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Experiences of multiracial Asian American and Pacific Islander students at an Asian American Native American Pacific Islander-serving institution

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Experiences of multiracial Asian American and Pacific Islander students at an Asian American Native American Pacific Islander-serving institution

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Experiences of Multiracial Asian American and Pacific Islander Students at an Asian
American Native American Pacific Islander-Serving Institution
by
Jennifer Nguyen Ellingwood

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty.
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education

May, 2021

© Copyright by Jennifer Nguyen Ellingwood 2021
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Jennifer Nguyen Ellingwood certifies the approval of this Dissertation

Artineh Samkian
Marissiko Wheaton
Tracy Tambascia, Committee Chair

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2021

iv

Abstract
This study examined the experiences of multiracial Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI)
students at an Asian American Native American Pacific Islander-Serving Institution
(AANAPISI). As the higher education student population becomes more racially diverse, the
multiracial population has become one of the fastest-growing populations in the United States
(U.S. Census Bureau, 2012d). However, there is very little research on multiracial
subpopulations such as multiracial AAPIs. This study looked at how multiracial AAPI perceive
their experiences and sense of belonging to be influenced by attending an AANAPISI.
Qualitative methods through surveys and semi-structured interviews were conducted with
participants who meet the given criteria of multiracial and AAPI at the site institution. Renn’s
(2000, 2004) Ecological Theory of Multiracial Identity and Strayhorn’s (2012) core components
of sense of belonging contribute to the conceptual framework that was used for this study. The
themes that emerged from this study included reflection on identity over time and varied identity
salience in relation to sense of belonging. One additional finding was that a majority of
participants did not know California Community College was an AANAPISI. Recommendations
from the findings include increasing student awareness of AANAPISI programs and services,
assessing inclusion of multiracial identity in AANAPISI programs, and creating AANAPISI-
funded opportunities for online learners.

v

Dedication
To my partner in life, husband, and impromptu paper editor, Greyson, I could not have achieved
this without your love and support. Thanks for being a shoulder to cry, smile, and laugh through
every step in this journey. And to my corgi, Rey, your consistent love and cuddles were the most
helpful through not only the program and dissertation but the Covid-19 pandemic.

vi
Acknowledgements
First, thank you to my family. My parents, thank you for always believing in me and
supporting all of my academic endeavors throughout the years. My siblings, Bobby and
Stephanie, and their significant others, Janie and Mimi, thank you for your support over the years
even when it came through making fun of me. Thank you, family, for all for your help every step
of the way even when it meant bringing my computer to restaurants, breweries, and family
hangouts to continue writing.
Thank you to all my friends both near and far from high school, UCLA, NYU, UC
Merced, USC, and everyone I met throughout the years. Thank you for still keeping in touch
across the country to right here in LA. Thank you for always inviting me to social activities so I
could take breaks away from schoolwork and writing. From hangouts, trips, workouts, and video
calls, the consistent support and study breaks have been the reason I kept going.
I would like to thank all of my fellow EdD classmates. From my Thursday night group,
Higher Education concentration, and thematic dissertation group, each and every one of you
have been so helpful throughout the last three years. I would not have gotten through this
program without all of you wonderful people. Special thanks to Ally, Armando, Erin, Kristi,
Melissa, Rhiannon, and Sally for writing sessions, support, feedback, and everything in between.
Thank you to the USC Residential Education department for your support throughout the
past years. From supervisors, peers, and my ParkWest team, I could not have done this without
your unwavering support. Special thanks to Erin, Patty, and D’Andre for the consistent
conversations about the program and dissertation during our 1:1s as we all navigated the program
together.

vii
Thank you to the study site for allowing me survey and interview your students. Thank
you to the participants for sharing your stories.
A special thank you to my committee. Dr. Artineh Samkian, thank you for all the support
throughout the whole EdD program. I really enjoyed learning all about inquiry through your
classes. Dr. Marissiko Wheaton, thank you for years of support from NYU to now. Your
knowledge on multiracial and AAPI students was integral throughout this process. Last, but not
least, all the thanks to my dissertation chair, Dr. Tracy Tambascia. I do not know what I would
have done without you. Thank you for the support, help, feedback, and guidance throughout this
process.

viii
Table of Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ....................................................................................................................................... v
Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................ vi
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................. xi
List of Figures ............................................................................................................................... xii
List of Abbreviations ................................................................................................................... xiii
Chapter One: Overview of the Study .............................................................................................. 1
Multiracial Students ............................................................................................................ 1
Multiracial Asian American and Pacific Islander ............................................................... 1
Sense of Belonging ............................................................................................................. 2
Minority-Serving Institutions.............................................................................................. 3
Statement of the Problem .................................................................................................... 4
Purpose of the Study ........................................................................................................... 5
Significance of the Study .................................................................................................... 6
Limitations, Delimitations, and Assumptions ..................................................................... 7
Conclusion .......................................................................................................................... 8
Chapter Two: Literature Review .................................................................................................... 9
Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders............................................................................... 9
Model Minority Myth ....................................................................................................... 15
AAPI Identity Development ............................................................................................. 17
Multiracial Individuals ...................................................................................................... 18
Minority-Serving Institutions............................................................................................ 24

ix
Conceptual Framework ..................................................................................................... 31
Chapter Three: Methods ............................................................................................................... 39
Mixed Research Methods ................................................................................................. 40
Site Selection .................................................................................................................... 42
Population and Sample ..................................................................................................... 43
Instrumentation and Source of Evidence .......................................................................... 45
Data Collection ................................................................................................................. 46
Data Analysis .................................................................................................................... 47
Validity ............................................................................................................................. 48
Role of the Researcher ...................................................................................................... 48
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 50
Chapter Four: Presentation of Data and Findings ......................................................................... 51
Participant Overview ........................................................................................................ 51
Themes .............................................................................................................................. 53
Additional Finding ............................................................................................................ 76
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 81
Chapter Five: Discussion and Recommendations......................................................................... 82
Discussion ......................................................................................................................... 83
Research Questions ........................................................................................................... 85
Conceptual Framework ..................................................................................................... 87
Recommendations for Practice ......................................................................................... 89
Future Research ................................................................................................................ 93
Limitations ........................................................................................................................ 94

x
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 95
References ..................................................................................................................................... 96
Appendix A: Information Sheet .................................................................................................. 111
Appendix B: Recruitment Emails ............................................................................................... 113
Appendix C: Survey Questions ................................................................................................... 115
Appendix D: Interview Protocol ................................................................................................. 116

xi

List of Tables
Table 1: List of Asian American Ethnicities and U.S. Population Totals 2015 10
Table 2: List of Pacific Islander Ethnicities and U.S. Population Totals 2012 12
Table 3: List of Grant-Funded AANAPISIs for FY 2015-2020 28
Table 4: Interview Participant Characteristics 52

xii
List of Figures
Figure 1: Conceptual Framework 38

xiii
List of Abbreviations
AANAPISI Asian American Native American Pacific Islander-Serving Institution

AAPI Asian American Pacific Islander

CCC California Community College

MSI Minority-Serving Institution
1

Chapter One: Overview of the Study
As the higher education student population in the United States becomes more racially
diverse, it is integral that institutions provide support to students with a variety of histories and
backgrounds. Administrators, staff, and faculty must understand the unique experiences of
students from different racial groups. While research on students of color has increased, there is
a lack of knowledge and research on individuals who identify as multiracial.
Multiracial Students
The multiracial population has grown from 6.8 million in 2000 to 9 million in 2010,
making it one of the fastest-growing populations in the United States (U.S. Census Bureau,
2012d). If this group continues to grow at the same rate, it will triple by 2060 (Pew Research
Center, 2015). With an increase in the general population, there will be an increase in multiracial
individuals entering higher education. In 2018, 3.7% of the total U.S. student population in
higher education was multiracial (National Center for Education Statistics [NCES], 2019b). The
multiracial student population varies when compared to their monoracial peers, meaning
individuals who identifying or affiliate with a single racial group (Renn, 2004). Multiracial
individuals’ unique experiences with monoracial discrimination influence their college
experience and identity formation (Renn, 2000, 2004; Shih & Sanchez, 2009). Institutions of
higher education need to adapt their programs and services to support this growing population.
Multiracial Asian American and Pacific Islander
Although multiracial individuals are often grouped together, the experiences of
subgroups of these individuals differ. In this study, race refers to a social grouping of people
who have similar physical or social characteristics that are generally considered by society as
forming a distinct group. Race is socially constructed and is partially characterized by physical
2

similarities such as skin color, facial features, or hair texture. Race is also partially characterized
by general social similarities such as shared history, speech patterns, or traditions and by the
formation of distinct racial groups in society that self-identify as such (Barnshaw, 2008, p. 1091).
It is difficult to characterize individuals of two races or more races uniformly, as their
experiences and attitudes differ based on their backgrounds (Pew Research Center, 2015). Prior
research focused on multiracial individuals’ identity as part of one racial group or of the
Black/White multiracial group (Gaither, 2015). In this study, Black or African American refers
to a person having origins in any of the Black racial groups of Africa, and the term White is used
to describe a person having origins in any of the original peoples of Europe, the Middle East, or
North Africa (U.S. Census Bureau, 2018a).
However, one of the fastest-growing multiracial groups consists of Asian American and
Pacific Islander (AAPI) individuals who identify as multiracial. In this study, the term AAPI is
defined as a person having origins in any of the original peoples of the Far East, Southeast Asia,
or the Indian subcontinent including, for example, Cambodia, China, India, Japan, Korea,
Malaysia, Pakistan, the Philippine Islands, Thailand, Vietnam, Hawaii, Guam, Samoa, or other
Pacific Islands (U.S. Census Bureau, 2018b). Due to recent immigration and high rates of
interracial marriage, over 1.6 million people identified as multiracial and AAPI in the 2000 U.S.
census (U.S. Census Bureau, 2001; Williams-Leon, 2003). Between the 2000 and 2010 censuses,
this group continued to grow.
Sense of Belonging
A factor that helps to understand individuals’ experiences on a college campus and which
positively contributes to identity development is sense of belonging:
3

Students’ perceived social support on campus, a feeling or sensation of connectedness,
the experience of mattering or feeling cared about, accepted, respected, valued by, and
important to the group (e.g., campus community) or others on campus, (e.g. faculty,
peers). (Strayhorn, 2012, p. 3)
Sense of belonging is important in understanding individuals’ experiences on a college campus
and positively contributes to identity development (Hurtado & Carter, 1997). In addition, it is
key among higher education success indicators, such as persistence and completion (O’Keeffe,
2013; Strayhorn, 2012). Sense of belonging is an essential component of a student’s integration
on campus (O’Keeffe, 2013; Strayhorn, 2012; Tinto, 1993).
Understanding multiracial AAPI students’ sense of belonging is critical in supporting
them in the higher education context. Limited research has examined these individuals’ sense of
belonging. Prior research revealed this population’s lack of sense of belonging on campus, which
increased their feelings of stigmatization and likelihood of leaving that campus to find another
that better supported them (Murphy & Zirkel, 2015). This lack of research extends to the
exploration of these students’ sense of belonging. Further research is needed to better understand
this population and provide the necessary information to support them in their personal and
academic endeavors in higher education.
Minority-Serving Institutions
To support students of color, minority-serving institutions (MSIs) provide dedicated
funding and resources. Minority-serving institutions have existed formally since 1965 (Gasman,
2008). The number of these institutions is increasing to match the need to support the growing
numbers of college students of color. Also, MSIs play a critical role in higher education since
they educate a significant number of low-income and underrepresented minorities (Teranishi &
4

Alcantar, 2019). In 2015, there were 700 designated MSIs, which represented 14% of all degree-
granting institutions, enrolling 4.8 million students and educating 28% of all students (Espinosa
et al., 2017).
The most recent federally designated MSI is the Asian American Native American
Pacific Islander-Serving Institution (AANAPISI). The designation AANAPISI derives from a
federal government program that provides grants and related assistance to institutions serving
Asian American and Native American Pacific Islander populations to enable them to improve
and expand their capacity to serve these students as well as low-income individuals (U.S.
Department of Education, 2020a). This designation was created because of a growing number of
AAPI students in higher education and a lack of knowledge about and support for them (Park &
Teranishi, 2008). Because this designation was only recently enacted, little research has sought
to understand the impact of AANAPISIs (National Commission on Asian American and Pacific
Islander Research in Education [CARE], 2014). Although the research has noted some positive
outcomes, no studies have examined the experiences of multiracial AAPI at an AANAPISI. With
experiences different from those of their monoracial AAPI peers, it is important to understand
these students’ experiences at an AANAPISI to better include them in campus programs and
services.
Statement of the Problem
The number of multiracial individuals in the United States is over nine million (Pew
Research Center, 2015) and about half of this population is under 18 years old (Pew Research
Center, 2015). The numbers of these students at our colleges and universities are increasing, but
there remains a lack of research and understanding by staff and faculty about them (Renn, 2008).
There are even less research and knowledge on the subpopulations of multiracial AAPI
5

individuals. Most research focuses on multiracial populations who identify as Black and White,
even though multiracial AAPI individuals outnumbered Black/White multiracial individuals in
the 2010 census (Williams-Leon, 2003). The lack of research and conceptual understanding of
multiracial students’ experiences means little is known about supporting their success in higher
education.
Sense of belonging promotes students’ development and persistence in higher education
(O’Keeffe, 2013). Research has found that sense of belonging is critical to individuals’ racial
identity development (Renn, 2004). Research on sense of belonging has examined many
different groups, including many monoracial groups, but multiracial students have been excluded
from much of the research (Johnson et al., 2007). Therefore, not much is known on how these
students experience sense of belonging and what influences their higher education journey.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study was to examine the experiences of multiracial AAPI students at
an AANAPISI. Institutions designated as AANAPISIs receive funding to support the AAPI
population, but little is known about how these campuses support multiracial AAPI students.
This study focused on this subgroup to learn more about their experiences at an MSI through
sense of belonging. Two research questions guided study:
1. How do multiracial AAPI students perceive their experience to be influenced by
attending an AANAPISI?
2. How do they perceive attending an AANAPISI to influence their sense of belonging, if at
all?
This study examined the research questions through a framework focused on multiracial
identity and sense of belonging. Multiracial identity development through Renn’s (2000) ecology
6

approach examines identity in the college context. Multiracial individuals identify with various
patterns of identity: monoracial identity, multiple monoracial identities, multiracial identity,
extra-racial identity, and situational identity (Renn, 2000). In addition, this study focused on
sense of belonging through Strayhorn’s (2012) seven core components. These core components
state that sense of belonging (a) is a basic human need, (b) is a fundamental motive, (c) is
context-dependent, (d) is related to mattering, (e) intersects with social identities, (f) leads to
positive outcomes, and (g) must continue to be satisfied as contexts change.
Significance of the Study
This study is significant to higher education, as multiracial AAPI student enrollment
continues to increase. The findings of this study may better inform campus stakeholders to
support these students. Due to the societal focus on support systems for monoracial students,
many higher education professionals lack knowledge about multiracial individuals (Museus et
al., 2011). This study can support campus administrators in creating outreach to potential
students that is inclusive of all racial identities. This study can also inform staff on developing
programs to support students with multiracial identities, specifically AANAPISI programs for
those of multiracial AAPI identity. In addition, this study can inform faculty on understanding
and better supporting multiracial individuals in the classroom. Faculty could use this study to
ensure their curriculum is inclusive of all identities, since multiracial identities are often
forgotten in the classroom.
In addition to informing individuals, this study can inform policy and research pertaining
to MSIs, specifically AANAPISIs. As most AANAPISIs focus on supporting monoracial AAPI
students, this study can inform policy that is more inclusive of multiracial students. In addition,
this study contributes to the limited research on multiracial students, multiracial AAPI students,
7

and AANAPISIs. Future research can help inform others on these populations and provide data
for institutions to make changes in support of these students moving forward.
Limitations, Delimitations, and Assumptions
The limitations of this study were connected to the methods’ design. Using mixed
methods, the quantitative aspects provided some limitations. The survey used in this study was
not piloted, resulting in limits of validity and reliability in measuring the constructs. The low
number of survey respondents was another limitation, as there was an unknown number of
students who identified as both AAPI and multiracial. Therefore, it is unknown if the total
number of survey responses was sufficient to fully understand the experiences of multiracial
AAPI students at the site. Even with quantitative aspects, the findings cannot be generalized
outside of the participants due to the survey instruments’ limits and the majority of the data being
qualitative (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Data from one institution in California may not apply to
institutions located in other parts of the United States.
Researcher bias was another limitation. Being a core component of qualitative methods,
the researcher can bring ethical and personal issues into the process (Creswell & Creswell,
2018). Therefore, it was integral that the researcher identified and reflected on values, bias, and
personal experiences to acknowledge how these can shape data interpretation (Creswell &
Creswell, 2018). As a multiracial AAPI individual, the researcher had their own history and
assumptions related to their student experience.
Delimitations
The focus of this study was on multiracial AAPI undergraduate students at an
AANAPISI. It also focused on community college students. The study did not focus on
individuals who identify as only AAPI or only multiracial; participants had to identify as both.
8

Through the conceptual framework, this study focused on participants’ sense of belonging and
no other aspects of their experience.
Assumptions
There were four assumptions for this study. The first assumption was that qualitative
methods were best for this study to gain the necessary data. The second assumption was that, of
the various qualitative methods, interviews and surveys are the most effective for gathering data
from participants. Qualitative surveys and interviews were used to gather data on the experiences
of multiracial AAPI students. Another assumption was that the number of interviews conducted
would provide sufficient evidence for the findings of this study. The last assumption was that
multiracial AAPI students’ racial identity influences their experiences in a college setting.
Conclusion
The research examining the experiences of multiracial AAPIs is scarce. This population
continues to grow, but institutions of higher education lack the knowledge to best support these
students. Therefore, this study examined the experiences of students at an AANAPISI with
special attention to what the institution has done to help promote a sense of belonging. The
findings of this study can inform practices of campus administrators and faculty, future policy,
and future research on this population. The subsequent chapter will focus on the literature related
to this study, followed by a chapter on the methods of this study.
9

Chapter Two: Literature Review
This chapter provides the background and introduction to multiracial AAPI students and
AANAPISIs. The two research questions that guided this study asked how these students
perceived their experience to be influenced by attending an AANAPISI and how they perceived
attending an AANAPISI influenced their sense of belonging, if at all. To understand multiracial
AAPI students’ experiences, this literature review provides a basis for understanding these
populations through their histories within the United States and throughout previous research.
This chapter is divided into four sections. The first section provides information on Asian
American and Pacific Islander individuals in the United States through history, AAPI college
students, the model minority myth, and AAPI identity development. The second section looks at
multiracial individuals through the history and research on this group. The third section discusses
MSIs’ history before delving specifically into AANAPISIs. The last section provides the
conceptual framework for this study through multiracial identity development theory and sense
of belonging.
Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders
Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders (AAPI) are the two fastest-growing racial groups
in the United States, according to the U.S. Census Bureau (2018b). In 2016, an estimated 23
million people in the United States identified as AAPI (U.S. Census Bureau, 2018b). The AAPI
population consists of 48 distinct ethnic groups (U.S. Census Bureau, 2018b). Although
commonly grouped together, there is a wide range of differences among this racial group when
the data are disaggregated by ethnic group. However, there are also similarities in how these
groups are treated in the United States in relation to immigration, citizenship, and civil rights,
10

which has led to common experiences of oppression and discrimination around the AAPI racial
identity (Chan, 2017).
Asian Americans
Between 2000 and 2015, the U.S. Asian population grew 72%, from 11.9 million to 20.4
million (Lopez et al., 2017). The recent immigration wave accounted for one-fourth of Asian
American immigrants between 1965 and today. As of 2017, 59% of Asian Americans were born
in another country (Lopez et al., 2017). The rate of population growth means that Asian
Americans will likely become the largest immigrant group in the United States, surpassing
Latinx in 2055 (Lopez et al., 2017). Almost half of the Asian American population resides in the
West, with 31% residing in California alone (Lopez et al., 2017).
While some Asian Americans fare well educationally and economically, examining the
outcomes of different cultural and national identities shows a different story. The Pew Research
Center collected data on these outcomes from the U.S. Census’s American Community Survey
for the most populous Asian American groups in the United States (See Table 1; Pew Research
Center, 2021).
Table 1
List of Asian American Ethnicities and U.S. Population Totals 2015
Ethnicity 2015 Population Total
Chinese 4,948,000
Indian 3,982,000
Filipino 3,899,000
Vietnamese 1,980,000
Korean 1,822,000
Japanese 1,411,000
Pakistani 519,000
Cambodian 330,000
Hmong 299,000
Thai 295,000
Laotian 271,000
11

Ethnicity 2015 Population Total
Bangladeshi 188,000
Burmese 168,000
Nepalese 140,000
Indonesian 113,000
Sri Lankan 60,000
Malaysian 30,000
Bhutanese 24,000
Mongolian 21,000
Note. Data pulled from multiple Pew Research Center (2021) fact sheets available at
https://www.pewresearch.org/topics/asian-americans/

As a racial group, Asian American household incomes are higher than the average in the
United States, with $73,060 for households headed by Asian Americans compared to the national
average of $53,600 (Lopez et al., 2017). However, Asian American families had more
individuals contributing to the family income (Suzuki, 2002). When disaggregated by ethnic
group, of the 19 groups analyzed by the Pew Research Center, eight ethnic groups had poverty
rates higher than the U.S. average (Lopez et al., 2017). Asian American groups have varied high
school and college graduation rates (Lopez et al., 2017; Museus, 2013). Asian American
completion of high school ranged from about 95% completion from groups such as Japanese,
Taiwanese, and Indonesian to about 60% from groups such as Cambodian and Hmong (Museus,
2013). Asian Indians and Taiwanese have high college graduation rates: 76% and 72%,
respectively (Museus, 2013). However, many Asian American students, such as Hmong,
Cambodian, and Laotian, have college completion rates at half the national average: 14%, 13%,
and 12%, respectively (Museus, 2013).
Many of the differences in educational attainment can be attributed to circumstances in
how groups migrated to the United States. Some Asian Americans came to the United States
already highly educated while others immigrated from countries with limited educational and
12

social mobility (CARE, 2011). Many Asian Americans who immigrated as a result of the
Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 benefited from job placement in companies as part of
their visas (Pak et al., 2014; Pew Research Center, 2013). However, not all Asian immigrants
received the same benefits (Pak et al., 2014). More recent Asian groups immigrated due to
family reunification policies (Pak et al., 2014). Also, many immigrants from Southeast Asian
countries, such as Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos, fled wars (Pak et al., 2014). These
circumstances for newer Asian American immigrants resulted in underemployment and living
arrangements wherein multiple families live in one household due to poverty (Pak et al., 2014).
If data on this group are not disaggregated, the differences among the ethnic groups will be
masked, allowing for continued assumptions of the success of all Asian Americans.
Pacific Islanders
In the 2010 census, Pacific Islanders were separated from Asian Americans into their
own racial group (U.S. Census Bureau, 2012a). Between 2010 and 2018, Pacific Islanders in the
United States grew at a rate of over 33% (Museus, 2013). Pacific Islanders are the second-
fastest-growing identity group in the United States (Museus, 2013). The U.S. Census Bureau
(2012a) collected data on the most populous Pacific Islander groups in 2012 (See Table 2).
Similar to Asian Americans, the largest proportion of the population resides in the West, but
Hawaii has the highest numbers of Pacific Islanders (Museus, 2013).
Table 2
List of Pacific Islander Ethnicities and U.S. Population Totals 2012
Ethnicity 2012 Population Total
Native Hawaiian 528,991
Samoan 172,595
Guamanian or Chamorro 130,223
Tongan 63,934
Other Micronesian 48,494
13

Ethnicity 2012 Population Total
Fijian 43,654
Marshallese 20,497
Other Polynesian 15,148
Other Melanesian 1,308
Other Pacific Islander, not
specified
266,138
Note. Data pulled from U.S. Census Bureau (2012a) Table ID B02019.

As an identity group, there are differences among Pacific Islanders in terms of economic
and educational success. Within the United States, Pacific Islanders are both above and below
the national average in income earnings, with Guamanians and Chamorro Islanders higher than
the national average, and Native Hawaiians, Samoans, Fijians, Tongans, and other Micronesians
well below the national average (Museus, 2013). In school completion, Pacific Islanders are two
to three times more likely than the national population to have dropped out of high school
(Museus, 2013; Pak et al., 2014). While the national average for college enrollment is 54.9%, it
is 47.0% for Pacific Islanders (Teranishi et al., 2019). Similar to the differences among Asian
Americans, Pacific Islanders have their own unique experiences. Disaggregating the data among
the different racial and ethnic groups in the AAPI community highlights the complexity and
variance within this racial group.
AAPIs in Higher Education
As these groups grow in population in the United States, their numbers increase at higher
education institutions. Between 2000 and 2017, AAPI undergraduate student enrollment
increased 29% from 846,000 to 1.1 million students (NCES, 2019c). Among graduate students
AAPI enrollment increased 46% from 133,000 to 198,000 students (NCES, 2019a). However,
similar to their economic status and high school attainment, there are varying rates of college
participation and completion throughout the AAPI population.
14

For many AAPIs, access to college is a problem, with many groups having not enrolled
in or completed any college coursework. For example, 65.8% of Cambodian, 65.5% of Laotian,
63.2% of Hmong, and 51.1% of Vietnamese adults have not attended or enrolled in any
postsecondary education (CARE, 2011). Similarly, within the Pacific Islander group, 57.9% of
Tongan, 56.8% of Samoan, 53% of Guamanian, and 49.3% of Native Hawaiian adults have not
enrolled or attended any postsecondary education (CARE, 2011). The barriers to higher
education may start in primary and secondary education, as some students of Southeast Asian
descent have low attainment rates at these levels (Museus, 2013; CARE, 2011). These barriers
include family expectations, language knowledge, and socioeconomic status (Davis & McDaid,
1992; Lee, 2001; Museus & Vue, 2013; Truong & Miller, 2018).
Family expectations for attending higher education are mixed in the AAPI community
and based on cultural values and norms. In some Southeast Asian cultures, young adults are
expected to contribute financially to the family and complete household obligations such as
cooking, cleaning, and taking care of siblings, which limits their ability to focus on school (Lee,
2001; Truong & Miller, 2018). Limited knowledge of the English language is another barrier, as
understanding English is required for success in school (Davis & McDaid, 1992). Also, AAPI
individuals of lower socioeconomic status have lower expectations of attending college, lower
rates of applying to college, and lower rates of actually attending college due to concerns about
paying tuition (Museus & Vue, 2013). These barriers contribute to the wide disparities seen in
AAPI students ’ access to higher education.
Nonetheless, AAPI students find a wide variety of success and challenges to completing
college once enrolled. Over four out of five East Asians and South Asians complete a bachelor’s
degree once enrolled (CARE, 2011). However, among Southeast Asian and Pacific Islander
15

groups, many do not complete a degree when attending college, with over 50% of Native
Hawaiians, Tongans, and Samoans not completing once enrolled (CARE, 2011). Only 18% of
Pacific Islander adults have a bachelor’s degree (Hall, 2015). A higher proportion of Southeast
Asians and Pacific Islanders earned an associate’s degree as the highest level of education, while
East and South Asians earned bachelor’s or advanced degrees as their highest educational
achievement (CARE, 2011).
A 2005 report found that 47.3% of AAPIs in higher education were enrolled in
community colleges (CARE, 2011). AAPI students enrolled in community college had different
success and completion rates, and they were often delayed in transferring to a four-year
institution (Wine et al., 2011). For example, 62.9% of AAPIs in community colleges enrolled
part-time, and 31.7% were enrolled for four or more years before transferring (Wine et al., 2011).
These rates reflect the additional barriers AAPIs experienced at the community college in
transferring and earning a bachelor’s degree. Despite well-documented figures on AAPI student
college enrollment and completion, there are virtually no data on college enrollment and
completion for multiracial AAPIs, highlighting the need to examine this group.
Model Minority Myth
The model minority myth is a stereotype purporting that AAPIs have higher success
through better physical and mental health, lower crime rates, higher incomes, and higher
achievement in educational settings than other Americans, specifically, other minority groups
(Teranishi, 2010). While this myth promotes the notion that all AAPIs are successful,
educational attainment is bimodal, with groups clustered at both the high and low ends of the
spectrum (Pak et al., 2014). The model minority myth stereotype has been assumed to include
Pacific Islanders when AAPI groups are aggregated. However, some research shows that Pacific
16

Islanders experience the opposite of the model minority myth and that their experiences mirror
those of Black students in many ways (Harrison et al., 2017; Philip et al., 2015). Pacific Islanders
may not experience the model minority myth in the same way as Asian Americans, so this
section will focus on the impacts of the myth on Asian Americans.
The model minority myth creates additional barriers for Asian American students. First,
they are seen as super-achievers and assumed to be successful on their own without institutional
support, which then discourages help-seeking behavior (Pak et al., 2014; Teranishi, 2010). In
addition, the myth promotes the concept that Asian Americans are overrepresented in higher
education, which masks the low rates of college enrollment and completion for students who are
of Hmong, Cambodian, and Vietnamese descent (Pak et al., 2014). Institutions may include
Asian Americans in promoting the diversity of their student populations, but many of the
programs typically created for historically underrepresented groups are limited or exclude Asian
Americans (Pak et al., 2014). These assumptions and stereotypes result in fewer support
programs and retention efforts such as affirmative action, financial aid, and diversity-related
programming (Pak et al., 2014; Suzuki, 2002).
In addition to a perceived lack of need for institutional support, the model minority myth
affects Asian American students’ mental health. Researchers have found that these students
experience stress and alienation due to high expectations from parents, faculty, and peers (Cheng
et al., 2010). Asian Americans are also the racial group less likely to use mental health
counseling due to stigma (Sue et al., 2012; Suzuki, 2002). However, due to the stereotype of
these students as problem-free and high achieving, many institutions ignore these issues on their
campuses (Pak et al., 2014; Suzuki, 2002). The model minority myth promotes the high
expectations of Asian American students without any institutional support to help them succeed.
17

AAPI Identity Development
Due to the range of different ethnic groups, languages, cultures, and religions, identity
development for AAPI as a racial group is complex. Racial identity is a description of an
individual’s identification with a specific racial group within the societal notions of race and
racism (Alvarez, 2002; Chan, 2017; Kim, 2012).
Traditional AAPI identity development models focus on stages of development, where
individuals start at a stage of unawareness and move into awareness (Alvarez, 2002; Chan, 2017;
Kim, 2012). The next stage is conformity to the dominant White racial group, wherein AAPIs
assimilate to the White culture. Once individuals see and acknowledge racism and how White
culture plays into the treatment of AAPIs, the next stage is dissonance, as individuals start to
acknowledge their AAPI identity and stop aspiring to conform to the White identity. As the
individual learns more about their AAPI identity, they move towards immersion in the AAPI
identity through learning more about the history and culture. Lastly, AAPI individuals integrate
their racial identity with their other identities to create their sense of self.
Accapadi (2012) proposed a polycultural identity consciousness model as a response to
the lack of non-stage models in AAPI identity development theories. This model draws from
both critical race theory and intersectionality to examine AAPI students’ development. Through
a polycultural lens, this model has six categories that influence consciousness: ethnic attachment,
familial influence, immigration history, external influences and perceptions, self as other, and
other social identities. For individuals, these influences have different saliency or relatedness.
Phenotypic appearance is included in the category of self as other. This model can apply to
multiracial AAPI individuals, as some are assumed to not be AAPI based on how they look,
18

influencing their identity. This model moves past identity development models into
consciousness as a way of understanding AAPI identity.
Identifying as AAPI
In addition to AAPI identity development and consciousness models, additional aspects
of AAPI identity are relevant. First, individuals identify with the AAPI label to different degrees
(Chan, 2017). Students may identify with the larger AAPI community, either Asian American or
Pacific Islander, or their specific ethnic group due to the complexities and layers within this
group. Many Pacific Islanders do not identify with Asian Americans due to tensions within the
community. There is also evidence that multiracial AAPI individuals may identify with more
than one AAPI racial or ethnic group. In addition, AAPI individuals have different points of
access to their identity development (Alvarez, 2002; Chan, 2017; CARE, 2011), including
classes, student organizations, and AAPI specific cultural centers, providing a variety of ways to
explore their identity. In addition to the institution, larger influences of historical and current
societal trends may influence AAPI identity. Socio-political climate and topics such as
immigration, migration, xenophobia, and Islamophobia influence these individuals’ identities
and create tensions within and outside of the larger AAPI population (Chan, 2017).
Multiracial Individuals
Multiracial individuals are a growing population within the United States. On the 2010
census forms, nine million (2.3%) individuals chose two or more races (U.S. Census Bureau,
2012d). From 2000 to 2010, the number of individuals who identified themselves as two or more
races on the census increased by over a third (U.S. Census Bureau, 2012d). If this population
continues to grow at the same rate, its numbers will triple by 2060 (Pew Research Center, 2015).
This growth is most evident in the younger population. Multiracial individuals are younger than
19

those with one racial background, with a median age of 19 compared to 38 (Pew Research
Center, 2015).
While this group continues to grow, it is important to understand how those with mixed
racial backgrounds may choose to identify themselves. Not all individuals with multiple racial
backgrounds identify as multiracial. According to the Pew Research Center (2015), 61% of
individuals with a mixed racial background did not identify as multiracial. However, multiracial
identity is complicated and can change throughout one’s lifetime (Renn, 2000, 2008). Three out
of 10 individuals with a mixed racial background stated they had changed their racial identity
throughout their lifetimes (Pew Research Center, 2015). As those with mixed backgrounds
change how they identify, the numbers of those who consider themselves multiracial will also
continue to shift.
History
While the new multiracial categories on the census forms changed how individuals are
counted, multiracial individuals have existed in United States’ records since the 1600s (Morning,
2003). Multiracial individuals of Black and White or of Native American and White
backgrounds were called Mulatto (Morning, 2003). Due to the centrality of the White race, those
considered multiracial were those whose parentage included someone who was White, but they
were not considered White if they had a parent or ancestor of any other race in what was known
as the one-drop rule (Morning, 2003). These and other multiracial groups were continuously
added and removed throughout history in the census (Morning, 2003; Pew Research Center,
2015).
Anti-miscegenation laws legally separated the mixing of races by marriage and birth to
continue to separate White populations from other racial groups (Haney-Lopez, 2006). Laws
20

prohibited mixed-race relationships (Renn, 2004) until 1967 when the Supreme Court’s ruling in
Loving v. Virginia struck down all laws prohibiting interracial marriage (Renn, 2004). Interracial
marriages skyrocketed in the years following. From 1980 to 2002, interracial marriages increased
from 651,000 to over 1.6 million and represented 2.9% of all marriages (U.S. Census Bureau,
2002). As this population increased, adding a multiracial box to the census form was considered
in the 1990s (Museus et al., 2011). However, leaders from minoritized groups opposed this
change, as they felt it would detract from their monoracial groups and weaken their power
(Museus et al., 2011). In 2000, the U.S. Census Bureau added the option to select more than one
race instead of a bi/multiracial option to provide a way to identify with these groups (Museus et
al., 2011). In the first year in which they could choose more than one race, 2.4% of Americans
did so (Pew Research Center, 2015). With such long history, multiracial individuals have a
complex and nuanced background that has affected today’s racial landscape.
Multiracial Research
As a newer population of study, most research on multiracial individuals has been
completed within the last 30 years (Poston, 1990; Renn, 2008; Root, 1990). Much of this
research focuses on how multiracial individuals identify themselves and the societal implications
of that identity (Shih & Sanchez, 2005). The literature is mixed with both positive and negative
aspects of multiracial identity. Early literature focused on individuals as marginal (Renn, 2008;
Stonequist, 1937). Stonequist’s (1937) theory focused on the biracial experience as marginal and
resulting in negative emotions of self-consciousness, sensitivity to others’ thoughts and actions,
and feelings of inferiority. These negative emotions and experiences have emerged in more
recent literature as well (Shih & Sanchez, 2005). The Pew Research Center (2015) conducted a
nationally representative online study of 1,555 multiracial Americans. Among participants, 55%
21

were recipients of racial jokes or slurs, 43% were subjected to poor service in businesses, 33%
were treated unfairly by an employer, and 30% were attacked or threatened. Other studies have
noted negative experiences through disapproval from extended family, increased discrimination,
increased social exclusion, and negative psychological well-being (Kerwin et al., 1993; Kerwin
& Ponterotto, 1995). Multiracial individuals may also have trouble finding peers who can relate
to their racial experiences (Renn, 2000) and have to explain their identity to others. Many
experience assumptions regarding their racial background due to the ambiguity of their
appearance. In the Pew Research Center’s study, one in four respondents stated they feel
annoyed by others who assume their racial background. Additional studies have found that
having one’s racial background questioned has led to difficulty in forming a clear multiracial
identity (Sanchez et al., 2009). In addition, having to choose one racial background with which
to identify can have negative outcomes. Those asked to choose only one race experienced
decreased self-esteem (Townsend et al., 2009). Overall, adverse reactions from others
contributed to negative experiences for multiracial individuals.
Many studies have also found positive experiences and psychological outcomes for
multiracial individuals, which may be due to American society becoming more aware and
accepting of these individuals (Shih & Sanchez, 2005). Through a meta-analysis of qualitative
and quantitative research, Shih and Sanchez (2005) found that multiracial individuals were as
well-adjusted on psychological outcomes as their monoracial peers. These results were found for
individuals with mixed backgrounds who identified as multiracial (Shih & Sanchez, 2005).
Being able to acknowledge all sides of one’s multiracial identity resulted in an increase of
sensitivity for one’s own racial groups and the backgrounds of others (Kerwin et al., 1993; Shih
& Sanchez, 2009). Those who identified as multiracial had higher self-esteem, social
22

engagement, and psychological well-being than those who identified with only one of their racial
background groups (Binning et al., 2009). Multiracial individuals who identify themselves
accurately based on their heritage and lived experiences have lower stereotype vulnerability and
a higher sense of efficacy than those who cannot (Shih et al., 2007; Shih & Sanchez, 2005).
These positive psychological outcomes may be due to overcoming and building resilience
against the challenges of being multiracial (Shih & Sanchez, 2005).
The mixed findings among prior research highlight the need to continue studying
multiracial groups to better understand their experiences. Throughout the research discussed
here, the studies focus on multiracial as one large group with little research on subgroups outside
those who are Black and White.
Multiracial Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders
Multiracial AAPIs are a significant portion of the multiracial population. According to
the 2000 census, 14% of AAPI identified as AAPI and another race, which represents over 1.6
million people (U.S. Census Bureau, 2001). Also, AAPIs intermarry at a high rate (Williams-
Leon, 2003). However, most of the research is on Black and White individuals. In the 2000
census, the number of AAPI/White individuals outnumbered Black/White individuals by almost
200,000, with almost one million identifying as AAPI and White (Williams-Leon, 2003).
Between 2000 and 2010, the number of AAPI/White individuals increased by 87% (Pew
Research Center, 2015). Since multiracial AAPI individuals comprise a large and growing racial
group, it is important to study their experiences.
Published research and data on multiracial individuals focused on how individuals
identified, particularly those who identified as White and another race. The historical context
provides a variety of reasons and complexity to the identification of multiracial individuals.
23

Multiracial groups of Black/White or Hispanic/White backgrounds tend to identify with the
historically minoritized racial background instead of the White background (Pew Research
Center, 2015). This may be due to the one-drop rule for Black multiracial individuals, as they
may not have been given the choice of identification but were required to identify as Black by
law (Haney-Lopez, 2006). Historically, other individuals who were mixed with White were
considered non-White in order to protect Whiteness (Haney-Lopez, 2006).
Some AAPI/White individuals identify more with their White background than their
AAPI background (Pew Research Center, 2015). This identification may have to do with a
variety of factors. Many AAPI communities exclude those of mixed backgrounds (Grove, 1991;
Root, 1995). This exclusion relates to the historical context of the United States’ military
presence in Asia and the Pacific Islands. As the U.S. military forces occupied Asia and the
Pacific Islands post-World War II, many American men started relationships with Asian and
Pacific Islander women that often reflected unequal socioeconomic and political grounds
(Yamanaka, 2017). Women who bore children with these American men faced social stigma
from communities whose cultural norms include racial homogeneity. In addition, some Pacific
Islanders, such as Native Hawaiians, were not accepting of multiracial individuals due to stolen
land and the military presence of White individuals (Root, 1995). These historical incidents
increased the multiracial White population at a cost to many people of color.
The research on multiracial AAPIs also examined social perceptions of them. About 44%
of AAPI/White multiracial individuals reported that others are confused about their racial
background (Pew Research Center, 2015). Twenty-three percent of multiracial AAPIs say they
are viewed as AAPI by others, while 42% say they are perceived as White (Pew Research
Center, 2015). In addition, 20% of multiracial AAPIs say they are viewed as being multiracial
24

(Pew Research Center, 2015). The influences on how multiracial AAPI individuals identify are
linked to their physical appearance, location, cultural exposure, and generation (Khanna, 2004;
Xie & Goyette, 1997). With a variety of factors, multiracial identity is complex and can greatly
differ according to the individual. While this group continues to grow, there is little research on
them, especially on those who are of AAPI and non-White backgrounds.
Minority-Serving Institutions
The designation of MSI is derived from the federal government and assigned to colleges
and universities with collective missions to educate and graduate minoritized racial populations.
In 2015, there were approximately 700 federally designated MSIs, which enrolled 4.8 million
students, representing 28% of the total undergraduate population (Espinosa et al., 2017). These
institutions differ widely in the populations they serve, their historical background, and their
locations across the United States (Gasman, 2008). There are seven categories of MSIs in the
United States: Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCU), Tribal Colleges and
Universities (TCUs), Hispanic-Serving Institutions (HSI), Alaska Native- and Native Hawaiian-
Serving Institutions, AANAPISI, Predominantly Black Institutions, and Native American-
Serving, Nontribal Institutions (Espinosa et al., 2017; U.S. Department of Commerce, n.d.).
The histories of MSIs are tied to the history of the United States and the racial and
cultural histories of the groups they serve (Gasman, 2008). Because of this history, MSIs
emerged at different points and have different missions, creating two core groups. MSIs such as
HBCUs and TCUs are mission-driven institutions established to support specific racial groups
(Espinosa et al., 2017; Gasman, 2008). Institutions designated as HBCUs existed prior to the
HBCU label. With the passing of the Higher Education Act of 1965, the HBCU designation was
reserved for institutions founded prior to 1964 with the core mission to educate Black Americans
25

(Gasman, 2008; U.S. Department of Education, n.d.-b). HBCUs do not require a specific
threshold of students to identify as Black or African American (Gasman, 2008). TCUs existed
prior to the designation in 1978, and additional campuses were created after laws providing
funding were implemented (Guillory & Ward, 2008). Their core mission is to serve Native
American students, and they require 50% of enrollees to be Native American students (Guillory
& Ward, 2008).
Other MSI designations, such as HSI and AANAPISI, are based primarily on whether an
institution enrolls specific racial groups at predetermined rates among the larger student
population (Espinosa et al., 2017; Park & Teranishi, 2008). For example, at least 25% of full-
time undergraduates at HSIs must identify as Hispanic (Cottrell & Smith, n.d.; Gasman, 2008);
AANAPISIs must have at least 10% Asian and Pacific Islander undergraduates (Cottrell &
Smith, n.d.; Park & Teranishi, 2008). To be eligible for the designation and funding, both HSIs
and AANAPISIs must have at least 50% of students receiving federal financial aid (Cottrell &
Smith, n.d.). While institutions may meet the criteria of multiple MSIs, they can receive funding
from only one federal grant program per year (Espinosa et al., 2017).
History
It is important to understand the history of MSIs to understand where they are today. The
first MSIs were HBCUs (Gasman, 2008). While Black colleges were created prior to the Civil
War and the desegregation of educational institutions, the designation of HBCU was developed
under the Higher Education Act of 1965 (Gasman, 2008). Under this law, a historically Black
college or university was defined as a college or university established before 1964 and whose
mission was to educate African Americans and Blacks (Gasman, 2008). In the 1980s, President
Jimmy Carter’s Executive Order 12232 provided federal funding to strengthen and expand Black
26

colleges (Gasman, 2008). As of 2018, there were 101 HBCUs with 292,000 students,
representing about 9% of all Black and African American students (NCES, 2020).
Attending an HBCU has many positive outcomes and benefits. These campuses graduate
a disproportionate number of Black students compared to predominately White institutions
(Richards & Awokoya, 2012). When controlling for socioeconomic status and academic
preparation, HBCUs retain and graduate students at higher rates than non-HBCUs (Richards &
Awokoya, 2012). Graduates of HBCUs have higher levels of self-esteem and are more likely to
pursue graduate degrees (Brown & Freeman, 2004). Being the first institutions to serve
minoritized groups, HBCUs set the stage for other groups to advocate for federal funding.
After HBCUs, two additional MSI designations were created: TCUs and HSIs. Similar to
HBCUs, TCUs were charged with the mission of serving the Native American population
(Gasman, 2008). The first TCU was created in 1968 by the Navajo Nation (Gasman, 2008). Ten
years later, TCUs became federally acknowledged in the Tribally Controlled College or
University Assistant Act of 1978 (Espinosa et al., 2017). Currently, there are 32 TCUs serving
over 30,000 Native American students, and those numbers continue to grow (U.S. Department of
Education, n.d.-a).
The increase of the Hispanic population in the United States led to the HSI designation
(Laden, 2004). These campuses were so labeled when the Higher Education Act of 1965 was
reauthorized in 1992, putting HSIs under Title III (Laden, 2004). This designation is different
from that of previously developed MSIs, since HSIs require a pre-determined percentage of a
specific racial group, and institutions can apply for this designation once they meet the threshold
(Gasman, 2008). The law defined HSIs as degree-granting colleges and universities with at least
25% of the student body identifying as Hispanic (Espinosa et al., 2017; Gasman, 2008).
27

However, in 1998, when the Higher Education Act was reauthorized, HSIs were moved to Title
V. The new requirements called for 25% of full-time undergraduates to be Hispanic (Espinosa et
al., 2017; Gasman, 2008). In 2017, there were 523 HSIs that enrolled 66% of all Hispanic
undergraduates, representing over 2.3 million students (Hispanic Association of Colleges and
Universities, 2019).
AANAPISI
The AANAPISI designation was created in 2007 to provide support to AAPI students. To
be designated, institutions need at least 10% AAPI student enrollment (CARE, 2011). In
addition, at least 50% of students at the institution must receive federal financial aid through the
Perkins Loan, Work Study, Federal Supplemental Educational Opportunity Grant, or Pell Grant
(AANAPISI, 2016). Institutions apply for a designation of eligibility from the U.S. Department
of Education to receive the grant (AANAPISI, 2016). The grant funds can be used to improve
facilities, curriculum, or student services, or institutions can direct the funds specifically towards
AAPI student support (AANAPISI, 2016). A list of grant-funded AANAPISIs for 2015-2020 is
provided (See Table 3).

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Table 3
List of Grant-Funded AANAPISIs for FY 2015-2020
Institution Name
Pacific
Islander
UG Total
Asian
UG
Total
AANAPISI
UG Total
Total
Enroll
AANAPIS
I UG %
American River College 269 3662 3931 31366 12.5
Bunker Hill Community College 11 1428 1439 12522 11.5
California State University-East
Bay 125 2904 3029 15628 23.6
California State University-
Sacramento 210 5753 5963 31902 20.7
Century College 8 1567 1575 8891 17.7
Coastline Community College 43 2525 2568 11313 22.7
CUNY Hunter College 47 4836 4883 23202 28.4
Evergreen Valley College 41 3785 3826 9598 39.9
Highline Community College 93 1027 1120 6530 17.2
Irvine Valley College 24 3481 3505 13052 26.9
Laney College 62 2778 2840 10404 27.3
Middlesex Community College 5 1033 1038 8090 12.8
Mission College 37 3310 3347 7780 43
Mt San Antonio College 74 5125 5199 29346 17.7
Northern Marianas College 517 475 992 1194 83.1
Orange Coast College 61 4432 4493 21122 21.3
Pierce College-Fort Steilacoom 88 371 459 6067 7.6
Richland College 25 3067 3092 20032 15.4
San Francisco State University 123 6761 6884 29778 25.9
University of California-Irvine 89 10647 10736 36032 36.1
University of Illinois at Chicago 13 4336 4349 31683 20.9
University of Massachusetts-
Boston 3 1690 1693 16164 13.3
University of Minnesota-Twin
Cities 28 3417 3445 50734 10
University of Nevada-Las Vegas 225 4003 4228 30457 16.7
Note. Source: AANAPISI (2016); U.S. Department of Education (2020b).
29

Overall, AANAPISIs educate a large portion of the AAPI student population in the
United States. Within the first few years of the program, 15 institutions were deemed
AANAPISIs, enrolling almost 10% of AAPI undergraduates (CARE, 2010). They enrolled
almost 89,000 AAPI undergraduate students and awarded almost 9,500 associate and bachelor’s
degrees (NCES, 2011). As of 2013, there were 153 eligible AANAPISI campuses, 78 designated,
and 21 funded, and this number continues to grow (CARE, 2013). In all, AANAPISIs enroll
approximately 41% of AAPI undergraduate students (CARE, 2013). Institutions that meet
funding eligibility enroll 75% of low-income AAPI college students (Congressional Research
Service, 2009). In addition, in 2010, almost 50% of all associate degrees awarded to AAPI
students were from AANAPISIs (CARE, 2013).
History of AANAPISIs
As one of the most recent MSIs, it took years of lobbying from politicians, researchers,
and advocacy organizations to bring to light the needs and challenges of the AAPI population
(Park & Teranishi, 2008). The White House Initiative on Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders
recommended a designation for AAPI students in its 2001 report (Park & Teranishi, 2008). In
2002, Robert Underwood (D-Guam) introduced an amendment to Title III HR 4825 to add
funding for AAPI institutions (Park & Teranishi, 2008). Congressman David Wu (D-Oregon)
reintroduced the bill in 2003 as HR333 and in 2005 as HR 2616 (Park & Teranishi, 2008). In
2005, Barbara Boxer (D-CA) and Daniel Akaka (D-HI) introduced Senate Bill S2160 (Park &
Teranishi, 2008). In 2007, the designation was implemented as part of the College Cost and
Reduction Act and expanded in 2008 through the Higher Education Opportunity Act
(AANAPISI, 2016; CARE, 2011). Currently, AANAPISIs receive funding through Title III Part
30

A of the Higher Education Opportunity Act, Strengthening Institutional Programs, focused on
supporting low-income students (Espinosa et al., 2017).
Importance of AANAPISIs
The designation of AANAPISI was important for AAPI students in higher education for
many reasons. The designation notes the unique challenges AAPI students face in relation to
other minoritized groups (CARE, 2011). Due to the model minority myth, staff and faculty at
institutions did not consider the hurdles AAPI students face in higher education (Teranishi,
2010). With the AANAPISI designation, campuses commit to focusing support on AAPI
students. The government designation also signaled a commitment for AAPI students and low-
income students to improve their completion rates (CARE, 2011). Through the funding tied to
the designation, institutions can implement programs and support services to support these
students. Examples of these programs include first-year experience programs, identity-based
communities, counselors and advisors, and tutoring programs (Teranishi, 2012). These programs
include leadership and mentorship opportunities to increase their success (Teranishi, 2012).
Funding is also being used to develop academic programs, increase academic quality,
increase the number of courses offered, and promote AAPI students’ participation in specific
academic programs (Teranishi, 2012). Lastly, AANAPISIs “acknowledge how campus settings
can be mutable points of intervention—sites of possibilities for responding for the impediments
AAPI students encounter” (CARE, 2011, p. 12). To better support AAPI students, faculty, staff,
and students must educate themselves on this population. Funding is being used for new research
on the AAPI student population and to provide professional development opportunities to faculty
and staff (Teranishi, 2012).
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Being the most recent of the MSIs, there is little research on the influence of the
AANAPISI designation on student success and completion. There have been institution-specific
studies on programs and their success. For example, CARE’s (2014) study at three community
colleges found AANAPISI-funded efforts resulted in both short- and long-term positive
academic outcomes, including higher rates of transition to college-level coursework, greater
likelihood of graduating with a certificate or associate degree, and increased enrollment in degree
coursework (CARE, 2014). In addition, Nguyen et al. (2018) found programs at one AANAPISI
contributed to outcomes such as strengthened academic engagement, better student navigation of
the college environment, and better shaping students’ future career aspirations. The limited
research completed thus far on AANAPISIs shows promising student outcomes, but more
research is needed to examine their effect on AAPI students.
Conceptual Framework
To examine multiracial AAPI students’ experiences and sense of belonging at an
AANAPISI, two main theoretical concepts were explored. In this section, multiracial identity
theory will be examined, focusing on Renn’s (2000, 2004) ecology theory on mixed-race identity
development in a college context. Sense of belonging will also be examined, focusing on
Strayhorn’s (2012) seven core concepts. This study examined multiracial AAPI students’
experiences at an AANAPISI through both their identity development and sense of belonging.
Multiracial Identity
The first published theory on multiracial individuals was Stonequist’s (1937) marginal
person’s model. Prior to this theory, racial theories solely focused on minority groups (Patton et
al., 2016). In this theory, Stonequist compared what he considers hybrid groups from around the
world using published and unpublished life-history documents. The core concept of this theory is
32

that the biracial experience is marginal since these individuals belong in two conflicting worlds
and none simultaneously. There are only two ways to escape this conflict: passing as White or
identifying as Black. While this study provided the initial basis for multiracial identity
development, it has limitations due to the deficit focus on marginality and only Black/White
multiracial individuals, explaining why this theory does not apply to multiracial individuals
today.
Growing from the initial study on biracial identity, stage models were created to explain
bi/multiracial identity (Ferguson, 2016; Kerwin & Ponterotto, 1995; Kich, 1992; Poston, 1990).
The first stage model for bi/multiracial identity was Poston’s (1990) biracial identity
development model. This model was developed from Poston’s own experience as a counselor
and Cross’s (1987) reference group orientations (Poston, 1990). Poston did not believe that
previous theories of identity development accurately represented biracial individuals and created
this theory as an alternative. In addition, Poston wanted to move beyond the marginal identity for
biracial individuals, as proposed by Stonequist (1937), to include healthy resolutions for biracial
identity development. A core component of a stage model is its reliance on progress from one
stage to the next, with one ideal endpoint (Ferguson, 2016; Kerwin & Ponterotto, 1995; Kich,
1992; Poston, 1990). However, stage models’ limitation is that not everyone will move through
the stages in the same order, as individuals may skip around or never reach the final stage (Renn,
2008). When individuals have multiple races to reconcile, their development is unlikely to be
linear, as it might be with one racial background (Renn, 2008). This component of all stage
models limits flexibility and change in one’s racial identity progression.
In addition to stage models, typology models focused on the different ways individuals
could identify emerged around the same time (Daniel, 1996; Root, 1990; Weisman, 1996). These
33

models did not focus on the progression of identity throughout time, like stage models, but
focused on how the bi/multiracial individual may choose to identify. In these models, there is not
one positive or healthy outcome, but all resolutions are considered positive in the development of
bi/multiracial identity (Daniel, 1996; Root, 1990; Weisman, 1996). The first theory in this area
was Root’s (1990) resolutions for resolving otherness. Root (1990) proposed that, for healthy
development, biracial individuals must be able to cope with “otherness” that is forced upon them
by monoracial peers. Based on experience as a counselor and personal biracial experience, Root
proposed four resolutions to cope with otherness positively. The first resolution is acceptance of
the identity society assigns; the individual identifies with the group to which others assume they
belong. The second resolution is identification with both racial groups while still being affected
by societal support and resistance to others’ influences. The third resolution is identification with
a single racial group independent of outside forces and pressures. In the fourth resolution, the
individual moves through the previous resolutions but ultimately identifies as
biracial/multiracial. Subsequent models emerged that reflected Root’s initial model with minor
additions.
The theory most applicable to this study is Renn’s (2000, 2004) ecological theory of
mixed-race identity development. Renn (2000, 2004) used an ecology approach to specifically
examine the college environment on multiracial identity. In a study conducted at three New
England universities, Renn used individual interviews from 24 college students, written
responses by participants, observations of and archival data about each campus on the topic of
multiracial issues, and a focus group of three to four students per campus. Renn identified five
patterns of identity. Patterns were used, as they emphasize the fluid and situational spaces
individuals occupy within their identity (Renn, 2000). The first is the monoracial identity, similar
34

to Root’s (1990) third resolution, in which the individual chooses one racial background with
which to identify. The second pattern is multiple monoracial identities, and, similar to Root’s
second resolution, the person shifts identity based on contextual factors. The third pattern is
multiracial identity, meaning the individual has a distinct multiracial identification, similar to
Root’s fourth resolution. Renn’s fourth pattern is extra-racial identity: the individual deconstructs
race or opts out of racial categories. This fourth pattern is not seen in previous research. The fifth
pattern is situational identity, wherein the individual identifies differently in various contexts, but
the identity is stable. Building on previous typology models, Renn examined multiracial identity
within a college context.
Renn (2003) completed additional studies to test the initial model. Building on the initial
sample, Renn used the same methods to study 14 additional students at a predominately White
community college and a midsized public university in the Midwest. Renn found that all the
student participants identified within her five patterns of multiracial identity. In an additional
study, Renn (2004) continued to build on this model to expand to a larger sample. After studying
56 students from six different institutions in the Northeast and Midwest using the same methods,
Renn found that students identified with the same patterns. Using Renn’s (2000, 2003, 2004)
patterns, this study examined the various patterns that multiracial AAPI individuals identify
within their experiences at an AANAPISI and how their institution influences those patterns (See
Figure 1).
Sense of Belonging
A major concern across higher education institutions is low persistence and completion
rates (Hoffman et al., 2003; Museus et al., 2017). In addition, students of color have lower rates
of college persistence and completion than the overall student population (Museus et al., 2017).
35

One important contributor to persistence is sense of belonging (O’Keeffe, 2013). To combat
attrition and promote persistence and completion, sense of belonging is critical to students’
success (O’Keeffe, 2013). Therefore, this study examined how multiracial AAPI students’ sense
of belonging leads to success.
As one of the first theories related to persistence, attrition, and belonging, Tinto’s (1993)
student integration theory focused on the need for students to connect with an institution’s formal
and informal systems. This longitudinal study looked at student retention and found three major
indicators of student departure: academic difficulties, alignment of educational and occupational
goals, and integration into the social and academic aspects of the institution (Tinto, 1993).
However, many researchers have critiqued Tinto’s theory due to limitations of persistence for
students of color (Hurtado & Carter, 1997; Tierney, 1992; Tierney, 1999). One of Tinto’s basic
concepts is that students need to adopt the value and norms of the institution, forcing students of
color to assimilate to predominately White institutions (Tierney, 1992; Tierney, 1999). This
model ignores the needs of diverse groups of students and requires that they conform, which
hinders their feelings of belonging on campus (O’Keeffe, 2013). It requires that the student
change rather than the institution (Johnson et al., 2007). This is important since sense of
belonging for students of color in college settings is lower than for White students (Hurtado &
Carter, 1997; Johnson et al., 2007). Developing a sense of belonging is critical for students to
succeed towards completion, especially at-risk students (O’Keeffe, 2013).
This study used Strayhorn’s (2012) seven core components of sense of belonging to
examine multiracial AAPI students’ experiences. These core components were developed
through a review of the literature, creating a synthesis of several theories and conceptual
components. The first component is “sense of belonging is a basic human need” (Strayhorn,
36

2012, p. 18). As a basic human need, sense of belonging is necessary for everyone. Second only
to more basic needs such as food and safety, Strayhorn states sense of belonging is fundamental
to reaching other aspects of Maslow’s (1962) hierarchy of needs, such as knowledge or self-
actualization. The second component is “sense of belonging is a fundamental motive, sufficient
to drive human behavior” (Strayhorn, 2012, p. 19). According to Strayhorn, the need to belong
will drive college students towards or away from behaviors that lead to academic achievement,
so actions may not always be positive in the search for belonging. The third component is “sense
of belonging takes on heightened importance (a) in certain context, (b) at certain times, and (c)
among certain populations” (Strayhorn, 2012, p. 20). Strayhorn stated that belonging is context-
dependent and can influence actions based on location, time, and other individuals.
The fourth component is “sense of belonging is related to, and seemingly a consequence
of, mattering” (Strayhorn, 2012, p. 21). Mattering is the feeling that one is appreciated and
valued by others (Schlossberg, 1989). For an individual to feel they belong, they must believe
that others care for them (Strayhorn, 2012). The fifth component is “social identities intersect
and affect college students’ sense of belonging” (Strayhorn, 2012, p. 22). While sense of
belonging applies to all individuals, it does not apply equally; individuals experience belonging
in different ways (Strayhorn, 2012). Social identities intersect and influence how one experiences
belonging (Strayhorn, 2012). T understand belonging, one must look at the identity, salience of
identity, and context that influence belonging (Strayhorn, 2012). This is a major factor of this
study, as we examine the identity development of multiracial API individuals and their sense of
belonging.
The sixth component is “sense of belonging engenders other positive outcomes”
(Strayhorn, 2012, p. 22). A sense of belonging leads to various positive outcomes, such as
37

persistence, achievement, engagement, well-being, and happiness (Strayhorn, 2012). The seventh
and final component is “sense of belonging must be satisfied on a continual basis and likely
changes as circumstance, conditions, and contexts change” (Strayhorn, 2012, p. 23). Over time,
sense of belonging can change, but individuals’ sense of belonging continues to influence their
decisions (Strayhorn, 2012).
Studies on sense of belonging aligned with several of Strayhorn’s seven core
components. Strayhorn’s third component is applied in multiple studies highlighting the
importance of sense of belonging Black/African American, Latino, and Asian American students
(Samura, 2016; Strayhorn, 2008, 2012). In relation to the fifth component, multiple studies have
found that students of various racial/ethnic backgrounds experience sense of belonging
differently (Hurtado & Carter, 1997; Museus & Maramba, 2010; Nuñez, 2009; Samura, 2016).
Studies on sense of belonging also aligned with component six: sense of belonging leads to
positive outcomes (Hurtado & Carter, 1997; O’Keeffe, 2013). This study examined how the
AANAPISI influences these components of sense of belonging and how these components
influence multiracial AAPIs’ experience in college (See Figure 1).

38

Figure 1
Conceptual Framework

Note. Created by Ellingwood (2021)
Conclusion
This review provided the basis for understanding multiracial AAPI students through
examining the history of and research on AAPI, multiracial populations, and multiracial AAPI
students. To understand the AANAPISI designation, research and history on MSIs and
AANAPISIs were provided. The conceptual framework guiding this study uses multiracial
identity development theory coupled with sense of belonging to understand student experiences
at an AANAPISI. The next chapter will discuss the methodology for this study.

39

Chapter Three: Methods
The purpose of this study was to examine the experiences of multiracial AAPI students at
an AANAPISI. Multiracial and AAPI populations are increasing populations in the United States
(U.S. Census Bureau, 2012d, 2018b). AAPI individuals face challenges due to their grouping,
which hides differences among ethnic groups (CARE, 2011; Teranishi, 2010). These challenges
diminish the support that AAPI students receive to succeed in college (CARE, 2011; Teranishi,
2010). For multiracial individuals, research shows the harm of this identity through negative
psychological well-being, social exclusion, and increased discrimination (Kerwin & Ponterotto,
1995). While research exists on these identities individually, minimal research has been
conducted on both groups combined: multiracial AAPIs. In addition, the context of the college
setting is important to students’ experience. Although AANAPISIs aim to better support AAPI
students, there has been little research on these campuses, as they are among the most recent
MSIs (Gasman, 2008). This study examined the multiracial AAPI populations to understand
them and their experiences at an AANAPISI.
The conceptual framework for this study included both multiracial identity development
theory and sense of belonging. Renn’s (2000) model of multiracial identity development focuses
on college students’ patterns of identity development, which are fluid and situational. This study
examined the experiences of multiracial AAPI students in terms of their pattern of identity
development. According to Strayhorn (2012), sense of belonging has seven core components for
students to feel supported and connected on their college campus. This study looked at these
seven concepts in relation to students’ experience at an AANAPISI. Multiracial identity
development and sense of belonging were used to examine the experiences of multiracial AAPI
40

students to inform administrators, staff, and faculty on how to best support students to improve
persistence and completion. The following research questions guided this study:
1. How do multiracial AAPI students perceive their experience to be influenced by
attending an AANAPISI?
2. How do they perceive attending an AANAPISI to influence their sense of belonging, if at
all?
Mixed Research Methods
The research questions were addressed through mixed methods: qualitative and
quantitative. Mixed methods provided more insight into the problem through analysis of both
qualitative and quantitative data (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Mixed methods allowed for
collecting diverse types of data to better understand the answers to the research questions
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The explanatory sequential mixed methods focused first on using
quantitative data and using the results for the qualitative aspect of the study (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016).
Quantitative methods served to study specific variables (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). In
answers to closed-ended questions, the researcher collected specific identity-based data on
participants and related variables of the research questions, such as sense of belonging (Merriam
& Tisdell, 2016). These quantitative methods helped to purposefully select the participants for
the qualitative aspects of the study (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Three core components guided the selection of the qualitative aspects of the study. First,
qualitative methods focus on a search for meaning and understanding of how people interpret
experiences (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The goal of this study was to understand participants’
experiences and how they make meaning of their multiracial AAPI identities and sense of
41

belonging at an AANAPISI. An additional component of qualitative research is its inductive
nature due to a lack of existing research or theory (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Qualitative
research allows for the exploration of topics about which little is known (Creswell & Creswell,
2018). Previous research on multiracial individuals lacked detail regarding AAPI individuals. In
addition, there was little research on AANAPISIs, which was the focus of this study. Lastly, for
qualitative research, the primary instrument for data collection is the researcher (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016). As a multiracial AAPI researcher, my identity played into the methods of
qualitative research, from data collection to analysis. This role made it important to note my
thoughts and potential biases throughout this study. Therefore, through a focus on meaning,
inductive inquiry, and researcher as an instrument, qualitative methods were best for the purpose
of this study.
This study was a case study. According to Merriam and Tisdell (2016), case studies are
descriptions and analysis of bounded systems. A bounded system is a single entity or unit which
is the basis of the study (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). As this study examined students’
experiences, it focused on one bounded system as the site: one AANAPISI. Focusing on this one
site for a case study allowed for depth of knowledge of the students’ experiences at this site.
This study utilized two data sources: surveys and interviews. Surveys were used to
prescreen individuals to ensure they met the minimum qualifications for the study and to collect
data through both Likert scale and open-ended questions based on the research questions.
Surveys are one of the main ways of collecting demographic information, such as race, gender,
and age (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Surveys with demographic and open-ended questions in this
manner mimicked a highly structured interview (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
42

Interviews helped to understand participants’ thoughts, perceptions, beliefs, and feelings
(Johnson & Christensen, 2014) on multiracial AAPI students’ racial identity and sense of
belonging as defined in the conceptual framework. Since these aspects cannot be observed,
interviews provided the best method for collecting this information (Patton, 2002). To answer the
research questions, it was essential to understand past experiences and incidents that may
influence students’ sense of belonging. Qualitative interviews allowed for insight into the past
that other methods cannot provide (Weiss, 1994). Therefore, interviews provided the necessary
data to understand participants’ internal aspects. Through both surveys and interviews, these
multiple methods allowed for triangulating data for internal validation (Maxwell, 2013).
Site Selection
Purposeful selection of a site was integral for collecting relevant information for this
study (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). This study took place at one AANAPISI to understand
students’ experiences at this institution. California Community College (CCC, a pseudonym)
was the site for the study. A community college was chosen as the site because this type of
campus is a common place of study for AAPI students. Out of all higher education institutions,
47% of AAPI students enroll in community colleges (CARE, 2013). Community colleges are
critical sites to address underrepresented AAPI groups’ low attainment rates (CARE, 2013).
Compared to those at four-year institutions, AAPI students in community colleges are more
likely to delay enrollment, enroll part-time, and work full-time while enrolled (CARE, 2010;
Teranishi, 2012). Almost half of all designated AANAPISIs (47%) and over half of eligible
AANAPISIs (55%) are community colleges (CARE, 2013). This study was at a community
college in California due to the large number of multiracial AAPI students enrolled there.
California has the fourth largest multiracial population in the United States (Krogstad, 2015).
43

Out of this population, Asian and White are the largest multiracial group in the state (Krogstad,
2015). Due to the significant number of AANAPISIs that are community colleges and the
number of multiracial AAPI individuals in California, CCC best fit this study’s needs.
California Community College is a medium-sized, public two-year community college
with an enrollment of about 10,000 students. According to the Carnegie Classification, CCC is
an associate’s college: high transfer, mixed traditional/nontraditional. This campus is largely a
distance learning institution. Students’ demographics are such that less than 50% are female and
over 50% are male; more than 80% enroll part-time. Most were non-traditional-aged students,
with about 70% aged 25 and older. The overall graduation rate was around 20%. Over 30% of
first-time, full-time students earn an associate degree, and less than 15% of first-time, part-time
students do so. Graduation rates for specific racial groups in relation to this study were 21% for
those who identify as Asian/Pacific Islander and 23% for those who identify as two or more
races.
The college was designated and grant-funded as an AANAPISI. Meeting grant
requirements, CCC has an AAPI student population of about 20%, and around 50% of all
students receive financial aid through federal grants. The campus has a 5% multiracial student
population. However, the percentage of students who were both multiracial and AAPI, based on
public information, was unknown at the time of this study. For the AANAPISI programs at CCC,
the mission and efforts to support AAPI students included innovative services and a thriving
community.
Population and Sample
The population for this study was multiracial AAPI students at an AANAPISI. The
approach for sampling was purposeful. Purposeful sampling means individuals and sites are
44

deliberately selected since they provide relevant information to address the research question
(Maxwell, 2013). Purposeful sampling required that the participants meet specific criteria
(Maxwell, 2013). Participants must have identified as having a racial background of Asian and
another race and be enrolled at CCC. While the exact number of multiracial AAPI students at the
site was unknown, the percentage of multiracial students (5%) and the number of AAPI students
(about 2,100) led to an estimation of approximately 100 students identifying as multiracial
AAPI. The goal for survey responses was 80, based on Johnson and Christensen’s (2014)
recommendation for a sample of 100 individuals. However, survey responses showed 22
participants met the selection criteria, resulting in an estimated response rate of 22%. From the
survey respondents, 12 participants were interviewed. The goal was to have enough participants
to reach saturation or redundancy in the data (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). According to Guest et
al. (2006), data saturation occurs within the first 12 participant interviews. Through purposeful
sampling, this study examined a variety of experiences due to the lack of previous knowledge on
this topic.
Navigating the research relationships with gatekeepers involves continuous design
decisions to gain participants (Maxwell, 2013). Campus staff members were asked to assist in the
institutional review board (IRB) process at the site and provided access by emailing potential
participants the link to the screening survey. The initial outreach to students was through email to
share an online survey for them to fill out. The site contact shared this email with students who
identified as multiracial AAPI on their application, student groups most likely to have multiracial
AAPI students (such as AANAPISI programs and groups), AAPI clubs and organizations, and
multiracial clubs and organizations. In addition, participants were solicited through postings on
social media and contacted through leaders of various identity-based student organizations.
45

Instrumentation and Source of Evidence
The first tool for data collection was an online screening survey to be completed by all
students who self-identify as meeting the criteria described in the initial email. The survey was
created and collected using online software. The first few survey questions asked about
demographics, such as racial background, age, sex, full-time or part-time status, and year to
gather more information on the participants and how other factors may influence their
experiences in conjunction with their racial background. There were a few questions related to
the research question and conceptual framework on their experiences as multiracial AAPIs,
experience at an AANAPISI, and their sense of belonging. The survey ended with a question
asking if the participants would be willing to be contacted for an interview and for them to fill
out their contact information.
The other tool for data collection was semi-structured interviews of multiracial AAPI
students. Semi-structured interviews allowed for both structure and flexibility (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016). This approach helped increase the depth of responses by covering the same topics
with all participants and provided flexibility to change the question order, reword questions for
better understanding, and ask additional probes (Johnson & Christensen, 2014). A prompt was
emailed to participants three days prior to the interview to encourage reflection on their racial
identity. Participants emailed a response 24 hours before the interview to be utilized in questions
during the interview. To begin the interview, participants received an introduction with four
components: the study’s purpose, a confidentiality statement, a request to record the interview,
and a reminder that they could skip questions or end the interview at any time. Starting with this
statement allowed the participants an additional opportunity for informed consent and a promise
of confidentiality (Maxwell, 2013). The interview had questions crafted around the research
46

question and conceptual framework to touch on racial identity, experience at an AANAPISI, and
sense of belonging. Each section started with a description of the upcoming section, allowing
participants to be introduced to the upcoming topics to focus their attention (Patton, 2002). Each
interview consisted of 15 to 20 questions and lasted approximately one hour.
Data Collection
Data collection was based on both the research questions and the context of the research
situation (Maxwell, 2013). The sources of data were surveys and interviews with multiracial
AAPI students at the site. First, the study needed to be approved by the University of Southern
California IRB. Then, the researcher contacted CCC for IRB approval. Once approval was
obtained from both institutions, the researcher gained access to participants through a staff
member at the site.
Participants filled out an online survey sent to them through an email. This email
contained an introduction to the study, a copy of the information sheet for the study, the link to
fill out the survey, and the researcher’s contact information. The site contact sent out the survey
to all potential participants and sent a reminder email three weeks later. Due to the lack of
information on which students identified as AAPI and multiracial at the site, the survey was sent
to all AAPI and multiracial students, totaling 4,550 students. Responses were kept confidential,
and names were only collected when individuals provided their names and email addresses to be
contacted for interviews. Participants were not compensated for completing the survey.
The researcher selected interviewees from among the survey respondents to interview a
maximum variation of participants based on age, gender, part or full-time status, and racial
background. Each interview participant received a scheduling email with an overview of the
study and the information sheet. Each participant completed one one-hour interview, resulting in
47

12 hours of interview data. Interviews were conducted online through a Zoom virtual call. Dates
and times of the interviews were determined based on both the participant and researcher’s
availability. During the interview, the researcher informed the participants that they could
withdraw at any time and skip questions. Participants also chose a pseudonym to keep their
responses confidential. Permission to record the interviews was obtained, and the researcher took
notes alongside the recordings. Note-taking allowed for recording significant quotes, pacing the
interview, and recording the researcher’s reactions to the responses (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
The interview recording was transcribed for data analysis. An incentive for completing the
interview was a $10 Amazon gift card.
According to Rubin and Rubin (2012), storing the data in a secure place is important to
protect confidentiality. The survey and interview data were stored on a personal password-
protected computer. Only the researcher had access to the computer and its files. All data stored
used only participants’ pseudonyms. All files will be deleted three years after this study.
Data Analysis
Data from both the surveys and interviews were analyzed using Harding’s (2013) four-
step coding process. Prior to coding, all interviews were transcribed using an online program and
double-checked for accuracy. Reviewing all of the transcripts, as recommended by Merriam and
Tisdell (2016), allowed for familiarization with the data.
In the first step, the researcher read through transcripts, took notes, and created initial
codes through open coding. The codes were created through a priori codes based on the
conceptual framework and empirical codes that emerged from the data (Harding, 2013).
Examples of a priori codes would be Renn’s (2000) patterns of multiracial identity and
Strayhorn’s (2012) core components of sense of belonging. The same set of codes were used for
48

both the survey and interview data. The second step in Harding’s (2013) process involves
applying codes to the transcripts and survey results. While Harding uses the margins of physical
paper to write in codes, the transcripts for this study were on Google Documents, so a
highlighting tool served to color-code the different codes. Then, categories were created from the
initial codes in Harding’s third step. These second cycle codes grouped the initial codes into a
smaller number of categories (Miles et al., 2014). The final step was to identify themes from the
categories through common relationships and patterns from both the survey and interview data
(Harding, 2013).
Validity
Validity is the extent to which a study’s findings match reality (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016). Several methods were implemented to increase this study’s overall validity. Rich data,
including verbatim transcripts and detailed notes capturing the participants’ experiences
maximized credibility and trustworthiness (Maxwell, 2013). Data were also triangulated, as there
were multiple data sources: surveys, interviews, and a journal prompt. Given these varied
sources, triangulation reduced the risk of bias from one method, data source, or researcher
(Patton, 2002). Member checking also helped to increase validity. The researcher checked with
interviewees about their responses and solicited feedback regarding the themes that emerged
from the data to ensure that the researcher’s findings matched the participants’ responses
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). These methods helped increase the validity and credibility of this
study.
Role of the Researcher
According to Merriam and Tisdell (2016), the researcher is the primary instrument in
qualitative research. However, researcher bias and reactivity are two validity threats related to
49

the researcher’s role (Maxwell, 2013). One cannot eliminate researcher bias, so it was important
to share the researcher’s values and expectations with the reader (Maxwell, 2013). As the
researcher, I identify as multiracial AAPI and this study’s topic is important due to my personal
experiences. Therefore, I acknowledge these experiences and biases to mitigate any influence on
the data or analysis. To add trustworthiness to this study, I examined my experiences and
assumptions related to this study. As a multiracial AAPI individual, I identify as Vietnamese and
White. My racial background, coupled with my appearance, significantly influenced both how I
interact with others and how others perceive me. I am commonly perceived as White. Through
my experiences in Vietnamese school in my younger years, attending a high school with a large
Vietnamese population, or traveling to Vietnam, I experienced assumptions of my race as others
have talked about me in Vietnamese or asked why I was in that space. Being able to understand
Vietnamese, I questioned confronting these individuals to prove myself more Vietnamese. I also
questioned my connection to Vietnamese culture as I moved out of my home and examined how
it plays into my adult life.
As an adult, I constantly put myself in multiracial spaces with peers and colleagues to
share stories and connect with others. These experiences led me to learn more about other
multiracial experiences and both the commonalities and differences that emerge. I acknowledge
that this is my experience, is only one of many experiences of multiracial AAPI individuals, and
may not align with the participants’ experiences. Therefore, constant reflection on my experience
and reactions to the data helped me remain aware of any bias. In addition to bias, another role of
the researcher that can influence the study is reactivity (Maxwell, 2013). As a multiracial AAPI,
participants may have felt that I was looking for a specific answer. However, it is difficult to
50

minimize these threats, according to Maxwell (2013), so the researcher provided the reader with
information to come to their own conclusions.
Conclusion
In conclusion, Chapter Three provided an overview of the methods of this study. These
were explained by presenting the purpose, methodology, site selection, sample, instrumentation,
data collection, data analysis, validity, and role of the researcher. Chapter Four will present the
findings of the study derived from data analysis.

51

Chapter Four: Presentation of Data and Findings
The purpose of this study was to examine the experiences of multiracial AAPI students at
an AANAPISI. These experiences were examined through identity development theory and
students’ sense of belonging at the institution. The guiding research questions for this study
asked how multiracial AAPI students perceive their experience to be influenced by attending an
AANAPISI and how they perceive attending an AANAPISI to influence their sense of
belonging, if at all.
This chapter will provide an overview of the results of the data analysis. It begins with
the participant profiles from both the survey and interview data. Then, it provides the data from
the interviews and survey through two themes and one additional finding that emerged. The
chapter concludes with a summary.
Participant Overview
Survey and interview participant profiles outlining their characteristics is provided for
transparency. The survey received 68 responses. Out of those responses, 22 participants met the
minimum qualifications for the study of identifying as multiracial or having parents of different
racial backgrounds. Of these 22 participants, five were male, 15 were female, and two preferred
not to provide this information. Ages ranged from 18 to 64. Sixteen of the respondents have
studied at the institution for two years or less, and six studied at the institution for three years or
more, with the highest at five years. Three of the survey participants participated in AANAPISI-
funded programs.
Twelve participants agreed to an interview through their survey responses and were
subsequently scheduled for and completed an interview. The goal in selecting interview
participants was to have a large pool from which to be selective in garnering a variety of
52

participant characteristics such as gender, age, and racial background. However, due to the
COVID-19 pandemic and changes to online courses and work, a limited number of participants
completed the survey, agreed to an interview, and responded to follow up on scheduling the
interview. Of the 12 interview participants, 10 were female, one was male, and one preferred not
to disclose. Seven participants selected Asian and another race for the racial identity question.
Five identified solely Asian as their race even though they had multiracial backgrounds. Three
were involved in programs related to the AANAPISI grant. Six interviewees completed the
reflective prompt prior to the interview, providing additional insight and data discussed in the
following sections. Detailed characteristics of these participants are in Table 4, along with their
pseudonyms.
Table 4
Interview Participant Characteristics
Pseudonym Biological
Sex
Race Age Year(s) at
institution
Involved in
AANAPISI
Programs
Jade Female Asian, Latinx 21 3 Yes
Jon Male Asian 50 1 No
Lucy Female Asian, White, Middle
Eastern/North African
25 2 No
Steph Female Asian 30 5 No
Megan Female Asian, White 31 4 No
Allie Female Asian 25 4 No
Sue Female Asian, Black/African
American
18 1 No
Bella Female Asian, White 19 2 No
Jessica Female Asian 18 1 Yes
Leigh Female Asian, Middle
Eastern/North African
29 4 No
Kyle Prefer not
to answer
Native Hawaiian/Pacific
Islander, Black/African
American, White
26 3 No
Tina Female Asian 19 1.5 Yes

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Themes
The next section discusses the themes that emerged from the analysis of interview and
survey responses. Two themes emerged from the data: reflection on identity over time and varied
identity salience in relation to sense of belonging.
Theme 1: Reflection on Identity Over Time
Ten interviewees discussed their identity development over time. At first, they reflected
on the frequency with which their identity was questioned while growing up and prior to
attending CCC. These situations often resulted in assumptions being made based on their
appearance at the expense of their identity. Some influential figures in their lives played
formative roles in mitigating these experiences. Prior to and during their experience at CCC,
family, peers, and faculty were commonly involved in their identity development. Over time, the
participants noted changes in their responses to these questions as they developed and matured.
These experiences surrounding identity prior to attending CCC showcased the importance of
identity in their student experience at CCC. Many of them specifically acknowledged that being
in college elevated awareness of the change due to the different experiences. While each
situation varied, they spoke about how they came to identify with specific racial categories based
on these situations once they entered college. Some of the participants became more steadfast in
their explanations of identity, regardless of others’ assumptions, as they attended CCC. These
participants changed their reactions to being asked about their identity, making sure to correct
others when they would not have previously and noting that the assumptions were not personal.
Questioned Identity
A majority of the participants explained that they were compelled to discuss their racial
identity throughout their educational journey. This was usually through a benign question from a
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teacher, acquaintance, or friend, such as “what are you?” Jade and Jon did not have strong
feelings about being asked this question and were willing to answer it. Jade noted that she did not
normally bring up her racial identity to others, but, when asked, she explained her identity. She
responded with, “Not often. But if they ask me,” indicating that she did get asked about her
identity but did not have strong positive or negative feelings about it.
Similarly, Jon spoke about how he was asked often about his racial identity when he met
someone: “Being half and half, I’ve always been kind of questioned. Typically, I get asked when
I first meet somebody. Usually, it’s one of the first things that comes out is, you know, what are
you?” Jon welcomed the questions about his identity and was willing to share information about
himself. He explained his thoughts on answering that question, saying, “I think a part of that is
because I don’t really consider myself imported or exported…You know, I don’t really consider
myself from somewhere else when it comes to stuff like this.” Jon used the phrase “imported or
exported” to emphasize his feelings of belonging with the general population of Americans
regardless of racial identity. He did not feel different due to his racial identity, so he welcomed
the conversation.
While being asked about their racial identity started initial conversations around their
development, seven participants also noted the assumptions made. These participants explained
that assumptions others made about their identity influenced their identity development. These
assumptions brought out more varied emotions regarding their identity.
Four of these seven participants responded to these assumptions without further
explanations on how it made them feel. Jon explained how others assumed his racial identity in
different ways: “Maybe because I kind of look like a mix of many things, right. I could be
Hispanic. The people who are half and half already kind of typically know I’m some sort of
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Asian, but they’re not exactly sure.” Jon brought up how other multiracial individuals tend to
know more about his racial identity based on appearance, but his appearance had others assume
different races.
Similar to Jon, Tina was also asked about her racial identity by others as she appears to
be of mixed background: “Only if they ask what Asian I am. I get a lot of questions because I
look mixed, so they just ask me what I am, so I just say, you know, the same as usual, I’m half
this, half that.” Tina did not describe how being asked made her feel, but she was willing to
provide the information about herself to others. Leigh, however, discussed individuals of her
same racial group being the only ones who could tell they are of that racial group, but others
assumed her racial background:
A lot of people think I’m Spanish, and they’ll come up to me speaking Spanish… But
other than that, I don’t really have issues or anything. Yeah, only other Arabic people
could tell that I’m Arabic, but everyone else thinks I’m Mexican.
Specifically, others mistook Leigh’s Arabic identity for Mexican and therefore, thought she
knew the Spanish language.
As another example of assumptions based on appearance, Megan received assumptions of
her as Asian, but not her specific ethnicity, Taiwanese, due to language. She said,
I’ve heard a lot of comments when I start speaking Chinese. “You speak Chinese?” Or
most of you don’t think I’m Taiwanese, and I think I look a little bit mixed. So, it’s not so
apparent. I mean, I think most assume I’m Asian.
Even though people assumed Megan was Asian, they rarely guessed her ethnicity. Even though
she spoke Chinese, it was important to Megan to differentiate between Chinese and Taiwanese
identities.
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Three participants also noted the negative feelings they have when those assumptions are
incorrect. Lucy emphasized the many times people assumed her racial background. She said,
Growing up and even today, I was and am told that I look more Asian than White and
that most people can’t tell that I am multiracial until I tell them I am. Almost every time
that I let someone know what I am, because a lot of people, they’ll say, “what are you,”
and some people will say, in, a presumptuous way like they already have this label in
their head of what I am.
Lucy talked about how assumptions came through in how some asked the question to confirm
what they were already thinking. Her use of the word “presumptuous” and the tone of her voice
showed that she did not appreciate the consistent questioning coupled with a preconception of
her identity.
Similarly, Allie emphasized her negative experience with these assumptions and how
they played a role in how she was not accepted into specific racial groups:
[I] felt not really fully accepted in a Filipino club when [I am] literally from there. It was
weird. Maybe it’s something that’s how [I] look because I think I look pretty Filipino. I
would get all sorts of races. I’ll get Filipino, Japanese. I’ll get Hispanic sometimes, lots of
times Korean, Chinese, a lot of different races. Maybe it has something to do with looks.
When questioned by her Filipino peers, Allie felt excluded from the group. These negative
feelings continued when people made assumptions regarding her racial identity: “I don’t like it
when people tell me I don’t look Filipino. I don’t like that at all. It’s like, what is that supposed
to mean?”
Kyle’s feelings about these assumptions were also strong. Their experience was based on
purposeful changes in appearance. They said, “Sometimes, I shaved my head and then I have an
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actual fro, and then that’s when people are like, “oh, are you Black?” I get that question a lot. If
my hair’s long people really don’t ask me.” Kyle added that they think assumptions are
complicated: “I think it’s not the initial assumption. It’s everything that comes with it. Right, it’s,
it’s the assumption that leads into the comment.” There is much more left unsaid by others who
assume Kyle’s racial identity, making the situation more complicated than it seems.
Change Over Time
In addition to assumptions on race, four participants noted their response to various
assumptions about how racial identity changed over time. These participants shared their thought
processes in how they respond to others based on the situation, relationship, or where they were
in their identity development. Sue reflected on general assumptions about her identity and said,
When I’m meeting strangers and/or when I’m in public, you don’t introduce yourself
using your races. They just kind of assume what you are based on how you look. So, as
far as me going around the community, they just assume that I’m Vietnamese.
As the interview continued, Sue spoke about learning about all aspects of her identity for the first
time, saying,
So, in my area, I think I mentioned this in my response, but we’re primarily Vietnamese
American or Mexican American, so most of my friends have been within those two
groups. And we don’t really question what anybody else is. So, then, I always thought I
guess I’m just Vietnamese then. And at some point, my mom told me, and I was like, oh,
that’s really interesting.
The assumption of her being only Asian due to her appearance and peers changed as Sue learned
more about her identity and shared it with others. However, reactions from peers changed based
on what they knew about her. These concepts were written about in her reflection prompt:
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As a multiracial student, I often encounter surprised faces when people figure out that
I’m not “only” Vietnamese. The surprise is to be expected, because I pass as Asian and
not Black, but afterwards, I am suddenly included in conversations about African
American culture and/or excluded from conversations regarding Vietnamese American
culture. So then when I tell other people and they’re surprised. I’m kind of like, I get it.
And it’s just the behavior afterwards that little bit weird. And then sometimes people are
just assuming that I’m not Vietnamese enough so then they just assume I’m not well
versed in certain parts of the culture.
Sue’s experience showed how others’ actions changed with additional knowledge about her
identity, but they also minimized the previously assumed identity. In others’ minds, Sue became
less Vietnamese once they found out she was Black, dismissing both her multiracial and Asian
identities.
Bella also talked about her identity in relation to others, but, instead of peers, she focused
on her family. As a White-passing individual, her appearance differed in relation to that of her
family members:
I’m multiracial. However, I do not look multiracial. Unlike the rest of my family, I have
pale skin and naturally blonde hair. My features do not resemble my mother’s or my
sister’s. I was singled out many times for “not being Asian.” Well, most people, when
they meet me, they assume that I’m completely Caucasian. So, then, sometimes, if I feel
the need to correct them and just be like, “I’m not.” But, other times, it doesn’t really bug
me, and I just don’t feel, there’s no need for me to justify or explain myself.
Bella’s response depended on the situation, and her experience as a multiracial Asian was
different from her sister’s because people assumed she was not Asian. As White-passing, Bella’s
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experiences differed from her sister’s in many ways. One such way was when visiting extended
family who are Asian and feeling excluded. She said,
I know that my experience as a multiracial student is very different than other people’s
so, as I said before, like my sister. She has more of the Chinese features than I do. And
she’s definitely had a much different experience. She’s younger than me, so she hasn’t
reached college but is in high school. When we attend our extended family gatherings,
people would be more welcoming to her rather than me.
Bella continued to reflect on her experiences, comparing high school to college. In her
reflection response, she wrote, “Overall, my experience as a multiracial individual was worse in
high school. It has severely improved since I have gone to college.” During the interview, she
expanded on this notion:
So, I had a very different experience, like high school versus college. In high school, I
felt I had a lot more issues with being multiracial rather than once I reached college. It
was very different…and it always took a lot more effort for me to be able to fit in with
my peers, rather than the rest of them were able to just like connect easier. And then it
just took more effort for me to bond them in person and let them gain the trust that I was
meant to be in these classes and that they could trust me.
Bella’s different experiences in high school and college influenced her identity and
interactions with peers. As she transitioned into college, the positive changes included being
around more diverse peers. Similarly, Lucy wrote in her reflection prompt regarding her changes
in identity:
Ultimately, I identify more strongly with my cultural identities than I do my ethnic
identities. Growing up and even today, I was and am told that I look more Asian than
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White and that most people can’t tell that I am multiracial until I tell them I am. I also
found it was easier making friends with other Asians than with any other racial group,
primarily because I felt that I fit in better with them. I also didn’t feel as strong of a
connection with my Israeli heritage because of the controversy and tension that was
associated with it [e.g. the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the Jews-Arab conflict, etc.].
Lucy also brought up the different times when others assumed her identity and she decided to
explain and correct them:
I began embracing my Israeli side as well as my Thai side, which made it more hurtful
when I am told I don’t look Israeli. It felt like a microaggression every time I heard it
because, while I never had to explain my Asianness, I always had to explain my
Whiteness. I always have to. I feel like I overcompensate in my explanation to make sure
people understand that I am who I am.
In contrast to Bella’s experiences, Lucy explained her “Whiteness” more often to others than her
Asian identity and how these assumptions affected her. She said, “Over the years, it’s like it
bothers me, and it doesn’t. And then I have to remind myself maybe it’s not me, and they’re just
uninformed.” Lucy’s feelings about others’ assumptions of her identity changed over time once
she decided to examine how these assumptions were more about others than herself.
Similarly, Kyle reflected on their identity and others’ assumptions:
I’m sure the next question you’re going to ask is if I like explaining that. And it’s
difficult. Yes. You know, I like explaining it because I think it puts other people in the
spotlight of you got to really understand when you ask that question, like how you phrase
it or what you’re asking. Yeah, it comes up. It always eventually comes up, right? It’s not
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just my racial identity that I usually have to explain, so that comes with itself a lot. But,
like I said, I don’t mind that.
Kyle enjoyed explaining their identity in response to the “what are you?” question and reflecting
on why, since it required the other individual to think more about why and how they ask the
question. In addition, Kyle noted the complexity in explaining not only multiracial identity but
other identities as well.
The participants’ interviews showcased a variety of responses to being questioned and
assumptions of their identity. From these situations, participants reflected on the changes they
experienced in their identity development over time. However, within the survey, there were no
responses contributing to this theme. This was due to the lack of survey questions asking about
identity beyond the closed-ended question about their racial identity.
Theme 2: Identity Salience Varied
In talking about their experience at their institution, 11 participants noted they felt they
belonged or connected to the institution. This resulted in a variety of responses in whether their
multiracial identity contributed to feelings of belonging. The majority of these experiences
resulted from interactions with their institution through faculty, staff, other students, and
program modality (online or on-campus) as reasons for feeling they belonged at their campus.
They experienced college in different ways, which influenced the complexity of their sense of
belonging.
Faculty
Seven of the interviewees mentioned their faculty when asked about individuals who
helped them connect to their institution. Out of the seven, most spoke about their interactions
with faculty, but they did not connect these relationships to their multiracial identity. Three
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participants noted general comments about how faculty helped in their connection to the
institution. Bella was general in talking about positive encounters with her professors, stating
that “the professors are just very welcoming and helpful.” Jessica also mentioned her professors
when asked why she felt connected to the institution, saying, “I would say that the professors are
really open about helping students. They will actually make time for you, even when they do
have to go back home or do something else afterwards.” Jessica and Leigh’s professors took the
time to help students and provide feedback. Leigh said,
And I like when they write back, in my grades. They write back a little thing on the side
of the description, “You did good,” or maybe “talk about this more.” I like when they
always reply and critique my work because I need to know if I’m doing good or not.
These three participants spoke about their interactions at CCC with multiple faculty in a general
sense. In addition to the overall feelings of faculty, six participants noted specific faculty and
interactions that influenced their sense of belonging. However, these interactions did not touch
on multiracial identity. Interview participants Jade and Lucy discussed the importance of helpful
faculty and their role in connecting with students. Jade identified a specific anthropology
professor she liked after being in his class twice: “It was good. I just like the way he teaches.”
One of Lucy’s faculty continued to connect with students after the course was completed:
You know, during office hours, he is actually really helpful, and he announced to the
class at the end of each semester for both of the classes that I took that, if we want to send
a friend request with him on LinkedIn, he’s like more than happy to accept because he
loves seeing his students’ progress.
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Lucy had a continued relationship with a faculty member after the course completed,
which resulted in a positive experience. Steph discussed a positive experience with one professor
and how the professor helped her future career through references:
So, actually, there is a professor, because I was studying to be a math teacher before. And
then I went on a trip with a math professor. She’s actually one of the math department
chairs. So, we went to a conference for educators together. So, that was really cool. Oh,
and then, when I was becoming a teacher because I took so many of my [prerequisites] at
[CCC], she was able to help me write references and recommendation letters for my
credential. So, that was really helpful.
For both Lucy and Steph, the continued relationship with faculty contributed to feelings of
belonging.
Three of the participants explained how racial identity played into their perceptions of
faculty and the influence on their sense of belonging. These participants shared a common
identity or an appreciation for how the faculty members created inclusive spaces. Sue noted a
connection with a professor who was also a person of color. She said, “She was a person of
color. Most of the people in my classroom were people of color, so, yeah, I would say, it was a
positive experience.” Having a faculty member who had a shared identity with Sue and her
classmates contributed to a positive experience.
Similarly, Jon found support with a professor who also identified as multiracial:
I’m connected, I guess, to my last English teacher who, ironically, happened to be half
Japanese. So, that was kind of interesting, but there was a lot of hand-holding there as I
was going through the class. So, it might have been just that I needed that.
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Jon also connected with a faculty member with a similar, mixed racial identity, but he focused
on the course support he received as a reason for feeling connected. While Jon thinks the
connection was initially a coincidence, his relationship showed a connection due to common
identity.
While the faculty may not have shared a similar racial identity with Allie, she brought up
how the professors at the site institution took the time and made an effort to learn students’
names, especially Asian names, as a reason why she felt connected to the institution:
The teachers know your name. And that was a thing for me because I noticed something
at [CCC] because it has a big population of [Asian] students. They really tried to say their
names, and I appreciate that. I really really do. I mean they don’t try to be obnoxious
about it or say it’s difficult or ask for a substitute or something easier for them. They
actually try, and that’s something that I really like about the college to show they actually
care about the community because that’s the [Asian] population. It’s a big make-up, a big
portion of their students and the community that they’re in.
Allie’s feelings showcased how professors’ approach to learning names was integral to her sense
of belonging. Since Asian American students accounted for a larger racial group attending CCC,
the professors’ approach specifically related to being at an AANAPISI. These interaction with
faculty did not only influence Allie but could have influenced many of her peers whose names
are correctly pronounced. Whether or not identity played a part, faculty interactions influenced
multiple participants’ sense of belonging.
Staff
In addition to faculty, staff at the site institution emerged as important to the participants’
sense of belonging in four of the interviews. Two of these examples were general support from
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faculty without noting any specifics related to their racial identity. Leigh emphasized how
receiving a response to a message from a staff member made her feel cared for on campus:
I do feel like they care about me and help me a lot. And, even if I leave a message, you
know, sometimes you leave a message somewhere, and they never call you back, but the
school always calls back. And I appreciate that. You know, they care about the students.
Even if it was not an individual staff member, the concept of receiving a response from staff at
the college was significant. Leigh’s experience with the staff at tutoring was important in her
success at the institution:
I just would say the times that I went in to tutor, they helped me a lot, and I wouldn’t
have passed my class without the help from them. So, I felt the most cared for when I was
inside, and they’re helping me.
Tutoring staff were able to help Leigh be successful in her courses while making sure she felt
cared for.
Kyle noted their experience with a specific staff member that influenced how connected
they were to the institution. They said:
I think I’m much better for it. And I think that I probably would have just finished my
credits because that was my original goal was just to finish the credits to get into the
nursing school, but I ended up getting my AA because of her reaching out. I ended up
having the support to know the resources to submit them and get that diploma. I think a
lot of students who are a part of those groups don’t even know those basic [deadlines].
They don’t know what the submission dates are and that’s, to me, is knowing that I’m
blessed enough that she did that.
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Kyle’s experience with a staff member provided them with the resources to be successful at the
institution.
Two of the participants specifically talked about staff who were involved in the
AANAPISI-funded programs who were important to fostering a sense of belonging. These staff
members provided space for these participants outside of the classroom and related to their racial
identity. Jessica’s experience included going to the multicultural center on campus. In response
to being asked about if the multicultural center influenced how connected she felt, she said,
Yeah, definitely. Like if it wasn’t for [the multicultural center], I would be that typical
student that went to school, hated their school life, and then just back home to their work
and then come back and repeat that same cycle every day. So, they’re trying to change
that for students.
The multicultural center provided Jessica with space to hang out and do homework: “They would
just be waiting there, and they open up a little bit early, just for me to hang out and they would
be doing their meetings and I could just work on homework.” This space was prominent
throughout Jessica’s interview as a place where she felt she belonged.
The variety of programs and services helped her examine her identity as an Asian
American, which was a sentiment shared by Tina. The multicultural center provided a place of
comfort for Tina:
I feel like, in some ways before quarantine when I had in-person classes, I always felt
welcomed every time I entered the building, especially since we don’t have [a] large
amount of students attending class, you kind of see the same staff, the same staff and the
students. It’s kind of like I’m coming in, and I know everybody, you know, and I’m
totally comfortable and coming in. It’s just kind of like, I don’t know, coming into your
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house and you know where everything is. I went in with one of my classmates, and the
staff there was also so welcoming. It’s a really comfortable environment. I love going
there, even after I’m done with class before I head home. I like to drop by just to say hi
and hang out, maybe sometimes to destress. That has played a lot of impact because I
definitely met a lot of people through the [multicultural center].
Knowing everyone in the office brought Tina a level of comfort she could not find in other
spaces on campus. This space allowed her to feel connected through her racial identity as many
of the staff and other students shared her identity. In addition to the general space, Tina built a
relationship with one of the staff members within the center. She stated,
She helped me so much, broke everything down, simplified it, and helped me go to
college when I was doing late registration. And we just became so close. After she even
offered me a job to work with [CCC], too…I felt really surprised because she’s the one
who asked me. I guess you could say maybe that was the significant interaction, because
I felt I was pretty close with her and I felt so honored when she asked me.
Tina felt that the staff member had a significant influence on how connected she felt to the
institutions. These two participants who were involved in the AANAPISI-funded programs
focused on the multicultural office and staff as a large part of their feelings of belonging at the
institution.
Other Students
Half of the participants spoke about how other students at the institution influenced their
sense of belonging. These peers helped the participants through support in courses and gaining
connections through friendships. The majority of these participants spoke about their peers in
general ways, not connecting it to their racial identity. Steph talked about how other students in
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class helped her when she did not understand concepts: “I get help and ask for help from other
students. So, I know there’s a lot of the class was students supporting each other.” Specifically,
her math class discussion forum was helpful:
I think my favorite thing about [CCC] is when students kind of help each other out in the
discussion forum. I felt, in math, I did see it happening a lot because there were a lot of
assignments and, obviously, the professor can’t help every single one of us. All our
students were helping each other, so that was cool.
The discussions created a space for students to communicate with each other when there were no
in-person opportunities. Help from other students in the discussion forum was also helpful for
Sue and in her success in the course:
So, I thought they were just going to ignore me because you know I’m younger. But, at
least within our discussion boards, it seemed like everybody was willing to help one
another, and it wasn’t, it was very welcoming. And very opposite of what I expected
because I thought it was just going to be me and my friends saving each other’s backs the
entire course, but it was everybody working together and helping each other.
Other students’ involvement influenced both Steph and Sue’s experiences through discussion
boards and peer support.
Four participants explained the influence of other student through friendships they made.
Steph made friends while attending classes at this institution, and, when asked if anyone helped
her feel connected to the institution, she replied, “I do, actually one of my closest friends because
we took a [prerequisite] class for our teaching credentials at (the college) actually back in 2015
and we’ve kept in touch.” These interview participants noted their friends as reasons for
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belonging at the institution. Three of the participants stated that they made friends they did not
expect to make in college. Bella was able to make friends while attending CCC:
I just, I expected to be in and out in two years. I didn’t really expect to make many
friends with my peers. It was just I didn’t have any friends going in, and I was like, okay,
I’m just waiting to make connections once I get to my other school. But I think I’ve
gotten a lot more out of it than I thought I would.
Bella thought she would just go to school to transfer quickly to a four-year institution, so she did
not want to spend time on friendships. Similarly, Allie did not think she would make friends
since she tended to keep to herself:
I’m surprised I made friends that actually still talk to me. I’m a person…if I go to work,
I’m going to work and coming home, you know, it’s good to be friendly with people, it
makes work easier, but it’s not necessary for me. And same thing, the same attitude with
school but it was actually really helpful.
Friends helped Allie connect with the institution, but she was also surprised at those
relationships. She compared her experience at CCC to her previous institution since she had
already gone to college, and she did not think that she would have friendships in community
college:
I like [CCC] better than [my previous school]. That’s really bad to say. Yeah, I mean I
made friends here, which I did not expect with this. I keep to myself. But, they’re a bunch
of really, really nice people, and I think that that helps too. The student population is nice.
I feel like I really belong here. It was a very very good experience. People were nice.
They’re very friendly. And I think that was helpful especially as it was a new place for
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me, and I don’t like new settings. So that’s something really big for me to say that I felt
comfortable here.
Being introverted was a reason it was hard to make friends for Allie, but she felt that it was easy
at CCC, contributing to feelings of belonging.
Tina also came in with a mindset to not make friends and just go to class:
I made a huge amount of friends, and, honestly, before entering college, I was already
just on that mindset that I’m just, I’m just going to go to class and I’m just going to go
home. I don’t want to really talk to anyone. I just want to get college level, but then, once
entering college, I’ve met such a ton of people that I am still in touch with them. I still
talk to them. So, honestly, I’m so grateful for just forcing myself to be more social to
open up. I never even considered social interactions of any of the sort. And, plus, I was
pretty enclosed in a box, so I didn’t really want to put myself out and introduce myself
and everything. But coming into [CCC], when I see how friendly people are. Because in
the past it’s hard to trust people. It’s hard to just to make friends, you know, but you
come into CCC, people were just so casual, so comfortable and everything. I’m like,
wow, this is weird. But after, it helps so much.
Similar to other interview participants, Tina was able to make to make friends due to the
friendliness of others, making her feel more comfortable and increasing her sense of belonging.
Two of the participants noted identity as reasons for connecting with peers. Jade felt
connected when she was able to make friends through the multicultural center. She said, “Yeah, I
was in the student equity program. So, yeah, I had a couple of friends there.” These friends
shared in her Asian American identity. Jade compared her experience with another institution she
attended, saying that these people were “just nicer” at this institution and, therefore, it was easier
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to make friends. In addition to the surprise of making friends stated earlier, Bella was able to
befriend people who shared a similar identity. At first, she had problems with peers in high
school who were Asian American:
Most of my classmates were 100% Asian…And it always took a lot more effort for me to
be able to fit in with my peers, rather than the rest of them, [they] were able to just
connect easier. And then it just took like it took more effort for me to bond [with] them in
person and let them gain the trust that I was meant to be in these classes and that they
could trust me.
However, Bella’s interaction with peers in college changed as they shared a multiracial identity:
I didn’t have any of my classmates from high school come with me, but I was able to
make more friends. I realized that there was more people that were multiracial. It felt like
they were more ethnically diverse there. There were definitely people that normally, back
in high school, I wouldn’t have gone up and talked to. But my professors would pair us
up, and then you’d have, we are able to have deeper conversations about being
multiracial and talking about everyday problems that we face.
Bella’s offered two examples of her relationships with her multiracial peers:
So, I was able to make connections with this one girl from my geology class. She was
half Asian and half Caucasian, and we were just talking about how fun it was that we
could celebrate different holidays with both sides of our family. And then another peer in
one of my other classes, he was half African American and half White, and he would talk
about how his cultures are very different with me.
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Making friends with other multiracial students allowed Bella to connect on their racial identity
and experiences. While most participants did not mention racial identity in their relationships
with peers, two did.
Program Modality
Eight of the participants’ experiences of belonging were influenced by having class
online or in-person. Participants were not all coming to campus and had many different ways of
learning, such as on-campus, online synchronous, and online asynchronous. The data did not
show any relationship between modality and participants’ multiracial or AAPI identity.
However, the lack of opportunity to connect in person may have influenced their connection to
identity in the online environment. These participants noted the positives and negatives of online
coursework and ways in which they were able to connect with faculty, staff, and students.
Four of the participants gave reasons they chose to attend CCC as they had the option to
attend online courses even prior to the coronavirus pandemic. While these participants talked
about certain identities, their racial identity did not influence why they enjoyed online courses.
For some, online courses were better for their schedules and learning as they were asynchronous
courses and could choose when to complete coursework. For Megan, online learning was more
conducive to her lifestyle. She said, “I have two kids and work full-time, so online classes make
it a lot easier.” In an online setting, Megan was able to take care of her family and work while
going through school, especially during the coronavirus pandemic and her children are home
from school. Jade also enjoyed being online so that she could do classes at her own pace, “I
could do it at my own pace. And no one’s bothering me. I’m doing my work. I can just do it
myself.” Being able to self-pace courses was a common positive comment from multiple
participants. Steph preferred online courses, as she could balance the various aspects of her life.
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Online courses worked with her schedule: “Time-management-wise, it just works so great for
your schedule. So, I do feel like I want to continue taking classes there even just for my own
interests.” Being able to work on school on her own time made Steph want to continue to take
courses even if they did not count towards a degree or certificate, but just to learn a new topic.
Leigh also talked about the ease of doing school online due to personal preferences for
learning. She stated,
It was just so much easier to do everything at home. So, I stuck with it here. I wish I was
able to work at home now. I thought it was going to be harder because, when I would talk
to people, they would say, oh, I want to go into class. I don’t have that. They can’t train
themselves to do work at home or whatever. But, once I did it and I was
dedicated…Yeah, I feel like it’s easier than going into college. Well, before when I was
in college, it was so hard to sit there and listen to the teacher, especially if I’m tired in the
morning. You know, [I’d] rather just open the computer and do everything when I feel
good and ready.
Leigh preferred the ease and flexibility that comes with online courses compared to her previous
experience with in-person classes, which helped her be more successful in school. All of the
positive comments on online learning centered around asynchronous learning as coursework
could be done on their own schedule.
In contrast to these participants, others had negative experiences with taking online
courses. This was usually due to the inability to connect with others and the change from in-
person courses to online courses. The other four participants noted how difficult it was to
connect to campus having online classes. It was difficult for Megan to connect, and she said,
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“You know, it’s difficult to connect with people online.” She then compared it to being on
campus prior to the coronavirus pandemic. She said,
I mean, I really liked the school. And, but I think it’s still kind of different than going to
have to go on campus all the time. Yeah, so I think I feel connected in a sense, but not too
strongly.
Attending in-person classes helped Megan have a stronger connection to the institution.
Tina felt coming to campus prior to the change to online classes was important. In
response to whether she felt connected to CCC, she talked solely about being in-person: “Yeah, I
feel like in some ways before quarantine when I had in-person classes. I always felt welcomed
every time I enter the building.” Tina enjoyed the comfort of coming to campus and specifically
knowing the staff and students at the multicultural center, preferring on-campus over the online
format. As one of the participants who frequently talked about the multicultural center in
creating comfortable spaces, being online changed the way she felt connected to campus.
Lucy recalled both sides of being online, “Since I was taking everything online, I really
didn’t have the time to go to campus and learn about the social clubs, but it helped me focus
more on my education.” Lucy was able to focus on school more because it was online, but she
did not get to connect socially. This might have affected her ability to connect with others of the
same identities. In contrast, Jon’s involvement in student government was important for him to
stay connected since all of his classes were online, “I mean, it’s all pretty much online so me
being active in the government side of it connected me.” Without the extra involvement on
campus, Jon would not feel connected through solely online courses.
Being online affected eight of the participants and their sense of belonging to the
institution. While online learning was more conducive for half of them, the lack of involvement
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on campus was inconvenient for the others. While only Tina mentioned being connected to
AANAPISI-related programs, due to being online, other participants did not get the opportunity
to get involved in programs and events usually offered on campus.
Survey Responses
In the 22 survey responses, 15 participants stated that they “agree” or “strongly agree”
that they belonged or felt connected to the institution. Staff, peers, and program modality were
noted in the survey responses regarding ways participants connected to the institution. Nine
survey participants noted that other students or peers made them feel comfortable or included as
reasoning for their response. In the open-ended survey responses that mentioned peers, three of
those responses specifically noted the large Asian American student population as a reason
participants felt comfortable and connected. Two survey participants wrote about their
experiences with staff at the multicultural center, an AANAPISI program, as a reason for their
feelings of belonging.
In the survey responses, six respondents mentioned course modality. All six of those
responses chose the responses ranging from “neutral” to “strongly disagree” indicating that they
did not feel a strong sense of belonging or connection to the campus. None of them chose
“strongly agree” or “agree” to describe that they belonged or felt connected to the institution.
Responses included phrases about the challenges of online courses such as “Online classes
makes it difficult to be involved and I wasn’t interested,” or “I can’t answer this question
because I don’t go to school,” and “Because it is online, to be quite honest, there are not too
much interaction with other classmates.” These responses did not discuss identity in relation to
lack of belonging. Overall, survey responses regarding online courses focused the challenges
with connecting with the institution.
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Additional Finding
One major finding throughout the interviews and survey was that a majority of
participants did not know what an AANAPISI was and that CCC was an AANAPISI. Ten
interviewees did not know that CCC was an AANAPISI. In response to the question about
whether they knew that CCC was an AANAPISI, Sue, Leigh, Allie, Steph, Jade, and Kyle said
no. Jon, Lucy, Megan, and Bella stated that they were not aware of the AANAPISI designation
prior to this study. Megan added on to her response, “Actually, I was not aware that there was
this specific [designation] that’s dedicated to that. I really wasn’t. I knew they were good at it. I
just didn’t know there was a specific [designation] dedicated to that.” She knew that the
institution supported AAPI students but did not know about the federal designation. Jon did not
know about the designation and connected that to being multiracial, “Maybe if I was 100%
Asian, then I would probably look into it, but being a half and half, it never really occurred to
me.” Megan also added to her response, “I think I’ve seen emails, but I don’t really pay attention
to it because it’s pretty difficult to, you know, to go on campus.” Megan recognized she might
have seen the designation in emails but, as an online student, did not pay attention to what it
meant.
Two of the participants knew about the programs and services provided by the
multicultural center for AAPI students but did not know about the AANAPISI designation for
the institution. Allie did not know about the AANAPISI designation, but she knew about the
multicultural center, stating, “I think they do a good job of supporting students.” Jade knew of
the multicultural center since she saw a flyer, which is “the only reason I knew.” However,
neither of these participants knew about the AANAPISI designation.
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Due to these responses, the conversation during the interview shifted to explain what an
AANAPISI was and how it applied to their institution. After the explanation, three of the
participants stated that they would look into AANAPISI-funded programs now that they knew
about them. Jade was interested in learning more: “I’m trying to get into it. There’s a club. That’s
all I really know.” Similarly, Leigh wanted to get involved, “I’d be willing to check it out, but I
just didn’t know anything about it.” Steph also wanted to get more information: “I think I will
like to get notices about (this) from the multicultural center and see what events they put on
maybe through email.” The interview sparked interest in those students who did not know about
these programs and hoped to get involved in the future.
Two of the interview participants did know that CCC was an AANAPISI. These were
also two of the three participants who were involved in AANAPISI-funded programs,
specifically through the multicultural center on campus. After introducing the topic to these two
participants, they explained how they learned about the resources related to the AANAPISI
designation. Jessica did not know about the resources until she was approached by a staff
member from the multicultural center: “I didn’t know about it until [a staff member] actually saw
me outside sitting alone on my phone and just said, ‘Hey, I’m going to drag you into this place.’
I’m like, okay, I don’t know who they are.” Tina also found out about the multicultural center
through a staff member, “One of the representatives that came into one of our classes and
introduced themselves because a lot of us were first years, so she just mentioned what they were.
And that’s how I knew what it was.” Tina found out about these resources during an in-person
course, and she felt she would not have known about the designation or programs provided to
AAPI students at CCC if she was an online student.
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Eight of the interview participants provided feedback on ways to improve outreach so
more students could know about the AANAPISI designation and programs. This discussion
included the students who knew about the AANAPISI designation, as they recognized that many
other students did not, so they provided feedback on how to outreach to other students. Two of
the eight participants focused on on-campus events to get students informed. Bella stated:
I didn’t know that [CCC] had that distinction. I thought they would send out “here’s a list
of all the clubs and how to join in.” But it’s really hard to figure out. Someone told me
they would be like high school club rush where there is just all the clubs are out there and
you can just figure out, but that never happened. I don’t know why it didn’t happen, but
that would be easier so that we could like connect with people that share the same interest
as you rather than just being in class.
Similarly, Lucy discussed the lack of orientation to provide resources and suggested events
during the beginning of school:
It’s really difficult because even there’s no really formal orientation from what I saw. So,
probably the first week of school, if student government did this, like some food, some
free stuff. Maybe they could do something like that. Maybe they could put up some
booths or something with their organization’s information, and you know college kids
like free stuff.
These suggestions would provide ways for every student to learn about AANAPISI programs
and resources.
Four participants suggested email communication to get information to students. Kyle
suggested, “Email every student. I mean an individual email, you know, like do things like that.”
Similarly, Allie’s suggestion also focused on mass email communication:
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Maybe better outreach. I think the reason why I never thought of the AAPI center at
[CCC] is because I forgot that it existed. And I think that if there is more outreach or
maybe even just a mass email, it would help.
Jon suggested getting information out to students through email, so they would not have to
search for it: “I would say, if anything, maybe once you enroll let them know about the
resources, instead of having them try to explore and find it themselves.” Leigh also suggested
email communication to those who self-identify on forms as AAPI and to others, as some
multiracial individuals may not choose that identification on forms. She said:
So, maybe if you guys can send out announcements or emails did you know about this
club. Check it out. Because I’d be willing to check it out, but I just didn’t know anything
about it, you know, and maybe just send it to all the kids at [CCC], because maybe kids
are like me, they’ll just check the White box, but really they’re Arabic and Asian as well.
So, maybe, just send it to everyone, you know, and see who is really interested.
These students believed that mass email communications would be best to capture the full
population of students who may be interested in AANAPISI-funded programs.
Other suggestions included online media and events to get more students aware of the
AANAPISI programs. Jade suggested more social media about the designation and that
subsequent resources would be helpful in getting information out to students:
They could have done it on social media or something. Not just flyers, no one really
looks at flyers anymore. Well, I do, but not everyone does. Maybe Facebook or Instagram
or make their own website. I like when they have their own platform.
While Jessica did not agree on using social media, since she does not use it, she did suggest the
use of media that can be shared through multiple means:
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I told them that they should be doing a highlight reel, if that’s something that they can do.
They can just show all the good things about the [multicultural center] like what they can
offer and stuff like that. It could be an info highlight reel, something like that.
In addition to online media forms, Steph noted the need for online services to provide resources
to online students who attend CCC:
I think I’ve seen some emails on multicultural centers before Covid and they would hold
a lot of events that they were all in-person. And I think, in my experience of taking
courses at [CCC], a lot of students are everywhere. I think it’ll be really great if we can
do more online events, but it has to be different than a regular on-campus event where
you schedule for [a] four-hour window and everyone committed, maybe an hour though
we have different time zones that fits different schedules and I think some creativity and
innovation is needed to make that accessible, but I think it could be done.
These participants brought to light different ways that CCC could reach out to students to
increase knowledge about being an AANAPISI and the programs and services to support AAPI
students.
Participants’ responses consistently reflected a lack of knowledge of attending an
AANAPISI that was also found in the survey responses. In the survey, only three individuals
responded yes to the question, “Did you know your institution is an AANAPISI?” The other 19
survey participants responded no. In response to the free response question about whether they
participate in any AAPI programs or services, 11 of the survey responses stated that they were
not aware of any of the programs as a reason for not participating. Overall, the lack of
knowledge of CCC as an AANAPISI was a common response throughout the interview and
survey data highlighting the significance of this funding.
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Conclusion
In summary, the interview and survey data revealed two themes, and one additional
finding emerged from the interview and survey data. The most significant finding was the lack of
knowledge of AANAPISI programs and resources by multiracial AAPI students. Ten
participants noted how others’ reactions to their multiracial or AAPI identity influenced the ways
they reflected on their identity and subsequent reactions. In addition, there was a wide range of
responses on whether their multiracial or AAPI identity played into their sense of belonging at
the site institution. The data also revealed that all but three participants did not know that CCC
was an AANAPISI.
The following chapter provides a discussion that examines the data through the prior
research, research questions, and conceptual framework. The chapter concludes with limitations,
recommendations for practice, and recommendations for future research.
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Chapter Five: Discussion and Recommendations
The multiracial population is one of the fastest-growing racial groups in the United States
(U.S. Census Bureau, 2012d). With an increase in the population of multiracial individuals, there
is also an increase in multiracial students throughout colleges and universities. Within the
multiracial population, there are differences among racial groups (Pew Research Center, 2015).
One such group is multiracial individuals of AAPI backgrounds, of whom there is an increasing
number (U.S. Census Bureau, 2001; Williams-Leon, 2003). The lack of research on multiracial
AAPI students and their experiences in higher education has led to a lack of understanding of
how to support them.
The purpose of this study was to examine the experiences of multiracial AAPI college
students attending an AANAPISI. Campuses designated as AANAPISIs receive federal funding
for support of AAPI students, but there has been little research on how multiracial AAPI students
experience these programs. The following research questions guided this study:
1. How do multiracial AAPI students perceive their experience to be influenced by
attending an AANAPISI?
2. How do they perceive attending an AANAPISI to influence their sense of belonging, if at
all?
This study used a framework that included multiracial identity development and sense of
belonging to examine these experiences through qualitative methods of survey and interviews at
CCC.
This chapter will examine the findings through multiple means. First, the data will be
examined in relation to prior research, the research questions, and the study’s conceptual
framework of multiracial identity development and sense of belonging. The chapter continues
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with recommendations for practice and future research opportunities and ends with additional
limitations of this study.
Discussion
Twelve interviews and 22 survey responses yielded two themes and one additional
finding. The first theme was reflection on identity over time, and participants discussed the
frequency with which they were questioned about their racial identity through their youth and
young adult years, which led to changes in reactions to others. The evolution in their responses
reflected a changing view of racial identity among the participants as they matured and realized
the reasons behind others’ assumptions. The second theme was the salience of their racial
identity varied in regard to sense of belonging. The variance was based on the participants’
interactions with others on campus, such as faculty, staff, peers, and program modality. The two
themes aligned with published research. The additional finding was unique, as it focused on how
many of the participants did not know about the AANAPISI designation.
The first theme, in which participants noted that their own sense of racial identity
developed or evolved over time and with questioning, aligns with research about ways in which
identity is assumed by others. Published research on multiracial individuals has also reported that
multiracial individuals often have to explain their racial identity to others (Renn, 2004) and
experience annoyance with others who assume their racial background (Pew Research Center,
2015). Questioned identity commonly came from others’ assumptions based on how appearance
matched racial stereotypes or skin tone. Appearance was a common source for self-identification
in multiracial identity theory (Renn, 2004). Similarly, the AAPI polycultural identity
consciousness model has phenotypic appearance included in one of its six categories that
influence identity consciousness for AAPI individuals (Accapadi, 2012). Appearance is also
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included in research on multiracial AAPI individuals where physical appearance influences how
they identify (Khanna, 2004; Xie & Goyette, 1997). Multiple participants also noted family and
culture influenced their identity in both positive and negative ways, and this concept of family as
an influence on identity development can be found in published research as well (Accapadi,
2012; Khanna, 2004; Renn, 2004; Xie & Goyette, 1997). Responses from participants also
aligned with findings in published research about negative experiences with understanding or
learning about racial identity, such as family disapproval, social exclusion, and difficulty
connecting with peers (Kerwin et al., 1993; Kerwin & Ponterotto, 1995; Renn, 2000). Data from
this study also found commonality with published research on changes in identity for multiracial
individuals, and how their racial identification changed over the course of their lifetime (Pew
Research Center, 2015; Renn, 2000, 2008). The findings of this study build on extant research by
showcasing the ways the participants hold a continued personal dialogue about their racial
identity and ultimate reflection on why others ask.
The second theme in the findings was the variety of ways sense of belonging connected
with identity for participants through the various institutional agents. While the findings reflect a
wide range of participants’ experiences, some prior research connected to the findings. With
limited research on multiracial sense of belonging, the findings aligned with AAPI research
around belonging. AAPI research had shown the influence of others on identity in which a few
participants noted the large AAPI population as a positive experience for them (Alvarez, 2002;
Chan, 2017). The variety in points of access for identity development was shown through their
responses regarding sense of belonging. These points that shared commonality with prior
research included classes, student organizations, and AAPI cultural centers (Alvarez, 2002;
Chan, 2017; CARE, 2011). Similar to research on AANAPISIs (Nguyen et al., 2018), the
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participants involved in AANAPISI-funded programs stated the programs promoted engagement
and assisted in navigating the college environment for these students.
The additional finding was unique, as it did not align with prior research regarding
AANAPISIs. With limited prior research on AANAPISIs, this could be because of two reasons.
First, prior studies on AANAPISIs did not report on whether participants knew they attended an
AANAPISI or knew about AANAPISI-related programs and services (CARE, 2014). These
studies focused on the influence of programs on students, but they did not study whether students
participated in the programs. One additional reason may be due to the online nature of CCC. Not
many students knew about general on-campus resources since they do not physically go to
campus. The findings from this study provided findings that build on prior research and novel
findings unique to this study.
Research Questions
The data from the interviews and survey provided information regarding the research
questions for this study. This study examined multiracial AAPI students’ experiences attending
an AANAPISI and their sense of belonging.
Question 1: How Do Multiracial AAPI Students Perceive Their Experience to be Influenced
by Attending an AANAPISI?
Ten of the participants in both the interviews and survey did not know that CCC was an
AANAPISI. Therefore, for most of them, they did not perceive attending an AANAPISI as
influencing their experience. However, within this group, there were two participants who felt
that the large number of AAPI students influenced their experience. While these participants did
not know about the federal designation of the institution, they realized that there was a large
Asian American population and support services at their institution, which they felt was positive,
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including faculty interactions with students and peer-to-peer interactions. While not explicitly
stating AANAPISI-specific programs and services as influencing their experience, these
participants noted the support of staff, faculty, and peers, some of whom shared similar racial
identities or were supportive of students’ AAPI identity.
While most participants did not know about CCC being an AANAPISI, two participants
involved in AANAPISI programs knew about the federal designation, even though they did not
know the technical term for it. These participants knew that there were programs specifically for
students of AAPI identities. Both individuals who knew about the AANAPISI designation and
were involved in the AANAPISI programs noted the positive experiences they had with these
programs. They said being involved in these programs changed how they thought they would
experience college and provided them with more ways to connect to CCC than they would have
otherwise.
Question 2: How Do They Perceive Attending an AANAPISI to Influence Their Sense of
Belonging, If at All?
Eight of the 12 students did not connect the AANAPISI designation to their sense of
belonging either directly or indirectly, as many did not know about their institution’s
designation. For those who did know about it, their sense of belonging was positive. The two
participants who knew the AANAPISI designation and were involved in AANAPISI programs
felt that they belonged at the institution and directly attributed their connection to their
experience in the multicultural center’s programs. They discussed being connected to both staff
and students in these spaces as positively affecting their college experience.
Very few of the participants were aware they were attending an AANAPISI. Therefore,
the rest of the discussion related to this research question will focus more on sense of belonging
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in general than within an AANAPISI. In general, the interview participants responded with
comments related to having a high sense of belonging to the institution. This sense was due to
the various faculty, staff, and peer interactions they had through their experience at CCC. Even if
the interactions were not due to AANAPISI programs or events, they felt connected because of
relationships built with others at the institution. The negative responses to sense of belonging
were only found in the survey responses. These survey responses contained comments regarding
online courses and being off-campus as a main reason for lack of sense of belonging at CCC.
The findings showcased a wide range of sense of belonging among students at CCC.
Conceptual Framework
This study used two conceptual frameworks to guide the examination of the experiences
of multiracial AAPI students at an AANAPISI. These frameworks were Renn’s (2000, 2004)
multiracial identity development theory and Strayhorn’s (2012) sense of belonging. The
frameworks will be discussed in relation to the findings of this study.
Multiracial Identity Development
Multiracial identity development was examined through Renn’s (2000, 2004) theory on
the patterns of identity development. Participants in this study identified within the five different
patterns in Renn’s theory. The most common pattern was multiracial identity. Seven of the
participants identified as multiracial through the survey and interview. One reason could be the
recruitment materials that specifically noted the need for multiracial individuals for this study.
Six participants identified as situational and four multiple monoracial, changing their racial
identity classification based on others’ racial identity around them. Five interview participants
specifically noted identifying as monoracially Asian American. The least common pattern of
identity found through the interviews was extra-racial identity. Only one participant noted the
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need to identify outside of racial boundaries. Since the patterns are not mutually exclusive, some
participants identified with multiple patterns.
In examining the patterns in relation to students’ experience at an AANAPISI, two of the
three students involved in AANAPISI programs and the only two who knew of the AANAPISI
designation identified as monoracial in this study, specifically Asian American. The third
participant who was involved in AANAPISI programs identified as multiracial. With two of the
three individuals identifying as monoracially Asian American, it may explain why they became
involved with the multicultural resource center, as they felt more comfortable and included
compared to other multiracial students. While there was hope of seeing more patterns across
identities and involvement in AANAPISI programs, outside of those identities and experiences,
there were no significant findings that aligned with participants’ pattern of identity and their
experiences at CCC. This lack of significant findings continues to showcase the wide variety of
experiences for multiracial students that make it difficult to understand without acknowledging
the complexity of each individuals’ experience.
Sense of Belonging
This study also examined sense of belonging through Strayhorn’s (2012) seven core
components of sense of belonging. Three core components were used in this study to examine
the experiences of multiracial AAPI students. One of the components was that sense of
belonging takes on heightened importance in different contexts, times, and with certain
populations. Another component was that sense of belonging is affected by social identities. The
last core component utilized was that sense of belonging engenders other positive outcomes.
Through this study, sense of belonging was found to take on heightened importance in
different context, as stated in Strayhorn’s (2012) third component. The most common contexts
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were in-person classes, as opposed to online classes; those who took in-person classes created
stronger relationships with faculty, staff, and other students. Participants who took classes online
were more likely to have negative experiences with belonging at CCC. In addition to context, the
racial identities of peers, faculty, and staff mattered to participants in terms of sense of
belonging. Multiple participants noted the feelings of belonging with peers who shared the same
AAPI or multiracial identity.
In relation to the fifth component, social identities affect belonging in different ways.
As stated in theme two of the findings, all but one participant reported how sense of belonging
differed. While these interview participants noted a positive sense of belonging, their identity
salience varied in relation to belonging at CCC confirming this component. The findings found
identity to vary in levels of importance for participants’ sense of belonging.
The sixth component of Strayhorn’s (2012) model was that sense of belonging results in
positive outcomes. In this study, the positive outcomes were happiness and engagement. Many of
the participants who noted a positive sense of belonging coupled it with positive feelings. In
addition, the responses of participants who were involved in AANAPISI programs regarding
sense of belonging were positive. They stated that they felt they belonged within the
multicultural center, and that promoted further engagement within the center and its programs
and services. This study did not examine other positive outcomes referenced by Strayhorn, such
as persistence or achievement.
Recommendations for Practice
The following section provides recommendations based on the data for increasing student
knowledge and involvement in AANAPISI programs and resources. These recommendations
include ways to increase inclusion of multiracial students and online learners.
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Recommendation 1: Increase Student Awareness of AANAPISI Programs and Services
One of the significant findings of this study was that most participants did not know
about the AANAPISI program and that CCC was designated as an AANAPISI. Many of the
students who did not know also mentioned that they were interested in learning more or getting
involved in the AANAPISI programs and services at CCC. Therefore, it is important to increase
awareness of the designation and provided services for AAPI students.
California Community College should create a marketing campaign for both incoming
and current students to increase awareness of space for AAPI students. This campaign should
include information about the AANAPISI designation and resources available to students and
could be included in admissions materials and on the webpage. This marketing will provide
incoming students an introduction to these services from the beginning of their experience at
CCC. For current students, both intentional email and social media campaigns should be
implemented. Based on the feedback on how to increase awareness, participants said both mass
emails and social media are needed to communicate to the full student body about the
AANAPISI resources. One of the significant aspects of the campaign for current students would
be to focus attention on the students enrolled in online courses. Since the students who did know
about the programs and services were attending courses in person, online students were usually
not aware of any programs. Increasing awareness also requires that all students get the emails
regarding the programs and services instead of only focusing on AAPI students, since multiracial
students may not have chosen an AAPI identity when applying for CCC due to the limits of
racial classification in applications. The institution needs to find the spaces where AAPI students
may currently engage in person or online to educate them on the AANAPISI programs and
resources they may not realize exist.
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Recommendation 2: - Assess Inclusion of Multiracial Identity in AANAPISI Programs
Even though all participants in this study identified as AAPI, some felt they were not
welcomed into spaces meant for solely AAPI students due to their multiracial identity. With
many experiences throughout their life of being questioned, participants were sensitized to the
idea of exclusion due to appearance, knowledge of culture, or peer reactions. All multiracial
AAPI students should feel welcomed in all AAPI student spaces.
As these spaces are important to fostering students’ sense of belonging, AANAPISI-
funded programs should examine their intentionality in including multiracial individuals. In
many monoracial support systems, multiracial individuals are not specifically noted as included
and supported, and students do not always feel comfortable in those spaces. Therefore, to truly
support multiracial students, AANAPISI programs need to identify how multiracial individuals
are excluded and remedy that exclusion. In addition, it is important to consider differences in
experience based on the racial backgrounds of multiracial AAPI individuals. For example,
multiracial individuals with two historically minoritized backgrounds may need programs to
intentionally support them within those specific intersecting identities as Black AAPIs, Latinx
AAPIs, and/or Native AAPIs.
The first step in moving towards better inclusion of multiracial individuals would be an
assessment of the current programs and services centering on multiracial students. This can
include internal assessments examining whether the term multiracial is used in outreach and
materials. Explicit acknowledgement of multiracial students is important. External assessments
can include surveying multiracial students who are engaged and ones who are not engaged on
what would help them feel more comfortable in those spaces. Lastly, it is important to assess
staff members’ knowledge on multiracial issues. In addition to the multicultural center, the
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institution needs to assess the gaps in knowledge among all the staff and faculty in relation to
cultural competence and racial equity. Training for those lacking knowledge on these topics is
essential for interacting with students of multiracial AAPI backgrounds. The campus could also
include staff with multiracial identities in the multicultural center so that students know that there
are staff members who share in their experiences.
Recommendation 3: Create AANAPISI-Funded Opportunities for Online Learners
In the findings, program modality influenced students’ sense of belonging. Due to the
coronavirus pandemic, at the time of this study, all academic and extracurricular programs
transitioned fully online for safety, and the institution had to switch to providing solely online
opportunities for connection for all students. However, having all students online seemed to have
some advantages, as more students could connect with the institution because of these online
opportunities for support. The campus had many online learners prior to the pandemic, but these
lacked the same support outside of the classroom as their peers who attended class in person.
Four interview participants and six survey respondents reported they were not involved because
they were online students and did not have online opportunities to connect with CCC. These
participants lacked a connection to the institution primarily due to being online.
Therefore, CCC needs to create intentional online opportunities that continue past the
current pandemic and are integrated into all future programs to fully engage the campus
community. To be fully inclusive of all students, these programs need to be provided in various
modalities. Assessing online students’ needs and wants in the online setting can help achieve this
goal. An example of spaces conductive to online learners are evening opportunities for
engagement, since online students may work during the day or have other commitments. In
addition, as mentioned by one participant, online events should not be too lengthy, since it is
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more difficult to capture attention for that length online. Online programming needs to be
specific to those students to fully engage all types of students at CCC.
Future Research
Research on multiracial individuals is growing; however, it still trails behind that on
many other racial groups. With most research being completed within the last 30 years, there is
much lacking in multiracial research (Poston, 1990; Renn, 2008; Root, 1990). Most of the
current multiracial research examines the experiences of Black/White multiracial individuals and
lacks more diverse participants (Gaither, 2015). Future research should examine racial categories
other than AAPI, such as Latinx, North African/Middle Eastern, and Native American. Other
research could examine individuals of two historically minoritized racial groups, since most
research includes White multiracial individuals (Gaither, 2015).
In addition to different racial categories, other aspects of identity are important in
multiracial individuals’ diverse experiences. Participants in this study noted the impact of other
identities, such as gender and sexual orientation in addition to race, on their experiences as
multiracial individuals. Future research should look at the intersections of these identities and
others, such as religious affiliation, socioeconomic status, nationality, and disability for
multiracial students. As this study examines one AANAPISI, and prior research has solely
examined individual campuses (CARE, 2014; Nguyen et al., 2018), future research can expand
studies into more AANAPISIs. Through additional research on both the racial experiences and
intersections of other identities and additional institutions, higher education can better understand
the variety of experiences of multiracial individuals.
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Limitations
Due to the timing of the study and study site, three additional limitations were found that
could have affected the findings. One significant limitation of this study was the timeframe
during which the study was completed. Due to the coronavirus pandemic, the participants’
educational experience was altered, since all courses and experiences were moved online. With
this significant shift in campuses throughout the world, the responses from all students centered
around their current experiences with their institution during the pandemic. A fully online
experience may have influenced the students’ sense of belonging. In addition, the pandemic may
have impacted the response rates. With only email as a way of connecting with potential
participants, the study was limited in connecting with students who may have seen this
opportunity through in-person involvement. This lack of connection may have resulted in the low
number of students interviewed who were involved in AANAPISI-funded programs.
Another limitation was the online courses at CCC prior to the coronavirus pandemic.
Being a fully online student can affect the experience of higher education. Even further, some of
the online programs at CCC involved asynchronous courses in which students did not meet with
a professor or classmates but interacted only through discussion boards and assignments. This
can influence how these students engage with the institution and their sense of belonging, since
they do not meet with faculty or other students.
Lastly, there is a limitation of only one Pacific Islander student involved in the study.
Due to the variety of Pacific Islander students’ experiences and their differences from Asian
American experiences, this study needed more students of this identity to better understand their
experiences. This participant mentioned they would not attend AAPI programs or events, as they
did not feel they share experiences with Asian American students as found in the research
95

(Harrison et al., 2017; Philip et al., 2015). Therefore, this study cannot assume that their
experiences matched those of students of Asian American backgrounds. With one Pacific
Islander student, little can be concluded about their experience at CCC.
Conclusion
Multiracial students’ experiences are diverse and varied based on each individual. As
they enter higher education, multiracial students bring in a variety of prior experiences that
influence how they identify. Higher education needs to understand the variety of their
experiences to support these students. With a wide range of success in higher education (Lopez
et al., 2017; Museus, 2013; CARE, 2011) and little research on their success, a variety of factors
such as faculty, staff, peers, and program modality influence multiracial AAPIs’ college
experiences. Within AANAPISIs, little research exists, but positive outcomes have been found
(CARE, 2014). Expanding research on AANAPISIs to examine multiracial AAPI students
showed varied levels of engagement. Therefore, campuses need to ensure that multiracial AAPI
students know about the various support programs and services they can utilize and that they are
welcomed into these spaces.

96

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111

Appendix A: Information Sheet
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education
3470 Trousdale Parkway
Los Angeles, CA 90089-4033

INFORMATION/FACTS SHEET FOR EXEMPT NON-MEDICAL RESEARCH

MULTIRACIAL ASIAN AMERICAN PACIFIC ISLANDERS EXPERIENCE AT AN
AANAPISI

You are invited to participate in a research study. Research studies include only people who
voluntarily choose to take part. This document explains information about this study. You should
ask questions about anything that is unclear to you.

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
This research study aims to understand the experiences of those who identify as multiracial and
Asian American or Pacific Islander (AAPI) at an Asian American Native American Pacific
Islander Serving Institution (AANAPISI). This study will examine students’ identity and sense
of belonging within their institution. Little is known currently about multiracial AAPI student
experiences and AANAPISIs. The research findings may reveal the need for additional support
and programs for students within higher education institutions, additional research, and
professional development for staff and faculty working with multiracial AAPI students.

PARTICIPANT INVOLVEMENT
If you agree to take part in Part 1 of this study, you will be asked to complete an online survey
which is anticipated to take about 5 minutes. You do not have to answer any questions you don’t
want to. Click “next” or “N/A” in the survey to move to the next question.

If you agree to take part in the second part of this study, you will be asked to participate in a 60
minute audio-taped interview. You would not have to answer any questions you don’t want to. If
you decline to be recorded, handwritten notes will be taken. If recording has started, you will be
able to stop the recording at any time.

PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION
For the survey, you will not be compensated for your participation.

For the interview, you will receive a $10 Amazon gift card for your time. You do not have to
answer all of the questions in order to receive the card. The card will be emailed to you after you
complete the interview.

CONFIDENTIALITY
Any identifiable information obtained in connection with this study will remain confidential.
Your responses will be coded with a false name (pseudonym) and maintained separately. Any
hard copy files will be shredded after the conclusion of the study. The audio files will be
112

destroyed once they have been transcribed. The data will be stored on a password protected
computer in the researcher’s office for three years after the study has been completed and then
destroyed.

The members of the research team and the University of Southern California’s Human Subjects
Protection Program (HSPP) may access the data. The HSPP reviews and monitors research
studies to protect the rights and welfare of research subjects.

When the results of the research are published or discussed in conferences, no identifiable
information will be used.

INVESTIGATOR CONTACT INFORMATION
Principal Investigator Jennifer Ellingwood via email at ellingwo@usc.edu or phone at (714) 725-
1491 or Faculty Advisor Dr. Tracy Tambascia at tpoon@rossier.usc.edu or (213) 740-9747.

IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
University of Southern California Institutional Review Board, 1640 Marengo Street, Suite 700,
Los Angeles, CA 90033-9269. Phone (323) 442-0114 or email irb@usc.edu.

113

Appendix B: Recruitment Emails
Initial Recruitment Email Communication
Dear [Name],
My name is Jennifer Nguyen Ellingwood. I am a doctoral student at the Rossier School of
Education at University of Southern California. I am conducting a research study as part of my
dissertation that examines the experiences of multiracial Asian American and Pacific Islander
students at an Asian American Native American Pacific Islander Serving Institution. I would like
to invite you to participate in this study.
If you are interested in participating in this study, you will be asked to complete a short survey
that contains 10 questions and some short answer questions. The survey will take about 10
minutes to complete. The survey will help me in selecting 10-15 participants for this study and
collect some data.
If you meet the criteria for the interviews and submit your contact information at the bottom of
the survey, I will contact you to schedule a date and time for the interview at a location of your
choosing, somewhere at your institution or online. Each interview will be about one hour and
recorded with your permission. Your identity will never be shared in this study, and all the
information you provide will be confidential in this study. If you are selected to participate in the
interview, a $10 Amazon gift card will be emailed to you after the interview.

Online survey link: TBD
If you have any questions, please contact me at ellingwo@usc.edu or 714-725-1491.
Thank you for your help,
Jennifer Nguyen Ellingwood
Doctoral Candidate
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education
Reminder Email
Dear [Name],
My name is Jennifer Nguyen Ellingwood. I am a doctoral student at the Rossier School of
Education at University of Southern California. This is a reminder that I am conducting a
research study as part of my dissertation that examines the experiences of multiracial Asian
American and Pacific Islander students at an Asian American Native American Pacific Islander
Serving Institution. I would like to invite you to participate in this study.
114

If you are interested in participating in this study, you will be asked to complete a short survey
that contains 10 questions asking about your demographics and some short answer questions.
The survey will take about 10 minutes to complete. The survey will help me in selecting a
purposeful sample of participants for this study and collect some data. If you meet the criteria for
the interviews and submit your contact information at the bottom of the survey, I will contact
you to schedule a date and time for the interview at a location of your choosing, somewhere at
your institution or online. Each interview will be about one hour and recorded with your
permission. Any identifiable information will remain confidential in this study. If you are
selected to participate in the interview, a $10 Amazon gift card will be emailed to you after the
interview.

Online survey link: TBD
If you have any questions, please contact me at ellingwo@usc.edu or 714-725-1491.
Thank you for your help,
Jennifer Nguyen Ellingwood
Doctoral Candidate
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education

Interview Participant Email
Dear [Name],
Thank you for completing my study’s survey and being willing to participate in an interview.
This study will examine the experiences of multiracial Asian American and Pacific Islander
students at an Asian American Native American Pacific Islander Serving Institution.
Can you please provide your availability from these dates and times to schedule an one hour
interview: TBD
As a reminder, you will receive a $10 Amazon gift card emailed to you once the interview has
concluded.
If you have any questions, please contact me at ellingwo@usc.edu or 714-725-1491. Thank you
being a part of this study. I look forward to chatting with you.
Best,
Jennifer Nguyen Ellingwood
Doctoral Candidate
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education
115

Appendix C: Survey Questions
1. Name:
2. Pronouns:
3. How many years have you been enrolled at this institution?
4. Are you a full time or part time student?
5. What is your age?
6. What is your biological sex?
7. What is your racial background? (Select all options: White, Latinx, Black/African
American, Asian American, Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander, Native American/Alaska
Native, Middle Eastern/North African, Multiracial, Other race not listed with fill in box)
a) Within Asian American/Pacific Islander, what is your ethnic background?
8. Rate on Likert scale: I feel like I belong on my campus. (Strongly agree, agree, neutral,
disagree, strongly disagree)
a) Please explain your response.
9. Rate on Likert scale: I feel like I am part of my campus community. (Strongly agree,
agree, neutral, disagree, strongly disagree)
a) Please explain your response.
10. Did you know your institution is an Asian American Native American Pacific Islander
Serving Institution? (Yes, No)
a) Which Asian American and Pacific Islander programs or services do you
participate, if any? Why or why not?
b) Have these programs/services influenced your experience at this institution? If so,
how?
11. Would you be willing to participate in a one-hour interview as part of this study?
Interview participants will receive a $10 Amazon gift card at the conclusion of the
interview.
a) If yes, please provide your contact information below (Email)

116

Appendix D: Interview Protocol
Researcher Name: Jennifer Ellingwood

Participant Name:
Participant Pseudonym:
Date:
Research Question(s)
a. How do AAPI multiracial students perceive their experience to be influenced by
attending an AANAPISI?
b. How do they perceive attending an AANAPISI to influence their sense of belonging,
if at all?

Reflection prompt:
For the purposes of this interview, I will ask you to share specific ways that your racial identity
shapes the way in which you experience college. To help you start thinking of your identity in
this way, please write a short response about your experience as a multiracial individual.

Introduction
Hi, my name is Jennifer Ellingwood. Thank you for taking the time to talk with me today. Here
is a little information about myself and my research. I am a doctoral student at the University of
Southern California in the Rossier School of Education studying Educational Leadership. This
interview is to collect information for my dissertation. This study will examine the experiences
of multiracial Asian American and Pacific Islander students at an Asian American Native
American Pacific Islander Serving Institution.

As a reminder, this interview will take about one hour as we go through 15-20 questions. Your
involvement in the study is voluntary and you can stop it at any time. If there is a question you
do not want to answer, please let me know so I can skip it. Any identifiable information will be
removed from your responses, so we need to pick a pseudonym, what would you like it to be?
Also, I would like to record this interview to best capture your responses, is that okay? If you
would like me to stop the recording at any time, please let me know.

Questions (with transitions)
AAPI Multiracial Identity
Since this study has a focus on identity, we are going to
start with questions on your racial identity.
1. Tell me a little bit about how you identify racially.
What about your parents’ racial identity?
Probe: Can you tell me more about that?
2. Tell me about your experience with race prior to
college.
3. In your journal response, you mentioned (insert
situation or experience related to racial identity
experiences). How did you feel about this
experience?

1. RQ 1

2. RQ 1

3. RQ 1,2

117

Sense of Belonging
Transition -
4. In what ways do you feel connected to your
institution? (Spaces you feel comfortable, accepted,
supported, valued, welcomed)
5. What aspects of the institution do you feel
connected to? Courses, clubs, organizations, faculty,
etc.?
6. What programs, services, or organizations are you
involved in? How connