based on
findings, the study’s self-efficacy and decision-making processes-based assumptions were
accurate, as both were significantly represented throughout interviews and data analysis.
The purpose of the study’s qualitative inquiry was to explore the obstacles and enablers
capable of contributing to gender disparity within the LE profession through the social cognitive
domain. Gender disparity in LE is a persistent problem where women are and have been
strikingly under-represented for decades (Archbold & Schultz, 2012; Balkin, 1988; Belknap,
1996; Brown & Silvestri, 2019). An underlying goal of the study is to continue to raise
awareness within the appropriate domains such as organizational gender equality-based
education and training programs as well as institution DEI endeavors. The following are results
and discussion relating to the data collected and bifurcated by Research Questions 1 and 2.
Interview questions were derived from the study’s two research questions:

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1. How does a woman’s perception of law enforcement impact their law enforcement
career?
2. How do women navigate their career in law enforcement?
Overall, findings were not unanticipated and were similar to extant studies examining
comparable subjects within LE gender discourse. The study produced five major themes based
on 18 findings (see Table 7).
Themes
As discussed in Chapter Three, interview transcripts were downloaded to and coded via
the NVIVO software. Interview transcripts were analyzed line by line to detect and record
elements of self-efficacy, decision-making, and a distinctly feminine perspective for each of the
seven participants. The coding process was open and developed as the analysis matured.
Altogether, 65 codes generated five themes and 18 findings (see Table 7). Theme 1, the human
element, contained three sub-themes: (a) affected by (b) perspective (her), and (c) influenced by.
Theme 2, gender, produced three sub-themes: (a) double-standards, (b) biological logic, and (c)
stereotyping/labeling. Theme 3, self-efficacy, had three sub-themes: (a) present in action, (b)
action, activity, and (c) absent, lack of. Theme 4, decision-making, bore three sub-themes: (a) No
spouse/family support, (b) Analytical, systematic, and (c) no external influence. Theme 5,
organization, generated three sub-themes: (a) positive/negative organizational culture, (b)
positive/negative LE duty experiences, (c) positive/negative community relations. The following
is the study’s thematic description (see Table 8 for participant thematic crosswalk).

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Table 7
Thematic Findings Synopsis

Theme Number Study findings

Theme 1:
The human
element
1

2

3
Participants report how low numbers of female LEOs within their
organization due to ‘good old boys’ club impact their drive and
motivation.
When describing how a LE career came about, most participants
talked about aspirations which existed since childhood.
Participants believed that peer support offered female LEOs a
shared sense of belonging from colleagues who understand the
challenges of being a female LEO in a masculinized profession.

Theme 2:
Gender
4

5

6

7

8
Participants believed female LEOs work with a persistent burden
of proof relating to job competence particularly when it comes
to traditionally masculine duties. However, experience tend to
reduce the phenomenon.
Participants espoused principles that female LEOs have unique
skillsets and temperaments that enhance LE outcomes.
Participants believed female LEOs bear a greater burden to
balance personal and professional choices due to caregiver
roles.
When describing differences between female and male LEOs, the
participants largely described female LEOs more favorably than
male LEOs.
Participants believed female LEOs often generate negative work
environments in spite of each other, yet there is an
overwhelming desire to obtain more encouragement from
veteran female LEOs in the organization.

Theme 3: Self-
efficacy
9

10

11

12
Participants revealed promotion processes negatively affect
female LEOs self-efficacy as promotions are not merit based.
Rather the ‘good old boy’ system overrides merit-based
promotions.
Participants indicated high resilience and determination, self-
describing as stubborn and willing to take on a challenge.
Participants stated mentors enhanced self-efficacy by
demonstrating what was possible, by setting an example, and by
guiding via feedback and counsel.
Participants related successes and failures on the job to their self-
efficacy.

Theme 4:
Decision-
making
13
14

15
Participants career decisions based on childhood aspirations.
Participants described their decision-making process as
systematic or analytical, frequently stating “I like to analyze.”
Participants reported when it came to decision-making support,
both spectrums were present: a supportive family and
unsupportive family.

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Theme Number Study findings

Theme 5:
Organization

16

17

18
Participants indicated the culture within LE organizations are still
a masculine hegemony, and ‘good old boy’ systems guide the
organization’s training, hiring, and promotion systems.
Participants believed community’s needs were more important
than negative culture within LE organization. Serving was a
theme amongst all participants.
Participants felt their organization was trending toward female
LEO inclusiveness yet agreed more work remains to be done
within the profession.

Theme 1: Human Element
The study defines this theme as representative of the woman. Specifically, how women
are psychologically, emotionally, physically, and physiologically affected and influenced by
people, places, and things. And conversely, how women affect and influence the same things in
the same way (Acker, 1990, 1992; Alecu, & Fekjær, 2019; Allaire, & Firsirotu, 1984; Ashraf,
2007; Bandura, 1986, 1988, 1997, 2001, 2012; Bennett, & Hemenway, 2015; Novak et al., 2010;
Rabe-Hemp, 2008a, 2008b). As the study progressed, Reba-Hemp’s POLICEwomen or
PoliceWOMEN? Doing Gender and Police Work (2009) became particularly significant to the
study’s goals and findings. Inside the LE organization, doing and undoing gender is an
unobstructed and evident phenomenon. Martin’s (1980) breakthrough work regarding female
LEOs found that conflict between gender and job-related role norms caused female LEOs to
adopt either the POLICEwoman identity, which emphasizes overachievement and conformity to
the police subculture, or the policeWOMAN identity, which accentuates conformity to
stereotypical feminine roles. Based on participant interviews, the study was able to observe and
confirm the doing and undoing gender role framework.

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Consistent with research, relative to the gender roles and the human element, the study’s
data revealed participants with children often made similar comments when comparing or
discussing how family life interacted with the LE career (Schulze, 2010). Participants made
declarations which were more pro-family than pro-career when comparing the two, a decision
strongly connected to doing and undoing gender (Martin, 1988; Rabe-Hemp, 1992). One
participant talked about having the choice to either work or be a stay-at-home parent and stated
“if I had the choice to stay home when my kids were little, oh, I would have. So, I think that I has
is a big factor in the [gender] disparity [problem]”. Another participant while talking about
regrets surrounding family activities shared “spending too much time away from my children. I
lost a lot of lost time with my kids during their high school years. Sports events, school events,
whatever the case may be”. It was clear the maternalistic desire to raise children overrode the
desire to have a career, particularly if no acceptable alternative was available, such as workplace
daycare. This is especially so for single mothers (Schulze, 2010). Thematic analysis of the
interview data revealed three dominant sub-themes shown next to the primary themes with which
each reside (in parentheses): Affected by, perspective, and influenced by. The definitions for the
sub-themes are as follows:
• Affected by (self-efficacy). People, places, and things which effect the woman.
Contextually, these include but are not limited to the LE environment (culture),
family, friends, policies and regulations, and the community.
• Perspective (human). A particular way of thinking about or way of regarding a
person, place, or thing; a woman’s point of view.
• Influenced by (self-efficacy). The ability to have an effect on the personality,
development, or behavior of a person, place, or thing, or even the effect itself

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Theme 2: Gender
Gender is a social construct based on the norms, behaviors, and societal roles expected of
individuals based primarily on their sex (Acker, 1992; Murray, 2020). Gender identity describes
a person’s self-perceived gender, which could be male, female, or otherwise (Murray, 2020).
Likewise, gender matters are often an opportunity for people and organizations to employ forms
of inequality which oppress a member of a particular sex, primarily women (Betz et al., 1996;
Karpinski et al., 2020; Lent et al., 1994; Reynolds, 2006). Consistent with research, the study
revealed gender was a significant factor in the problem associated with low representation of
women in LE (Acker, 1990, 1992; Belknap, 1992, 1996; Brown & Silvestri, 2019). One theme
suggested female LEOs encounter quid pro quo types of harassment as well as stereotyping and
labeling with someone within the organization of rank and or stature (Haarr & Morash, 2013).
Additionally, female LEOs who assert behaviors akin to leadership are frequently labeled by
male LEOs with a derogatory term, such as “bitch”. Another example is gender discrimination
under the guise of male LEO chauvinism. While participants acknowledged the rationale behind
chauvinism, instances where male LEOs were used to subdue potentially violent subjects even
though a female LEO ‘owned’ the patrol sector was considered unwarranted and unsolicited
(Ffrench & Waugh, 1998). The explanation or message given to the female LEOs who were
relieved of executing the arrest were not dissimilar; that being ‘ensure the woman is safe’. The
study’s focus on gender was not considered a significant pillar as ample research on the matter
exists, yet the findings support the notion that gender plays a significant role in how women are
perceived and treated within the LE organization, thereby influencing how women perceive the
LE career. Thematic analysis of the interview data revealed three dominant sub-themes shown

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next to the primary themes with which each reside (in parentheses): double standards, biological
logic, and stereotyping and labeling. The definitions for the sub-themes are as follows:
• Double standards (gender). Experienced a rule, policy, or action which was unfairly
applied in different ways to different people or groups.
• Biological logic (gender). Gender as a biological (scientific) fact. Not a term that
describes weakness or strength.
• Stereotyping/labeling (gender). A widely held belief about the capabilities,
contributions potential, and worth of women in LE. Some include but are not limited
to physical prowess, fragility, and authority.
Theme 3: Self-Efficacy
An individual’s belief in his or her capacity to execute behaviors necessary to produce
specific performance outcomes (Bandura, 1977, 1986, 1988, 1997; Betz, 2006; Boivin et al.,
2020; Judge et al., 2007; Karpinski et al., 2020; Lent et al., 1994). The study found a strong
correlation between self-efficacy beliefs and female LEO attitudes and experiences (Chu &
Abdulla, 2014; Hackett & Betz, 1981). Despite dealing with hazardous duty, personal problems
like alcohol abuse, frequent exposure to tragedy (post-traumatic stress disorder), irregular work
hours and poor health, and marital problems (Ashwini, 2013: Schyns & Collani, 2002). Positive
participant responses such as “When I wake up in the morning, I am excited to come to work”,
“I’m very confident” and “I believe it’s a very rewarding career” were common. As well were
negative responses such as “I had a lot of family pressure as a single mom” or “I have never been
100% credited for all of my hard work”. The underlying theme for the seven participants was
resilience; even though workplace and domicile challenges were significant in type and
frequency, the degree of self-efficacy allowed the female LEOs to remain and work in a career

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each are passionate about (Gagne & Deci, 2005). Thematic analysis of the interview data
revealed three dominant sub-themes shown next to the primary themes with which each reside
(in parentheses): Present, action or activity, and absence, lack of. The definitions for the sub-
themes are as follows:
• Present (self-efficacy). Actions and or activities that demonstrate in some form or
fashion the existence of self-efficacy.
• Action or activity (self-efficacy). A direct action, an example of self-efficacy as
defined by Albert Bandura.
• Absence, lack of (self-efficacy). The lack of action or activity which otherwise would
conversely demonstrate self-efficacy as defined by Albert Bandura.
Theme 4: Decision-Making
The process of making selections or choices by gathering information and assessing
potential solutions (Betz et al., 1996; Karpinski et al., 2020; Lent et al., 1994; Reynolds, 2006).
In 2013, one study found 24% of LE organizations in the United States retained zero female
LEOs. During the same period less than 29% of LE organizations retained 10 or more female
LEOs (Matusiak & Matusiak, 2018). Another study revealed female LEOs represented 14.4% of
all LEOs in large LE organizations in 1999, 13% in 2000, and 12.7% in 2001 (Archbold &
Schultz, 2012). Finally, a study which examined all LEOs from 1987 to 2016 found female LEO
representation at or less than 12% (U.S. Department of Labor, 2020). Data continues to show
women are not joining the LE profession. The decision not to join the profession or not to stay in
the profession is subjective, specific to each woman. However, the study revealed several
prominent reasons which drive career decision-making for women considering a LE career as the
following: perception of an LE career (masculinized LE academy, LE duty, profession’s current

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reputation), LE organizational culture (sexual harassment, stereotyping), family aspirations
(pressure to have a child, child rearing), and a lack of support (family, professional, mentorship).
Thematic analysis of the interview data revealed three dominant sub-themes shown next to the
primary themes with which each reside (in parentheses): No spousal/family/professional support.
The definitions for the sub-themes are as follows:
• No spousal/family/professional support (decision-making). Dearth of any form of
support from a spouse regarding a spouse’s career or potential career in LE. Equally,
female LEOs do not have access to professional support systems on an equal basis
with male LEOs.
• Analytical, systematic (decision-making). A method of decision making based on
both understanding the holistic considerations as well as how the pieces work within
the larger context.
• No external influence (decision-making). Independent judgement and dilemma
adjudication. Uses experience and analytics to generate decision.
Theme 5: Organization
An organized body of individuals with specific or similar goals, usually a business,
profession, society, or an association such as a fraternity or sorority (Acker, 1990, 1992; Allaire,
1984; Amadi et al., 2015; Ashraf, 2007; Kanter, 1977; Rabe-Hemp, 2008, 2011; Schyns et al.,
2002; Selden et al., 2001; Shelley et al., 2011; Somvadee et al., 2008; Stroshine et al., 2011;
Zhao et al., 2006). The study revealed participants surprisingly rejected the organizational
context as problematic and instead focused on organizational membership as the core problem
(Locke, 2009). While male LEOs perpetuate and embody the masculinized organizational
culture, the study found that an organization’s symbology, structure, and control mechanisms

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generate significant inequality and inequity. Thematic analysis of the interview data revealed
three dominant sub-themes shown next to the primary themes with which each reside (in
parentheses): Positive/negative culture and positive/negative community. The definitions for the
sub-themes are as follows:
• Positive/negative org culture. Culture that causes oppression amongst members, often
minorities. “Good old boy” frequently used to describe the environment. The ‘good
old boy system’ is an informal system in which predominantly middle-aged white
male LEOs help each other in terms of promotion, training, or assignment
opportunities.
• Positive/negative community. The community served; this is the cultural temperature
or general feeling towards the LE agencies, additionally, actions taken relating to the
relationship between residents and LE organizations.
The Research Questions
RQ 1: How does a woman’s perception of law enforcement impact their law enforcement career?
Research Question 1 was designed to guide the research goals via the perspective of
female LEOs and career decision-making processes. The center of gravity for Research Question
1 was the female LEOs perspective in relation to LE organization and in the broader context, the
profession. Research Question 1 used each female LEO’s perspective to attempt to ascertain the
degree of influence self-efficacy and decision-making have on LE career objectives and or career
outcomes (Taylor & Betz, 1983). Career objectives can be professional development training and
or assignments. Career outcomes are based on the professional development opportunities.
Primary and sub-themes were present in each of the seven interviews and were frequently
observed. Of the 15 interview questions, 13 were designed to inform data points related to

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Research Question 1 (Questions 1–9; 12–15). In order to answer Research Question 1
fundamentally, asking participants about career choice was critical. Regarding interview question
one, (How did you decide to pursue a LE career?), Deputy 1 stated:
It was something that I wanted my whole entire childhood. To be quite honest with you
when I graduated from high school, I was not living the best of life making the best
choices and went to college. I ended up dropping out my freshman year and was partying
doing things I shouldn’t. I went to cosmetology school I thought it was an easy way to
make quick, fast money. I did that for eight years before I realized that I was just not
happy. I decided to go ahead and pursue my LE career. And I applied with a local
sheriff’s department and was hired as a correctional officer and from that point on is
when I started my career.
Deputy 2 reaffirmed having an interest at a very early age, sharing:

Well, it was a little harder for me because I had to actually seek out how to become a LE
officer. I was always interested in it at a young age. And so, I just started off slow like in
other support areas of LE like dispatch, and I worked my way up. Just decided to go to
the academy.
Federal police officer 1 continued the youth theme, adding the love of the profession was fiction
based:
So, I mean when I was like really young, like I watched a lot of like cop shows and stuff
with my grandpa growing up. And I guess I just kind of got interested in all of that. I’ve
always been like really big into like critical thinking and like making sure that my mind is
just, I guess, constantly working. I can’t just do like a desk job; I would go crazy. So, it
was more the critical thinking aspect. And then I went to college just over the river and

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got my criminal justice degree over there and then got a LE job kind of straight out of
college.
Police officer 1 offered a different career decision-making rationale, one based on an
unsupportive spouse, stating:
Because I was told I couldn’t [be a female LEO]. We had just moved here from New
Jersey he [spouse] had just come back from Korea [military]. And my sister was up for a
visit. And jokingly, I was seeing [sic] an ad for the Sheriff’s Academy in the mid-state
credit union newsletter from an organization. And [I] jokingly looked at my sister and
said, hey, look, I can become a cop. So, it was a joke and he come[s] up off the couch and
said, no, you’re not. Excuse me [her]! Okay, yes, I am [her]. I’m not paying for it [him].
And that’s my job [I’ll] pay for my own education. Thank you very much! So, I signed
up.
Police officer 2 career decision-making was less about youth and more about family traditions.
Even in the midst of a family death, Police Officer 2 persisted. Police Officer 2 adds:
It was in my family history. My grandfather was Sheriff for over 20 years. My dad was a
police officer. My uncle was a police officer. My aunt was a deputy and she was actually
killed in the line of duty in 2002. So, whenever I first got started on this, it was in 2002 is
whenever I graduated from the Academy and right after that, that [was when] my aunt
was killed in the line of duty. So, I was a single mother. I had two children, and my
family was absolutely against it. They kept on thinking about my aunt and how she was
killed and they kept on telling me that you know, it wasn’t safe and I needed to think
about my children. But it was really all I ever wanted to do. So, I just kept on my path.

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Police officer 3 validates extant empirical research as well as the study’s assumption regarding
how a women’s self-efficacy can correlate to career decision-making (see Beller, A. 1984,
Trends in Occupational segregation by sex and race.) Police Officer 3 shares:
[To] be completely honest with you I wanted, my intention was to become a state fire
marshal. And after a few months of getting into police work it was kind of just like I want
to stay here.
Police officer 4’s path to an LE career was less about driving conviction and more about an
interest and family tradition. Police Officer 4 adds:
[I]t was always something that interested me. My brother became a state trooper and after
not really understanding what I was going to do with my life in college, I kind of had a
conversation with him and decided from there that that will be [a] four year [degree] that
I pursue.
Response Variability
Participant responses for Research Question 1 showed varying degrees of self-efficacy
illustrated within the narratives via decision-making actions, activities, and duty statements (see
Table 8). For example, “I decided to go ahead and pursue my LE career” (Deputy 1), “I’m very
confident” (Deputy 2), and “when I put my mind to something, it stays that way” (Fed Police
Officer 1). As expected, each of the participant’s responses did not consistently reflect overt
actions or activities which link to self-efficacy. Of the seven participants, two (Police officer 2
and Police officer 3) did not make statements demonstrating self-efficacy. However, it should be
noted the absence of self-efficacy within participant narratives does not dismiss the presence of
self-efficacy. Bandura (1977) identified four elements contributive to self-efficacy: performance
accomplishments, vicarious experience, verbal persuasion, and emotional arousal. Police officer

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2 did make statements which yielded enough data for ability, which is a sub-theme of the human
theme and aligns with Bandura’s (1977) first element, performance accomplishments. As is the
case here, the ability sub-theme can be considered a performance accomplishment, depending on
context. While Police officer 3 sub-themes predominantly lacks self-efficacy elements, the
participants experience as a female LEO were considered unique compared to the other six
participants.

Table 8
Participant Dominant Sub-Theme Crosswalk

Participant Sub-theme 1 Sub-theme 2 Sub-theme 3
Deputy 1 SE present Culture + Affected by
Deputy 2 SE present Duty adverse Motivated to or by
Federal police
officer 1
Culture – SE present Perspective
Police officer 1 SE present Influenced by Culture –
Police officer 2 Culture - Ability Perspective
Police officer 3 Affected by Culture + Culture –
Police officer 4 Culture + Biological logic SE action

Note. Self-efficacy (SE). Negative (-); Positive (+)

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Community Theme (Human Element)
A significant trend in participant responses was how each viewed community with
respect to job satisfaction. Participants’ answers were largely associated with elements of
community-based problem solving and each made statements with congruent sentiments about
what the community meant personally. Additionally, each participant identified community
problems and sought to repair the relationship between the community, the department, and
profession as a whole. According to Bandura (1997), the participant’s perceived self-efficacy and
subsequent task performance (community and LE relationship repair) is an overt example of self-
efficacy in action. While a significant number of similarities existed between the participants,
such as community, overall participant sub-themes differed slightly. In each of the following
narrative examples, self-efficacy was determined to be present as certain participant beliefs
affected evolving [career based] trajectories thereby influencing the participants choice of
pursuits and environments (Bandura, 1992).
Deputy 1, a major in a county sheriff’s department, explained the importance of
community-based perceptions and the LEO role in changing the residential perspective:
I want to be opposite of what we are portrayed in the media LE as a … we take care of
our own [uses air quotes], we do whatever we want [uses air quotes] [that] we are just out
to arrest people and beat people up. I don’t want to be that stereotype; I want myself and
my department to be there for our community. I want them to feel comfortable to come to
us when they have issues. I want kids to be able to, you know, run up and hug a deputy
versus being scared that that deputy is going to arrest mom and dad. I want to get over the
racial issues that we have in our country right now. And the only way we can start to

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begin is being there in our community. We have to be there in our community. That’s
how we start with that is getting their trust. We’ve lost their trust for many, many, years.
Deputy 2, a sergeant in the same county sheriff’s department, reinforced the premium placed on
changing LE’s reputation and how maintaining a solid relationship with the community unifies
the LE organization and the community. Deputy 2 shared:
Well, I am kind of old and I come from the generation where LE was viewed as an
authority to be respected and admired. However, over the years especially when you had
all the officer involved shootings, and all the negative perceptions that people have of LE,
it kind of put the fire in my belly more so to speak, because I want to be part of making a
difference and changing minds. I guess, you know, in the army, they say, who we want to
win hearts and minds. Well, I kind of do too. Because I think that it is very important to
be an effective LE officer, you have to have a positive relationship with your community.
And so that’s always been kind of my purpose. And my personal mission is to serve the
public in a positive way and leave a positive impression.
Police officer 1, a police chief with over 20 years of LE experience, shared how in spite of the
challenges, societal conditions have not altered the manner in which the department executes
protect and serve duties:
It hasn’t really changed anything in my career because I’m the same type of police officer
now that I was when I started. You know, everybody’s treated fairly everybody’s given
the benefit of the doubt. And I always made sure that if I was fixing to change
somebody’s life, I was 110% sure of the events that occurred. So, all of this negative
stuff. It truly doesn’t affect me because I don’t work in that manner.

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Police officer 2 believed helping people one at a time was a rewarding experience and necessary
part of the equation, adding:
I really like the part of helping people. You know, I really love the crisis intervention
team, because I got to spend a lot of time working with individuals one on one. And you
know, you actually got to feel like you were making a difference.
Police officer 4 shared how her relationship with residents in times of need positively impacts
the community’s perception of the LE organization, stating:
We have a great community. So, there’s a lot of community support for us and very
positive interaction throughout my entire career with the community and just being a
voice for somebody, being there for victims.
Research Question 1 Discussion
Research Question 1 sought to examine how a woman’s perception of the LE
organization influenced how self-efficacy interacted with career decision-making processes.
Particularly, how the organizational culture, artifacts (e.g., facilities, symbols, names, images,
logos, and catchphrases, such as protect and serve) and membership influenced duty and career
related decisions. By understanding how a female LEO perceives and reacts to the LE culture via
decision-making, self-efficacy can be observed if present or noted if absent (Acker, 1990;
Bandura, 1997, 2012). Despite admitting to working in less than desirable conditions, a majority
of participants shared a common goal which centered around changing the community’s
perceptions (the way the collective community thinks) and opinions (a community’s collective
beliefs) about the LE profession. How do female LEOs reconcile the internal conflict between
working in a masculine hegemonic workplace the desire to help people in need? The answer is,
according to Bandura (1977), self-efficacy, specifically, self-efficacy via performance.

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RQ 2: How Do Women Navigate Their Career in Law Enforcement?
Research Question 2 was designed to guide the research goals regarding female LEO
decision-making processes particularly relating to careers. Participants reported a variety of
problems regarding the organization’s culture. Issues ranging from equality to equity were
present in the organization for each of the participants. For example, Deputy 1 stated “The only
people that I can say with 100% confidence that ever 100% supported me were other female
officers”. While describing the same organization, Deputy 2 reaffirmed Deputy 1’s statement by
adding “Call it the good ol [sic] boy system”. Federal police officer 1 shared about
organizational climate as well, stating “[I] go into work, and [it’s] just the negative climate
there”. The organizational climate assessments given by the participants are similar, and in some
cases exact, in terms of what extant research shows. Of the 15 interview questions, five were
designed to inform data points related to Research Question 2 (Questions 2, 8, 10–11, and 15).
When speaking about how to navigate a LE career, Deputy 1 shared:
There is a stigma that comes along with being a female in LE. You are either rise to the
ranks because you’ve done something with a with someone that has that power. Anytime
that you assert any sort of leadership and sort of you’re labeled a bitch to put point
blankly I have never been 100% credited for all of my hard work.
Other participants report navigating the LE career in an acquiescent manner, a more
preferrable way to exist in a hegemonic organization, as Police officer 3 stated:
I like to be very passive. Like if me and my corporal go to a call, It’s kind of that rank
thing. If I feel the need to be like okay, here’s my perspective. This is how I feel we need
to handle it. I will actually go to my LT or corporal and be like this is how I’m feeling in
the middle of evaluating it, right. And if they’re like, no, we need to do this, I’ll do that.

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Police officer 4 describes her rationale more as a civic duty rather than an ideal job or having
inherent need to serve, stating:
If somebody doesn’t step up, that’s one less person on the force. It’s one more victim that
doesn’t have a voice. And that’s one more officer that doesn’t have a backup unit.
Police officer 2 echoed some of her colleagues and talked about traditional reasons for joining
and staying in a hazardous job, stating:
I always liked helping people. [E]specially like somebody that is in mental health crisis. I
always thought, you know, if, if I didn’t help them who is going to, because a lot of the
times, you know, officers if they don’t have the training in mental health [response] or
else they don’t have the time, you don’t know if that one person is going to get the help
that they need.
Police officer 2 described how working with middle age to older white males who do not
attend mandatory or broadening training was frustrating, potentially a liability for the
department, and may become an issue of justice for potential subjects:
My department [has] poor, poor white males that are not educated the same [as female
LEOs] they do not attend any training, not in mental health [Crisis Intervention Team],
[not] on peer support [or] on anything else, but they know it all. And then by the time that
it’s done, even though you go to these trainings, and you get all the education, they don’t
see it [the real problem] because they’re not educated. So, but they know it all.
Work Environment
In each interview, participants spoke plainly about the challenges of working in a
masculinized profession. With the exception of sexual harassment and other more egregious
offenses, according to participant responses, the vast majority of problems within LE culture are

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micro-aggressions. Federal Police Officer 1 talked about how popular organizational micro-
aggressions such as ‘protect women at all cost’ occur frequently. As an example, Federal Police
Officer 1 offered that during a recent shift, dispatch changed the patrol assignments to counter an
emerging threat:
And they [dispatch] specifically would send somebody [a male LEO] outside of my area
to the call because he’s a dude and he can handle it. So, I will constantly get into
arguments with people [co-workers] about that kind of stuff, because I don’t want people
[co-workers] to think of me as less than [I am]. I’m constantly having to prove myself.

Another example was offered by Deputy 2. Deputy 2 discussed the organization as a
family, but talked about what it was like to be a female member of the family, stating:
As a female deputy, it’s kind of hard to explain but you always have this rock, so to
speak, on your back. You have to run a little bit faster. Do a little bit more, have more
risks, have more tickets. Have better reports, you got to take an extra step to earn the trust
of your coworkers [who] are mainly males.
The participant responses collectively validate extant research as well as the study’s assertions
regarding the characteristics LE organizational cultures tend to possess as well as the negative
impact it has on female LEOs (Acker, 1990, 1992; Shelley, et al., 2011; Woodeson, 2006).
Research Question 2 Discussion
Research Question 2 sought to examine how self-efficacy influenced the way women
navigated LE culture and career decision-making. ‘Navigating a career’ is an undefined term.
Here, navigating a career means how a female LEO manages daily positive, negative, and hostile
relationships, implicit and explicit duties, interactions with the community and the organization’s

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culture. Navigating a career in LE is complicated and vastly different for women. Research
question 2 considerations include professional and personal relationships within an
organizational context, all types of training (Mandatory, voluntary, opportunity), intra/inter
organizational assignments (Career progressing), organizational culture (masculinized, sexual
harassment, quid-pro-quo, stereotyping, equality, equity) and decision-making, such as whether
to apply for training or stay in the profession.
In terms of gender, Research Question 2 also sought to elicit data capable of confirming
whether activities associated with doing and or undoing gender were present in the participant’s
LE setting (Chan et al., 2010). Identifying social cognitive career theory components,
particularly self-efficacy beliefs, was a primary goal for Research Question 2 as research
regarding the link between self-efficacy and career decision-making is well documented (Lent et
al., 1994).
Impact: RQ 1: How does a woman’s perception of a law enforcement impact their career choice?
The study recognized two distinct participant perceptions, one societally driven and the
other linked to the LE profession. The internal perceptions participants spoke about were
connected to both positive and negative aspects of the LE profession as well as the experiences
attached to the aforementioned aspects. Socially driven perceptions were considered important,
with participants often commenting on how each could, should, and does work to change how
the community perceives not only local LE, but the LE profession as a whole. The impacts to
Research Question 1 were largely dependent upon how women perceive the LE profession in
contrast to personal values and socio-economic conditions and status. Positive impacts include a
sustained or increased presence of women in LE. Adverse impacts are likely to support a
continued trend in gender disparity in LE. The first perception was based on turbulent

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community and LE relationships around the nation as a result of unwarranted LE activities and
actions, particularly the recent trend of officer involved shootings. For example, Michael Brown
of St. Louis, Missouri. Another example is George Floyd and still another example is Duante
Wright, of Brooklyn Center, Minneapolis.
While some participants spoke about being affected by officer involved shootings, Police
officer 1’s response was noted to be more resilient, sharing “So all of this negative stuff. It truly
doesn’t affect me because I don’t work in that manner”. Police officer 1’s dismissive attitude
towards the current societal attitude (i.e., shootings) was not received as insensitive rather the
comment solidified a high degree of personal commitment to serving the community. Police
officer 2 acknowledged frustration with the problems within the justice system, sharing:
You know, you always think that you’re [police] helping people, I have noticed that even
though we [police] thought that what we were doing [was] the right thing, there is such a
huge problem with the justice system with, you know, even [how] officers, in a way that
they don’t investigate things, just that one step where you arrest somebody, and if it’s not
necessarily a good arrest, if they didn’t take the time to investigate, it has so many
damaging effects.
Police officer 4’s response illustrated support despite recent events, stating “there’s a lot
of community support for us and [we have] very positive interactions”. Conversely, Police
officer 3 offered a different perspective sharing that “there’s not one place that I go without a
firearm. And there’s times that I sit there, and something spooks me, and I’ll get up and leave”.
The participants’ comments reflect a diverse region of communities with dissimilar socio-
economies which naturally perceive and interact with LEOs differently.

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The second perception is internal to the LE profession, the masculinized hegemonic
culture which often leads to hostile work environments for female LEOs as discussed in Chapter
Two. With the exception of Deputies 1 and 2, each participant is employed in a different
organization with varying numbers of female and male LEOs. Each department is located in
distinct parts of a larger region, some in heavily urbanized areas, others more rural. The
environmental variance offers partial rationale for the different types of responses as each female
LEO will have unique experiences based on the organization and the place of duty (Chicago vs.
Small town, USA). However, regardless of where place of duty was, perceptions were linked to
gender disparity as all will inform how a woman understands and feels about the LE profession
and therefore whether or not to join, stay, or go (ergo, organizational hiring and retention). As
discussed in Chapter Two, for current female LEOs, the study found retention is fundamentally
dependent upon how each female LEO identifies in terms of Martin’s (1988) POLICEwoman or
policeWOMAN. The difference being one identity is career based (POLICEwoman) while the
other identity is family based (policeWOMAN; Martin, 1988; Rabe-Hemp, 2009). Deputy 2
spoke about the complicated personal (home-life) decisions female LEOs make in contrast to
decisions male LEOs make, such as having and raising children. Female LEOs often feel
conflicted when attempting to meet the demands of the job as well as home life (Agocs et al.,
2015). Data shows women, regardless of work status, are responsible for a home’s domestic
labor and experience guilt because the job reduces the time with their children, thereby
frustrating any attempt to achieve ideal motherhood (Agocs et al., 2015). The study validated
Agocs et al. (2010) assertions as Deputy 2 shared “that if I had the choice to stay home when my
kids when they were little, I would have. So, I think that [children and family] is a big factor in
the [gender] disparity [problem]”. Clearly, Deputy 2 identifies with policeWOMAN in spite of a

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long and successful career. Notably, Deputy 2 spoke about high levels of job satisfaction and
does have aspirations for advancement in terms of promotion and training. The fact Deputy 2
prefers family over an otherwise enjoyable profession supports extant research regarding family
versus job (Agocs et al., 2015). How the organizational and operational domains of LE combine
to influence female LEO experiences is not tacit knowledge. Furthermore, extant research on
female LEOs, who are also mothers, suggest these female LEOs experience additional challenges
due to societal norms that inevitably become factors once the female LEOs parental identity is
known (Agocs et al., 2015). Implications regarding maternal desires in current or potential
female LEOs may warrant further investigation.
Impact: RQ2: How Do Women Navigate Their Career in Law Enforcement?
The impacts to Research Question 2 are largely dependent upon how women perceive the
LE profession and the organization in contrast to personal values and socio-economic conditions
and status. Positive impacts include a sustained or increased presence of women in LE. Adverse
impacts are likely to support a continued trend in gender disparity in LE. Participants described
managing and moving within the organization as both rewarding and as a frustrating and
frequently disappointing endeavor. However, despite dealing with gender-based challenges,
participants largely believed leaving the profession was not an option. Popular reasons for
staying include service to the community, steady pay, and retirement. Participants each declared
in varying ways that personal convictions such as stubbornness and a drive to undermine a
masculinized workplace was a motivating factor. When asked about organizational culture,
Police Officer 2 shared the general state of LE organizational politics, saying “It means the good
old boys club. And it really sucks”. Participants acknowledged the masculinized workplace,
understood the effects an organization can have on female members, yet persevere due to variety

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of reasons to include male LEO support. The participants responses within the study were
supportive of select colleagues, however, were overwhelmingly critical of LE organizational
culture.
Summary of Results and Findings
Participant narratives demonstrated self-efficacy was present across a range of personal
and professional endeavors and decisions. Correspondingly, female LEOs with longer careers
and more experience (Rank, scope, authority) possessed richer narratives and descriptions of
actions and activities associated with self-efficacy at a higher degree. Participant career decision-
making was evident and apparent throughout the interviews. While the motivation for how and
why participants made career decisions varied, the majority of responses were based on goodwill
(community service) and career aspirations. Of note, participants with rank above patrol clearly
posted figures with higher decision-making vice participants with the rank of patrol officer.
Synthesis
Using purposive sampling (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016; Miles et al., 2014), the study
obtained a diverse group of seven female LEOs from federal, county, and local LE organizations.
Recording and analyzing the personal and professional experiences of the seven female LEOs
who had varying rank and experience yielded 18 findings. Further analysis and reflection
resulted in 65 codes, 16 sub-themes, and five themes used to provide the overarching framework
for recording, categorizing, and interpreting female LEO experiences.
The study examined the complexity of gender disparity in LE finding it to be mostly a
problem associated with the organizational domain. Gender disparity was found to exist
pervasively and persistently, affecting different aspects of people, places, and things at different
times for a variety of reasons. Regarding how perception and pervasiveness interact, Foster et al.,

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(2016) suggests systemic belief in or of discrimination towards an act or in language gives the
discriminatory act a way to be pervasive and to impair a person’s well-being. In other words,
workplace rejection based on gender by the dominant group of people or groups is an agonizing
experience. In one study, Foster et al., (2016) reported that African Americans’ perceptions
regarding previous acts of discrimination and the likelihood of reliving the discrimination again
in the future were related to reduced personal and collective well-being. Data suggests female
LEOs who repeatedly experience gender discrimination within the LE organization suffer in
varying degrees. Participant narratives reinforced the notion as well, as does extant research (see
Acker, 1992; Archbold, 2008, 2012; Bandura, 1989; Kanter, 1977). The themes identified in the
data suggest there is a prodigious need for discourse regarding the broader gender disparity
problem and specifically within the LE profession.

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Chapter Five: Discussion
The purpose of the qualitative study was to examine the experiences and decision-making
processes of seven female LEOs to better understand gender disparity in LE. Chapter Four
presented findings pertaining to the study’s two research questions:
1. How does a woman’s perception of law enforcement impact their law enforcement
career?
2. How do women navigate their career in law enforcement?
Given the study’s objective, the theoretical framework was informed by Lent’s (1994)
social cognitive career theory. The social cognitive career theory is predominantly a sociology-
based theory and is comprised of three components: self-efficacy, outcomes, and goals (Lent et
al., 1994). The social cognitive career theory offered critical context for understanding a range of
complex and key decision-making processes female LEOs make, for example professional
development, maternal considerations, or whether to stay or leave the profession. The self-
efficacy construct was significant as it provided a paradigm to understand female LEO self-
assessments and perceptions relative to positive and negative people, places, and things
responsible for influencing decisions. Based on the study’s literature review, the study focused
on several problematic areas capable of informing the fundamental purpose of the study:
• LE organizational culture is masculinized and LE organizations remain part of a
larger male centric gendered institution (Acker, 1990, 1992; Bennett & Hemenway,
2015; Boivin et al., 2020; Brooke, 2019; Burch, 2016; Chan et al., 2010; Cordner &
Cordner, 2011; Deans, 2015; Shelley et al., 2011; Yu, 2015).
• Organizational gender equality and equity are functionally absent in LE, gender bias
is ingrained in organizational artifacts and mechanisms supported by leadership at all

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levels (Brooke, 2019; Burch, 2016; Langston, 2010; Loftus, 2008; Muller et al., 2009;
Schuck, 2017).
• Gender disparity in LE is a severely under-studied problem (Rabe-Hemp, 2008a,
2008b, 2011; Schuck, 2017).
• Research using social cognitive career theory to investigate gender disparity in LE is
non-existent.
Chapter Five identifies two evidence-based recommendations to address the theme findings
presented in Chapter Four. Finally, the chapter discusses limitations and recommendations for
implications for and or of practice and closes with concluding thoughts.
Five Themes Discussion
Themes were based on the study’s findings guided by the research questions. The themes
were a derivative of the data acquired from the study’s interview narratives, which provided data
for coding and thematic analysis. Extant research aided in supporting and confirming the study’s
themes as well and where appropriate, is found. Taken together, the study’s data juxtaposed with
extant data generated findings grounded in theory.
Thematic Overview
Research shows the typical LE organization is finding women are not entering the LE
profession at a sustainable rate (Langston, 2010). The evidence shows the LE profession
continues to struggle to develop a force of inclusion due in large to its male hegemonic culture,
policies, and practices (Schuck, 2014). The study’s participants spoke about the variety of
challenges associated with being a female LEO. Participants believed gender played a significant
role in overall treatment within the organization as well as how male LEOs interacted with them.
Participants clearly understood the masculinized culture of the LE profession and acknowledged

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organizational mechanisms which permit female LEOs to be considered as incapable of
performing certain traditional LE duties associated with masculinity. Participants also
commented on the additional job-related stress of feeling obligated to go above and beyond out
of fear of being derided by male LEOs. Participants detailed how an ever-present ‘obligation’
was part of everyday professional life; proving worth and capability to reinforce each belong in
the profession. Consequently, research shows a masculinized hegemony often contributes to
unprofessional and inappropriate behavior which generates a toxic organizational culture
(Muhlhausen, 2019); behavior exhibited by the male organizational membership is one of the
contributors to the underrepresentation of women in LE.
Theme 1: Human Element
While participants stated multiple reasons for serving, the predominant reason was
service to the community. In one study examining new female LEO recruits, the majority
(Approximately 60%) of female LEOs reported civic service or duty motivated each to join the
LE profession (Colvin, 2017). Research examining veteran female LEO reasons to remain in the
profession demonstrated similar logic, which is to support the community and make a difference
in resolving societal problems (Rabe-Hemp, 2017). The community service theme was
particularly strong with the study’s participant sample. One participant in speaking about the job
versus the community extolled, “I’m loyal to my community”. By and large, participants’
comments clearly demonstrated how community service (i.e., community policing) influenced
participant job resilience. Whether or not there is a connection to the level of zeal female LEOs
have for community service and remaining, it is worth noting female LEOs execute the
community policing mission more successfully compared to male LEOs (Archbold & Schultz,

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2008, 2012; Belknap, 1996; Chan et al., 2010; Deans, 2015; Ffrench & Waugh, 1998; Lonsway,
2001; Martin, 1980; Muhlhausen, 2019).
Another prominent factor for participant’s was the presence or absence of support.
Research shows female LEOs are not passive recipients of workplace micro-aggressions; female
LEOs in a toxic or adverse workplace culture experience in varying degrees a devaluing of social
identity (Veldman et al., 2017). Participants each spoke about the relationships used to aid in
navigating the difficult aspects of the job (organizational culture). Several studies show female
LEOs experience acutely elevated levels of colleague stereotyping, discrimination, and
harassment related to gender (Haarr & Morash, 2013). However, for participants who had
support, supervisors, mentors, peers, family, and friends were significant resources named as
individuals who assisted navigating the often-damaging organizational culture. Deputy 1 shared
how support or lack of support can cause severe damage, saying, “When it comes to men having
to have a superior that as a female, it’s, they say things and do things that can be very damaging,
not only to a person but to the person’s career. And there’s been a few times that I thought this
just isn’t worth it”. Subsequently, reasons for talking about the problems associated with
organizational culture (micro-aggressions) ranged from a simple annoyance to mental health
concerns to physical sickness (Haarr & Morash, 2013). Participants placed significant emphasis
on support systems, be it professional or family based. Research showed female LEOs do not
have the same levels of organizational support, such as mentor programs, as male LEOs
(Lavender & Todak, 2022). One explanation may be that female LEOs lack mentors who aid in
networking, opportunities that are abundant for male LEOs; opportunities such as mentorship
could encourage female LEOs to stay in LE while aiding in career advancement (Lavender &
Todak, 2022).

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Theme 2: Gender
Each of the participants spoke about gender disparity problems plaguing the LE
profession as well as the organizations each serve. The study’s findings revealed persistent
adverse interactions with male colleagues damaged female LEO self-efficacy. Data suggest
female LEOs who experience negative emotional states, such as depression, stress, and anxiety,
are less likely to believe in job related skills and capabilities (Chu et al., 2020). Morash and
Haarr (1995) add when female LEOs identified occupational stressors, interactions with
coworkers [i.e., male LEOs] were seen as the predominant stressor. Other research offers
dissimilar explanations, suggesting the lack of self-efficacy may be attributed to women’s failure
to fully exploit skills, aptitudes, and interests in professional or occupational pursuits (Hackett &
Betz, 1981). Female LEOs who fall into the policeWOMAN (Martin, 1988) category tend to fit
Hackett’s descriptors associated with less than or no apparent self-efficacy. Regardless, the
study’s findings show women’s self-efficacy varies when working in male-dominated
professions (Chu et al., 2020). A claim supported by other studies shows high female LEO
resilience tends to withstand emotional hazards related to colleague generated micro-aggressions
(Carlan & McMullan, 2009). Participants commonly expressed concerns regarding self-efficacy
(participants did not use the term self-efficacy, rather described how they felt; words were
attributional to self-efficacy) yet declared in the same sentence elements associated with
resilience or determination. For example, Deputy 1 stated male LEO colleagues negatively
impacted aspects of self-worth using derogatory comments relating to the participant’s
capabilities. Deputy 1 commented moments later while the negative comments do impact, the
urge to be better at tasks or generally outperform male colleague becomes an overwhelming
feeling. Police Officer 2 provides another example, commenting about how rapidly the feelings

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shift from one of embarrassment or shame to one of determination to ensure a similar comment
or action does not occur. Nevertheless, data supports the assertion that the relationship between
female and male LEOs varies in the degree of damage male LEOs cause to the self-efficacy of
female LEOs. Damage to a female LEOs self-efficacy can emerge from any one of the four
elements of self-efficacy: enactive mastery (performance outcomes), vicarious experiences (self-
modeling), verbal persuasion (verbal encouragement), and physiological feedback (emotional
state; Bandura, 1977, 1986, 1997).
Theme 3: Self-Efficacy
A common theme across the data was how participants utilized professional acumen as a
way to project professional equality. The study shows female LEO’s seek to attend, obtain, and
operationalize training and certifications to enhance LE skillsets as a way to further validate a
workplace persona. A persona steeped in LE knowledge, skills, and attributes equal to or greater
than male LEOs. The participants believed the act of acquiring additional certifications and
training was more requisite in terms of proving individual worth rather than career enhancing,
however the act of proving worth would result in career enhancement. The study found
participant self-efficacy was largely linked to community policing efforts; here participants were
able to make a difference in the community served while simultaneously exceeding male LEO
capabilities. When considering four elements of self-efficacy (Bandura, 1977, 1986, 1997), it is
possible female LEOs generate enough self-efficacy from each of the elements to compensate for
organizationally negative interactions be they from policies and procedures or membership.
Theme 4: Decision-Making
Tversky and Kahneman (1981) posit when people are faced with a choice, a logical
decision-maker will select the prospect offering the highest expected utility (see utility model;

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Tversky & Kahneman, 1981). When describing how each made decisions, participants
commonly described using an analytical method. Common terms used by participants included
analyze, dissect, and compare. Additionally, one participant shared analytical and decision-
making skills were crucial for women seeking to enter the LE profession. Supportively, research
does show problem-solving abilities are evident in women more than in men (Betz et al., 1996).
While some participants described decision-making processes in terms if ‘pros and cons’, the
fundamental action of pros and cons (advantages versus disadvantages) is considered analytical
in nature. Additionally, none of the participants described using emotionally based decision-
making processes. The lack of integral emotion-based decision making was unexpected yet may
explain why female LEOs are better suited to de-escalate potentially violent situations (For
further details, see Damasio 1994; Greene & Haidt 2002). The reason the study’s participants
entered the LE profession was another commonality despite participants being drawn to the LE
profession at various stages of life. Nevertheless, six of the seven participants expressed a desire
to become an LEO had been present since early childhood. Research confirms the ‘childhood
dream’ rationale as prominent amongst female and male LEOs (Todak, 2017).
Theme 5: Organization
The LE organization was unexpectedly intermittent within the participants narratives.
Research such as Acker’s (1992) work suggests organizational inequality, or gendered
organizations, is a pronounced phenomenon. The study found via participant narratives the
participants’ organizations did fit the definition of Acker’s (1992) gendered organization.
However, the opposite held true for the study’s participants’ perspectives. While the organization
was not the focus of the study and to some degree will affect the study’s findings, the overall
lack of presence could confirm the study’s principal assertion, that being the woman’s

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perspective is paramount to understanding the low representation of women in LE. Participants
did comment on culture, albeit superficially. The ‘good old boys’ club was found to be a
commonly used trope to describe the internal policies and procedures governing administrative
actions (e.g., promotions, training, and assignments). Participants did not verbalize the link
between the organization’s culture and the challenges each confronted. Rather participants spoke
about particular people and situations which generated the inequality or inequity. The
organization’s policies and procedures were not viewed as aiding in the adverse culture. Viewing
the organization as innocent or agnostic could be a way to cope with the challenges female LEOs
consistently confront.
Themes and Research Questions
Theme 1: Human Element
Theme 1 was a prominent theme within each of the participant’s narratives (see Table 9).
Participants held service to community in high regard despite how each perceived the current
state of the relationship between the LE profession and society. Reasons for leaving the
profession abound, the participants identified sexual harassment and gender discrimination as
significant concerns. In spite of concerns, two factors were instrumental in the participant’s
choice to stay in the profession. First, the perception of an impending improved LE organization
fueled the desire to remain and serve and outweighed the adverse working conditions. Often
participants viewed themselves as part of the solution as participants spoke about changing the
organizational culture in varying ways and degrees. Regarding assumed impending change,
Deputy 2 shared “I want to be a part of making a difference”. Other participants talked about
how despite best efforts, organizational culture was resistant and stubborn. Police Officer 1
spoke about how colleagues who formed clicks can damage the organization, saying “I’ve

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experienced it (clicks and clubs), but it was in the beginning of my career with a certain
department … towards the end, which is what made me decide to leave and go somewhere else.”
Regarding navigating the LE career, participants acknowledged female LEOs strengths
(communication, de-escalation) and believed community policing was the future of the LE
profession. As such, participants actively sought to enhance skill sets which underpin the
community policing model and mission. Police Officer 2 talked about community policing
oriented training, saying “I really love the crisis intervention team, because you get to spend a lot
of time working with individuals one on one. And you know, you actually feel like you are
making a difference”. Additionally, support systems were a moderately present theme within
each of the participant’s narratives. Participants maintained similar perceptions when talking
about supportive and unsupportive relationships. Participants distinguished two common support
systems, family and professional. Six participants stated professional support systems did not
exist, either formally or informally. One participant stated support systems existed however,
informally, not as an organizational program. Participants perceived non-support from the
organization and family as detrimental to well-being and career goals. Conversely, participants
perceived support as crucial to overall success and organizational harmony, particularly with
regards to gender-based discrimination and bias issues.
Theme 2: Gender
Theme 2 was a prominent theme within each of the participant’s narratives. Participants
identified and described organizational mechanisms (promotions, training, professional
opportunities) as well as membership (male LEO micro-aggressions, sexual harassment, etc.) as
contributing to gender bias and discrimination. While participants exhibited varying degrees of
personal resilience which ultimately led to staying power, participants acknowledged the

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differences between female and male LEO opportunities. Deputy 2 when speaking about how
gender discrimination within organizational mechanisms manifests, stated “If I was allowed to
interview for a specialized spot, even though I knew I wasn’t going to get it, I would still do it.”
Upon reflection, participant perceptions (mindset) were largely shaped by what is, rather than
what could be or what is supposed to be. Notably, while all participants spoke about
unacceptable behaviors and practices, virtually none of the participants provided testimony to
supervisory staff. Whether the lack of reporting is based on fear and or preconceived outcomes,
the dearth of reporting amongst the sample compounds the challenges the participants face.
Theme 3: Self-Efficacy
Theme 3 was a prominent theme within each of the participant’s narratives. Participants
perceived the acquisition of formalized training and certification as a means to establish validity
and equality with organizational norms and male LEOs. Participants self-efficacy was
consistently high throughout the interview process, despite reporting bias in the promotion and
training processes and navigating perceived barriers such as being a woman, pregnancy, and
parental obligations. Participants largely accepted the gender-based problems and perceived the
problem as inherent to the LE profession. Subsequently, each spoke about how self-efficacy
(used terms and words associated with self-efficacy) aided in managing and overcoming the
gender-based problems.
Theme 4: Decision-Making
Theme 4 was a moderately present theme within each of the participant’s narratives.
Participant perceptions of decision-making processes were similar, described as analytical, pros
and cons, and ‘going with your gut’. Although participants used a variety of resources and
coping mechanisms to navigate the job, decision-making processes were not outwardly identified

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as a tool to de-conflict or manage job duties or conflict. Despite the findings, research shows
during stressful situations, female LEOs are risk-aversive or become task-focused (Bos et al.,
2014). In other words, female LEOs tend to handle certain critical situations better than male
LEOs. When speaking about sources of support in relation to important decision-making,
participants were split on where support came from. For some, family was non-supportive while
work colleagues were supportive. For others, the experience was the inverse. In either case,
participants identified a distinct decision-making process, primarily in a professional capacity.
Theme 5: Organizations
Theme 5 was not a significant element in participant narratives. While participants did
discuss negative organizational norms such as the ‘good old boys’ club, overall, participants did
not interpret the organization’s role as a malefactor, rather the male LEOs were seen as the
catalyst to inequality. Professional development and other areas where opportunities exist are in
fact linked to organizational structure and budget, however, participants spoke about how male
colleagues and leadership stifled opportunities, overstepped or ignored boundaries, and blocked
advancement. Organizational mechanisms such as policies, procedures, and regulations were
scarcely mentioned. Reasons for a lack of participant connection between the organization and
inequality could be a positive perception of policies and procedures due to language within the
polices, etc. If the language is agnostic or positive, perceived inequalities and inequities may fall
to the leadership and or those who operate in opposition of policies and procedures.

Table 9
Research Question and Theme Mapping

Research question Themes
Female LEOs
predominantly
join and stay to
serve and help the
community’s
residents. Support
systems such as
mentors, peers,
family, and
friends offer safe
spaces for
overcoming
workplace
inequity and
discrimination as
well as other
challenges.
Gender bias and
discrimination are
prominent,
persistent, and
unmitigated
problems within
the LE org. and
adversely impact
female LEO self-
efficacy.
Self-efficacy belief,
mastery
experience, is the
dominant method
female LEOs use
to maintain
colleague and
peer validation.
Female LEO
decision-making
processes are
analytical. Career
decisions are
heavily
influenced by
childhood and/or
adolescent
experiences.
Organizational
culture generates
inequality and
inequity,
particularly with
the female LEO
population.
RQ1: How does a
woman’s
perception of LE
impact their LE
career?

X

X

X

X

X
RQ2: How do
women navigate
their career in
LE?

X

X

X

X

X

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Limitations
As is typically the case for most research, the qualitative research study here has
limitations. First, one of the more potentially pervasive limitations is researcher bias as the
researcher is the primary research instrument. To address the researcher bias limitations, the
researcher utilized rigorous techniques for collecting and analyzing data, which is further
elaborated on in Chapter Three of the study. Actions taken included maintaining reflexive
analytical memos that recorded observations and feelings during the data analysis process.
Additionally, data incongruent with the study’s emerging patterns and themes in the data analysis
was included. Another action taken was practitioner based, where two tenured professors (PhD
& JD) serving at two different research universities conducted an extensive review of and
analysis for Chapter Three.
Second, the study examined female LEOs via a social cognitive career theory lens. While
the study included organizational analysis, the study did not examine the problem from an
organizational lens. Nor did it utilize a theoretical framework commonly used to frame similar if
not exact problems from an organizational perspective, such as the Clark and Estes Gap Analysis
model. Organizational analysis is useful and is a valuable method to acquire rich data pertaining
to the study’s problem of practice. Organizational mechanisms such as policy, procedures,
symbols, and culture can and do adversely impact gender disparity via bias and discrimination.
To reduce the impact of the absence of organizational influence on the problem, the study
included extant organizational research as a form of peripheral data from landmark work, such as
Acker’s Gendered Organizations (1992). The inclusion of organizational impacts, while
superficial, provided the study with stronger theoretical and research evidence which aided in
examination of the problem.

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Third, the sample was small (i.e., seven participants) and purposefully selected for the
study via a snowball sample method but was considered sufficient as saturation was reached.
However, the qualitative study sought to maximize generalizability to boost the study’s relativity
to inform implication for and or of practice. The study did validate a high degree of extant
research relating to the study’s problem of practice. However, because the findings and
associated recommendations pertain to a small sample, the study’s findings may not be capable
of extending to other LE organizations or studies.
Fourth, the study exclusively examined female LEOs. The study did not use
intersectionality nor did the study examine, amplify, or otherwise use diversity, equity, and
inclusion (DEI) considerations such as race, ethnicity, economic status, or disability to present
collateral issues. The study acknowledges race, ethnicity, disability, economic status, and gender
are equally important subjects to engage, particularly within the scope the study. The absence of
additional DEI and intersectionality filters may limit the true nature of the study’s findings, such
as revealing, discovering, or highlighting other pertinent or opportunistic data. Extended findings
may have included discovery data specific to female LEO identities which may or may not have
influenced the problem of practice.
Implications for Practice
The study provided comprehensive descriptive data about the self-efficacy and career
decision-making processes of seven female LEOs. The social cognitive career theory (Lent et al.,
1994) served as the primary theoretical construct for the study, supporting the professional lived
experiences of seven female LEOs. Lent’s et al. (1994) social cognitive career theory is framed
by three elements, self-efficacy beliefs, outcome expectations, and personal goals. The
‘implications’ section discusses the theoretical implications for gender disparity in LE though

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relative to the study’s two research questions. To inform the first research question and examine
female LEO lived experiences, the study used Lent’s et al. (1994) social cognitive career theory.
Research Question 1 sought to discover how the three tenets (Self-efficacy beliefs, outcome
expectations, and personal goals) of Lent’s et al. (1994) social cognitive career theory influenced
a female LEO’s perception of LE. Additionally, decision-making was examined in conjunction
with the tenets as a way to understand in what ways the three tenets impacted career decision-
making. Participants largely shared a positive perspective regarding the broader LE profession.
However, when speaking about the organization where each worked, the aggregate of opinions
was negative. Time served as an LEO was observed as having a degree of influence in terms of
response. Six of the seven participants had served for extended periods of time (5 to 20 years).
The evidence suggests seasoned female LEO perspectives regarding the LE profession are not
negatively impacted by adverse organizational experiences. LE organizational leaders should
review extent research to include the data within the study to aid in gender disparity problems
within the organization.
Theoretical Implications of the Study
Lent’s (1994) social cognitive career theory provided the framework for the study due to
the theoretical nucleus and the study’s goals. The following is a summarization of how the Lent’s
theoretical variables could affect implications for and or of practice.
Self-Efficacy
Participant language was seen as evidence of self-efficacy, particularly when challenged
by internal (the woman) or external (support systems, male LEO, organizational norms,
organizational biases) elements. The study’s self-efficacy findings revealed how inter-connected

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self-efficacy is to members of the LE profession, therefore, the findings merit an in-depth self-
efficacy study focusing on women in LE.
Outcome Expectations
Participants understood the nature of the masculinized organization and profession.
While each participant spoke about the desire to succeed in the profession, participants were
hesitant to suggest desires would be achieved. The study’s findings suggest participants largely
acquiesce to organizational norms. The study’s findings merit an in-depth study of how
prolonged exposure to a masculinized organization impacts female LEOs.
Personal Goals
Participants each spoke about personal goals for the job. The majority of which were
centered on serving and helping the community. Although professional development
opportunities were a common theme, participants focused on promotion. The study’s findings
merit an in-depth study examining how the masculinized organization interacts with and impacts
female LEO goals.
Recommendations
This section provides recommendations for the problem of practice based on the results
from the qualitative study and proposes two recommendations to address the problem of practice
to mitigate gender disparity in LE. Table 10 presents and validates the study’s alignment
between the two recommendations, the study’s themes, and the study’s findings.
Recommendations are based on the data acquired from the study’s participants’ lived work
experiences and further strengthened by extent research. First, mentorship for female LEOs is
imperative. According to research, there is a persistent universal lack of formal mentorship for
female LEOs, with almost one-third of one study’s participants stating access to formal programs

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or mentors during their careers was not an option (Lavender & Todak, 2022). In the same study,
respondents stated who provided the mentorship (female mentors versus male mentors) was
important, yet both options were helpful and needed. Lavender and Todak (2022) believe
increasing the number of female LEOs is a critical step in increasing the number of effective
women mentors. Second, LE organizations must create permanent support programs and
opportunities for the professional well-being and development of female LEOs. As the study’s
narrative data shows, female LEOs seek opportunities to enhance skill sets and achieve personal
professional goals.

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Table 10
Recommendations and Findings Mapping

Recommendation Theme Study findings
Mentorship The human
element
Participants report gender disparity within organization
due to ‘good old boys’ club impact drive/motivation.
Participants believed peer support offered female LEOs
a shared sense of belonging from colleagues who
understand the challenges of being a female LEO in a
masculinized profession.
Participants desire to obtain more encouragement from
veteran female LEOs in the organization.
Support programs
for female
LEOs
Gender Participants believed they have a persistent burden of
proof relating to job competence particularly when it
comes to traditionally masculine duties. However,
experience tend to reduce the phenomenon.
Participants believed female LEOs bear a greater
burden to balance personal/professional choices due
to caregiver roles.
Mentorship and
support
programs for
female LEOs
Self-efficacy Participants revealed promotion processes negatively
affect female LEOs self-efficacy as promotions are
not merit based.
The ‘good old boy’ system overrides merit-based
promotions.
Participants indicated high resilience and
determination, self-describing as stubborn and willing
to take on a challenge.
Participants stated mentors enhanced self-efficacy by
demonstrating what was possible, by setting an
example, and by guiding via feedback and counsel.
Mentorship and
support
programs for
female LEOs
Decision-
making
Participants indicated career decisions were based on
childhood aspirations.
Participants described decision-making process as
systematic or analytical, stating “I like to analyze.”
Participants reported when it came to decision-making
support, both spectrums were present: a supportive
family and unsupportive family.
Mentorship and
support
programs for
female LEOs

Organization

Participants acknowledged the masculine hegemony,
and ‘good old boy’ systems that guide the
organization’s training, hiring, and promotion
systems.
Participants believed community’s needs were more
important than negative culture within LE
organization. Serving was a theme amongst all
participants.

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Table 10 demonstrates alignment across three of the study’s core Chapter Four and
Chapter Five components: the recommendations, the themes, and the findings. Findings were
extracted from the participant narratives. Subsequently, the thematic analysis and designations
emerged from coding (findings). Finally, the recommendations were a derivative of the study’s
findings. The extant research both within and outside of the LE profession supports the study’s
alignment in content, context, and study applicability (see Table 11).

Table 11
Recommendations and Empirical Research Linkage
Recommendation Extant research summary Citation
Mentorship

The study analyzed the relationships among
gender role, sexual orientation, and
mentoring for female sworn federal law
enforcement officers throughout the
United States.
Barratt, Bergman, &
Thompson, 2014
Mentorship

The study examined the effects of
mentoring on retention of women in
policing in the United Kingdom.
Carson, 2009
Mentorship Outcomes regarding coaching and
mentoring program that enables the
professional needs of the female LEOs
within the force to be matched effectively
with those available from officers and
staff.
Clarke, 2018
Mentorship Mentoring, as a leadership resource, can aid
newly hired female LEOs in integrating
into the LE organization. Effective
mentoring programs reduce anxiety
caused by feelings of doubt many newly
hired female LEOs have regarding their
ability to make it in the field of law
enforcement.
Grace & Petras, 2014
Mentorship The purpose of this study was to explore
what female LEO mentees and mentors
perceive they are learning via formal
mentoring over time and how this makes a
difference for them in the LE organization.
Jones, 2017

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Recommendation Extant research summary Citation
Mentorship The study follows a continuous peer health
mentoring program. Program seemed to
be protective to new officers by reducing
burnout. Declines in BMI and
hypertension were also recorded.
Kotejoshyer, et al.,
2021
Mentorship The paper explores the prevalence of
mentorship opportunities for female
LEOs, the nature of mentorship
relationships, and their perceived effect
on women’s career advancement.

Lavender & Todak,
2022
Mentorship The study examined the social practical
needs and obstacles faced by women
overcoming their involvement with the
justice system, and the extent to which
mentoring addressed their needs and
obstacles.
Singh, Cale, &
Armstrong, 2018
Support
programs for
female LEOs
Study focuses on perceptions regarding
female LEOs, attitudes in relation to
preferred officer-gender in calls for
service and views on increasing the
number of female LEOs. The findings
identified clear support for increasing the
number of women police.
Bull, Watson, Amin,
& Carrington, 2021
Support
programs for
female LEOs
The study examined whether management
supports female LEOs adequately, or
whether they have to rely on their
individual attributes, specifically
psychological capital to cope with red
tape and stress. Work
outcomes/consequences examined were
discretionary power, affective
commitment and turnover intentions.

Brunetto, Teo, Farr-
Wharton,
Shacklock, &
Shriberg, 2017
Support programs
for female LEOs
The study examined the factors underlying
the relationship between work–family
conflict and female engineers’ intention to
leave the occupation. The study proposed
both work interference with family and
family interference with work influence
women’s intention to leave an engineering
occupation by decreasing their
commitment to the occupation.
Singh, Zhang, Wan, &
Fouad, 2018
Support programs
for female LEOs
The study examined the relationships,
perceived organizational support, job
stress, among a population of
Birze, Regehr,
Paradis, LeBlanc, &
Einstein, 2022

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Recommendation Extant research summary Citation
communicators. The study found an
organization perceived as unsupportive
may create a culture in which membership
are dissuaded from expressing true
emotions with colleagues and supervisors,
potentially magnifying the traumatic
effects of exposure to critical incidents.

Both tables (Table 10 and Table 11) within the recommendations section present,
describe, and validate the study’s connection to extant data. The research shows a significant link
between success, perception of the organization, and job satisfaction in correlation to the tenets
of mentorship and organizational support mechanisms. The following presents the study’s
recommendations in light of the study’s findings.
Recommendation 1: Mentorship
Overall, the study’s participants reported a lack of mentorship opportunities within each’s
respective organization. Research shows experiential learning [mentorship] emphasizes the
significance of experience throughout the learning process (Breci & Martin, 2006).
Subsequently, the purpose of a mentoring relationship is to both support and challenge [a female
LEO’s] learning and development experience (Jones, 2017). The study’s data shows mentorship
when available is beneficial and is a frequently sought opportunity by female LEOs within the
LE organization. Primarily because, as research has indicated, female [LEOs] experience
significant problems integrating into the masculinized LE culture (Martin, 1980). Zachary (2003)
suggests mentoring is a leadership’s responsibility and it is the obligation of leadership to ensure
that mentorship is part of the organizational cultural. The following are recommended tenets of a
healthy organizational female LEO mentorship program:

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• Make mentorship an organizational priority.
• Provide resources for a variety of mentoring types, such as formal and informal
mentoring programs.
• Ensure access of mentorship programs to membership.
• Encourage women leaders and to become mentor.
• Provide recognition for female LEOs who mentor.
• Ensure mentoring activities are captured in performance management.
• Provide resources and training for mentors.
Beginning in the early stages of a career, male LEO sub-cultures frequently generate
informal and formal mentor-based relationships (Lavender & Todak, 2022). The advantages are
clear: diverse relationships, favoritism, nepotism, and ‘place holding’. These advantages are
catalysts for the LE organization’s ‘good old boy’ system; a phenomenon which study
participants commonly spoke about. The study shows female LEOs do not have access to similar
professional relationships thereby negating similar benefits. Presently, a ‘good old gal’ system
does not exist. Data demonstrates mentorship programs enhance careers and increase chances for
success for all organizational members (Lavender & Todak, 2022). One study’s findings
demonstrated formal mentorship programs support and empower female LEOs (Jones, 2017).
Thus, female LEO mentorship programs should be added and integrated into organizational
programs and evaluation processes to aid in establishing mentorship as a formal organizational
norm. Additionally, to reduce attrition, any mentorship program should seek to pair newly
recruited female LEO mentees with veteran female LEO mentors, especially female LEOs in
leadership positions. If female LEOs are precluded from breaking the glass ceiling due to a lack
of professional experience and knowledge, then mentorship could be part of a solution. If the

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masculine culture is also generating bias and obstacles for female LEOs, the concrete floor,
mentorship might aid in breaking down these barriers (Jones, 2017).
Recommendation 2: Organizational Support Programs
The study found how female LEOs perceive organizational support is a contributive
factor within the overall gender disparity in law enforcement problem. In order for the LE
profession to become more inclusive the following recommendation may be beneficial if
implemented. The second recommendation proposes the creation of formal organizational
support programs for female LEOs. LE organizations must develop a support program(s) for
female LEOs to one, address the gaps associated within a range of organizational opportunities
(e.g., maternity leave, child daycare, professional development, and organizational policy
development), and two, to retain high quality veteran female LEOs and increase the
organization’s female membership via recruiting and hiring (ergo incentives offered). Such
programs would create guaranteed opportunities and allocate resources presently absent or
inadequate due to organizationally tolerated gender discrimination and bias. For example,
opportunities to serve in specialized positions (SWAT, K9, Gang Unit, etc.) are limited and often
for female LEOs non-existent (Rabe-Hemp, 2008). Relative to specialized positions, a number of
positions should be coded within the organization’s positional staffing matrix thereby solidifying
a number of positions for female LEOs only. The outcome would demonstrate the organization
prioritizes and values female LEO membership thereby altering how female LEOs perceive the
organization. One study on female U.S. Naval officers found a distinct relationship between how
female officers perceived the U.S. Navy (how their contributions and well-being were valued)
and retention. In other words, how the female officers perceived they were being treated directly
influenced the decision to stay or leave the organization (Rader, 2021). Ideally, programs would

137

also include policies, regulations, and procedures to codify the actions and activities which
scaffold the program(s). Another example of supportive programming is creating space on policy
and procedural work groups for female membership targeting female LEO opportunities and
well-being.
The two recommendations offered are not considered unobtainable, nor unrealistic. The
LE organization is capable of addressing both recommendations without impact to budget,
mission, and or staffing. Furthermore, the adoption of the study’s recommendations will only aid
in organizations ability to retain female LEOs thereby enhancing the organization’s mission and
community served.
Conclusion
The qualitative research study provided a venue for seven female LEO voices to discuss
lived professional experiences as well as share relative personal experiences. The study brought
to light the myriad of challenges and adverse impacts gender disparity generates for LE
organizations and in particular, female LEO membership. The findings of the study confirmed
female LEOs cope with gender discrimination barriers such as, male LEO resistance, gendered
standard operating procedures, limited promotion opportunities, a lack of mentorship and
support, and a range of stereotyping, labeling, and harassment (Archbold et al., 2014; Bevan,
2012; Brown, 1998; Dick, 1999; Morash, 2009). The study determined the challenges extend
beyond the organization, as the problem starts with the LE academy and persists throughout the
female LEO career.
Theory and Data
Presently, research focusing on female LEOs is dated and does not include examining
gender disparity through female LEO perspectives relative to self-efficacy and career decision-

138

making. The study engaged the theoretical and experiential domains of self-efficacy beliefs,
outcome expectations, personal goals, and decision-making through which female LEOs
provided testimony regarding adverse actions, activities, and events which negatively impacted
aspects of duty and professional growth. Equally, the participants provided ample proof of how
unique women in LE can be in terms of how each choose to interact and navigate a persistently
hostile environment with positive attitudes. While the job is the same, the experiences for each
participant were distinctively different because people are distinctively different, however, the
commonality was that each were thriving. The thriving was understood by the study as evidence
of self-efficacy, outcome expectations, and personal goals.
Although not unprecedented in terms of extant research, the study validated a primary
assumption, that being the low representation of women in LE is significantly linked to a
woman’s self-efficacy. Analysis of the study’s interview data revealed self-efficacy as the
dominant theme within the interview process. Although the study sample was small, the seven
participants’ testimonies were sufficient for the research design allowing for a comprehensive
inductive analysis that produced rich and descriptive data from which the study’s findings
proceeded.
Human Capital Strategy
The present relationship between LE organizations and communities each protect and
serve is precarious at best and severely degraded at worst. Unquestionably, it is a critical time for
LE organizations across the nation. Now more than ever, LE organizations must shift to
community policing models. Subsequently, studies show female LEOs are better suited to
engage in community policing actions, activities, and operations (Archbold & Schultz, 2014).
However, as discussed, low representation of women in LE remains a prevalent and increasingly

139

pressing issue. Far too many LE organizations are forced to confront complex and dangerous
challenges every day due to the lack of female LEO representation within the organization. As
extant research and the study here suggests, hiring and retention reform is a significant part of
the problem and the solution. Compounding the problem more are outdated practices relating to
how LE organizations hire and retain, which are fundamentally flawed, made so by biases and
discrimination. The result is fewer female LEOs, which leads to an erosion of LE organization
capabilities. To ensure a culture of equality and an increase of representation of women in the
profession, LE organizations must revise policies, procedures, and symbols capable of generating
and, in some instances, promoting, organizational inequality and inequity. For a profession wide
hiring and retention reform effort to succeed, a forcing mechanism is necessary thereby making
federal intervention requisite.
Legislative Considerations
Contemporary gender equality legislation without amendments is an insufficient
mechanism to address the problem as the LE profession is open to women. Reasons why
legislation is insufficient are few, however ambiguous language and broad in scope are two
significant impetuses. Nevertheless, equality-based laws were either not designed to eliminate
the ability to normalize organizational obstacles capable of generating male dominated
professions or have largely failed. If that were a false assertion, gender disparity in any
profession would not be a persistent and unsolvable problem as it has been thus far.
Final Thoughts
Organizational support is a complex term and means different things to different
organizations. However, here, organizational support are the actions and resources organizational
leaders employ to generate appropriate, developmental, and accommodating activities for female

140

LEOs (see Theme 5, organization). LE leadership must take inventory of how organizational
mechanisms support the female LEO membership. Leaving the support systems to wane or exist
as goodwill intentions will erode trust, damage relationships, and ultimately drive down female
LEO membership. Data shows mentoring is a keystone program in any organization, especially
diverse organizations. The study’s data demonstrated the need for an organization to
professionally develop and educate the workforce using experiential expertise. Participants in the
study spoke plainly about how each perceived professional development, family matters, and
equality. For male LEOs, these conditions are either not an issue or are reduced to nil via the
masculinized culture and ‘good old boy’ system. To genuinely operationalize equality and
equity, to instill fairness in the nations LE profession, female LEOs must have the same formal
and informal resources, rights, and privileges as male LEOs.
Lastly, research presently examines problems associated with the underrepresentation of
women in LE in a compartmentalized manner. However, the study found by examining the
problem from a women’s perspective, the problem was inherently presented holistically. The
result was a better understanding of the challenges female LEOs confront which offered a myriad
of reasons for gender disparity in LE rather than seeing the problem as unilateral in nature. What
is clear is the problem is not entirely an organizational one, which suggests culture is the
problem. Nor is it entirely gender-based, a male LEO problem. To suggest that it is one or the
other or an amalgamation of both is dismissive of the problem’s complexity by virtue of
subjectivity or researcher scope.

141

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Appendix A: Recruitment Questionnaire
1. Age. (Circle one)
a. 18–21
b. 22–32
c. 31–41
d. 42–59
e. I prefer not to say
2. What is your ethnic background? (Circle one)
a. African American
b. Asian Eastern
c. Asian Indian
d. Hispanic
e. Mixed race
f. Native American
g. White/Caucasian
h. Other_________
i. I prefer not to say
3. How many years have you worked as a LE officer? (Circle one)
a. 3–10
b. 11–15
c. 16–20
d. 21–25
e. 26+

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4. Have you ever applied for or considered a professional development assignment and
or training? (SWAT, VICE, Victim Advocate, Crash Analyst, etc.) If so, please
list__________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________
__________________

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Appendix B: Invitation and Conditions
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education
Waite Phillips Hall
3470 Trousdale Parkway
Los Angeles, CA 90089

STUDY TITLE: Gender Disparity in LE

PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR: Michael A. Koren

Study Procedures

1. Background/rationale

a. The study will explore why the LE profession is and has consistently suffers from low
representation of women in LE. Data over the past 50 years has shown an alarmingly low
number of women working within the LE profession. Previous research has focused on factors
external to the woman, such as sexual harassment or gendered organization influences. While
these activities and actions do impact women in LE, this study focuses on factors internal to the
woman to explore the problem of gender disparity in LE. Research by Rabe-Hemp (2008a,
2008b, 2009, 2011) indicates the problem is one created primarily of social and organizational
culture. The following research questions will be addressed in this study:

a) How does a woman’s perception of LE impact their LE career?
b) How do women navigate their career in LE?
2. Purpose/objectives/aims/research questions

a. Objectives of this study include raising awareness of gender disparity in LE across all levels
(stakeholders) and to convincingly demonstrate (via data) that women are the central
perspective of concern (vice the organization) thus it is critical for recruiting and retention
efforts to adopt different strategies.

b. The purpose of this study is to explore the under-representation of women in LE. The intent
is to learn how self-efficacy and on the job experience as well as past experience influence
decision-making processes relative to career decisions for females in LE. The research
conducted in this study may help LE organizational leaders, recruiters, and decision-makers
gain a deeper understanding of how and or why the under-representation of women in LE
persists.

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3. Participants
a. Participants are all over the age of 18 female employees of LE organizations. Participants are
required to have no less than 5 years of service and must have applied to or considered
applying to a professional development assignment. Participants are excluded if they have less
than 5 years of service or have not applied to or considered applying to professional
development. The study does not include children, those younger than 18, as it is looking at the
experiences of adults in a LE work environment.
b. Employees are the focus as the study focuses on self-efficacy and decision-making processes
in relation to career decision making within the LE profession. Retired LE individuals were not
considered realistic as their status to include location is considered protected. Attempting to
locate and interview this population may fracture the ‘do no harm’ oath. Participants vary in
organization; however, the list includes the Pulaski County Sheriff’s Department, the
Waynesville Police Department, the St. Robert Police Department, the Richland Police
Department, the Veterans Affairs Police, and the Missouri State Troopers. The PI is not
associated with any if the above listed LE organizations and therefore has no authority nor is in
a position of power within the organizations.
c. Participants will be asked to take part in a face-to-face interview consisting of 15 open-
ended questions. Questions are based on self-efficacy and career decision-making choices.
Interviews are expected to last from 30 to 45 minutes. For purposes of accurate data collection
and analysis, the interviews will be recorded using both audio, video, and manual note taking
by the investigator.
d. If participants agree to take part in the study, they will be asked to meet a public site of your
choosing such as their police department or a library and participate in an interview with the
investigator conducted via face-to-face. The investigator will interview each participant using
identical questions asked in the same manner to each participant. Question design is open-
ended in order to gain insight about female LE officer personal and professional experiences
and opinions as a LE officer.
e. Participant privacy and confidentiality will be facilitated via coding, secure USB, and
university policies. Coding will allow the investigator to use pseudonyms for names and
organizations. Prior to the data collection, the PI will create 10–12 pseudonyms and associated
organizations. This way the data immediately starts out aggregating in a protected manner. The
USB is a 32GB encrypted pass protected device. All non-pseudonym participant and
organization related data will be stored on the encrypted USB and locked in a drawer safe.
Additionally, data management is completed via folder hierarchy and is maintained on a secure
and password protected homebased MAC. All study files are further password protected.
4. Compensation
a. The study will provide each participant $35. The incentive will be given to each participant
before the interview begins. Receiving the gift card is not contingent upon completing the
interview or answering all questions.

168

5. Recruitment

a. Regarding recruiting, the study uses the snowball methodology beginning with a post
targeting Missouri based social media. A social media advertisement will be posted to several
LE Missouri based social media sites in order to locate and select one participant. The
advertisement will provide the criteria as well as provide details relating to compensation.
If the participant meets the criteria, which is at least five years of service as a LE officer and
applying to or considered applying to a professional development, then the participant will be
accepted.

6. Methods

a. This study will use a qualitative approach consisting of interviews. Interview participants
will be screened and recruited using the snowball methodology. The following steps will be
followed in the study:

1. Once USC IRB approval is received, I will send out the recruitment post to the
appropriate social media sites. Participant criteria is included in the recruitment post.

2. Plan to mitigate coercion: The interview information protocol sheet indicates that
participation is completely voluntary. Participant rights related to not answering some
questions or discontinuing their participation will also be presented via the IRB Information
Sheet for Exempt Studies. The only contact with participants will be from the initial female
LE officer who will contact the next potential participant in accordance with the snowball
method.

3. As soon as a participant has agreed to participate in the interview, a pseudonym will
be assigned and all data relating to the participant will be maintained and secured under that
pseudonym.

4. Interested participants will use the PI contact information from the recruitment
post.

5. The current participant will ask potential participants if they are interested. If the
potential participant says yes, the PI contact information will at that time be shared.

6. Once the potential participant receives the PI contact information, the potential
participant contacts the PI for screening purposes and further coordination should the
potential participant be eligible.

7. Once the participant is screened and agrees the participant will email the PI and
arrange for an interview time at one of the aforementioned places.

8. All participants will be given an IRB Information Sheet for Exempt Studies
customized for this study at the start of the interview prior to any questions being asked.

169

9. During the interview, participants will be asked the questions from the interview
protocol in the IRB application.

10. All interview participants will be thanked for their time. Compensation (35$ will be
issued at the beginning of each interview).

11. All collected data will be analyzed and secured.

12. Following the data collection, findings will be articulated in Chapter Four of the
dissertation. All participants will be provided an electronic copy of the completed
dissertation once it is available in ProQuest.

b. Qualitative instruments

1. Semi-structured interviews will be conducted with 5–7 employees to further elaborate
on the self-efficacy and decision-making processes involved with career choices. The
interview protocol consists of 15 open-ended questions and is anticipated to take 30–45
minutes.

2. A questionnaire will be used to assist with analyzing and aggregating data types. The
questionnaire is comprised of five demographic based questions and are not designed to
probe or comprehensively inform the study.

c. Data analysis

1. Data will be coded using open and a priori coding methods. Furthermore, data will be
tracked via excel data base in order to between understand thematic patterns of each participant
as well as identifying patterns across the sample. Data will be secured using a secure USB drive
and when the data is no longer required, the data will be maintained and handled in accordance
with University of Southern California policies.
Points of contact
If you have questions about the study, please contact the investigator, Michael Koren via email at
mkoren@usc.edu.
IRB Contact:
If you have any questions about your rights as a research participant, please contact the
University of Southern California Institutional Review Board (IRB), 3720 South Flower Street
#301, Los Angeles, CA 90089-0702, (213) 821-5272 or irb@usc.edu

Participant’s Statement of Consent:

I have read the above information and I am voluntarily making a decision to participate in this
research study. I feel I understand the study well enough to make a decision about my

170

involvement. I understand that by providing my signature, I am agreeing to the terms described
above.

Right to withdraw:

Participation is voluntary. You have the right to withdraw from the study at any time however
the incentive paid will be forfeit. You may omit any questions if you do not want to answer
them. However, in order to receive the incentive gift card, participants must sit through the entire
interview and answer all of the questions.
Printed name of participant__________________________________________
Signature of participant _____________________________Date____________
Printed name of investigator_________________________________________
Signature of investigator ____________________________Date____________

171

Appendix C: Social Media Interview Solicitation
Attention! If you would like an opportunity to participate in a study regarding gender disparity in
LE and you meet the below criteria, please contact the below listed point of contact for further
information. Participation includes taking part in a 15 question interview which is expected to
last for approximately 30 minutes. The first female LE officer who meets the qualifications will
be selected. If you are selected, you will be required to participate in the snowball method of
recruitment whereby you provide the contact information of another candidate who also meets
the below criteria. You will be compensated $35 for your participation.
Criteria:
1. Be a sworn female LE officer
2. Have at least three years of experience
3. Considered and or applied to a professional development assignment or training

Point of Contact:
Michael Koren
mkoren@usc.edu

172

Appendix D: Interview Guide
Introduction to the interview:
Ask participant for permission to record the interview (addressed in consent form). If
participant agrees, inform participant a detailed transcript will be available to them as soon as the
transcription process is complete. If the participant declines being recorded, inform participant
that some other form of notes must be taken, and a transcription may be provided for review
following the entirety of the interview process.
Thank you for taking the time to participate in this interview. Your insight and
experiences are a crucial piece to this study on gender disparity in LE. As a reminder, you do not
have to answer any questions you are not comfortable with. At the same time know that any
information you provide is confidential and will be protected. Your name, organization, and
position will remain anonymous. Please understand your responses will aid in shaping how
researchers and practitioners understand the gender disparity problem. Are there any questions at
this point? Questions will be single scope, however, most of the time I will ask a follow-up
question in order to clarify the data. For example, I might ask “How has LE changed your life?
And after you answer, I may ask “Can you talk a bit more about ______”. These questions are
not meant to make you feel like I have asked the same question repeatedly, rather they are in fact
answering specific data points for my study. If at any time you have a question, please ask. Let’s
move on to the interview questions.
1. How did you decide to pursue a LE career? (RQ1)
• Tell me more.
2. If family and friends have influenced your decisions, how have they (RQ1/2)
• How does their input affect your decision-making?

173

3. What influenced your choice to remain in LE? (RQ1)
• Tell me more.
4. How has the reputation of LE influenced the pursuit of your career? (RQ1)
• Tell me more.
5. What is your decision-making process? (RQ1)
• What does it take for you to decide to reverse a decision?
6. Is there an experience or time in your life that influenced you to persist in this career?
(RQ1)
• How so?
• If true, tell me about a time that made you want to leave this career path?
7. What does this phrase, “LE culture”, mean to you? (RQ1)
• How has the LE culture influenced how you manage your actions or move
within the organization?
8. What training opportunities have been available to you? (SWAT, VICE, etc.)?
(RQ1/2)
• How did you determine whether to pursue or not to pursue different
opportunities?
9. What would you say to someone who suggested a female officer is at greater risk
(risk here is defined as being overly susceptible to physical or emotional duress)?
(RQ1)
• What makes you feel that way?
10. How has organizational culture in your department either positively or negatively
affected you (Morals, ethics, values)? (RQ2)

174

• What are some reasons you feel this way?
11. How confident are you in executing difficult tasks such as subduing a subject, death
notifications, or violent crime victims? (RQ2)
• Tell me more about your level confidence.
12. What experiences helped build your skills for this career? (RQ1)
• How have these early career experiences increased your skills?
13. What motivated you to succeed in this hazardous field? (RQ1)
• Tell me more.
14. What is the most difficult problem you have faced in the LE profession? (RQ1)
• How if at all did that influence you?
15. If you attended an academy or during your training for this career, what LE tasks if
any were you concerned about being able to effectively perform? (RQ1/2)
• How if at all did that concern change?
16. Is there anything else you would like to share you believe would be beneficial to the
study?

175

Appendix E: Snowball Directions
What is the Snowballing Method? The Snowball Method is a form of sampling for
research whereby the sample (Group) is generated by ‘word of mouth’. In other words, when one
participant refers another participant who refers yet another participant until the study’s
participant quota is satisfied. The connections within the Snowball Method are often friends and
or co-workers who meet the criteria. For more information on the Snowball Method, see
Bloomberg and Volpe’s Completing Your Qualitative Dissertation.
Directions for the Snowballing Method:
1. Ask potential participant (co-worker, friend, etc.) if she is interested in participating
in the study.
2. Explain the study and answer any questions about the general nature of the study.
3. Explain the snowball method requirement (to the best of your ability) and obtain a
positive response to their willingness to facilitate the snowball method.
4. If potential participant agrees with above, provide the participant with an
informational sheet with instructions to contact the investigator.
5. While talking to potential participants, please do not discuss the interview questions.

176

Appendix E: Observational Protocol Note Matrix
Name of investigator: ___________________________________________________________
Name of participant: ____________________________________________________________
Pseudonym: ___________________________________________________________________
Date/time: _________________Location of interview: _________________________________
Environment
Descriptive notes
(observations)
Reflective notes (questions to self, my
interpretations of non-verbal behavior)
Physical setting

Participant

General career
questions

Self-efficacy
questions

Decision-making
questions

Policy questions

Culture questions

Abstract (if available)

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Asset Metadata

Creator Koren, Michael A. (author)

Core Title Gender disparity in law enforcement

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)

Degree Conferral Date 2023-05

Publication Date 02/16/2023

Defense Date 01/12/2023

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag bias,decision-making theory,Discrimination,disparity,Federal,Female,female law enforcement officer,gender,imbalance,Law enforcement,Leo,OAI-PMH Harvest,organization,Police,police department.,policewomen,self-efficacy,social cognitive career theory,social cognitive theory,statistics,stats,token,tokenism,Women,women police

Format theses (aat)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Brady, Meleanie L. (committee chair), Green, Alan (committee member), Phillips, Jennifer L. (committee member)

Creator Email mikekoren@outlook.com,mkoren@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC112732775

Unique identifier UC112732775

Identifier etd-KorenMicha-11474.pdf (filename)

Legacy Identifier etd-KorenMicha-11474

Document Type Dissertation

Format theses (aat)

Rights Koren, Michael A.

Internet Media Type application/pdf

Type texts

Source 20230222-usctheses-batch-1007 (batch), University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the author, as the original true and official version of the work, but does not grant the reader permission to use the work if the desired use is covered by copyright. It is the author, as rights holder, who must provide use permission if such use is covered by copyright. The original signature page accompanying the original submission of the work to the USC Libraries is retained by the USC Libraries and a copy of it may be obtained by authorized requesters contacting the repository e-mail address given.

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu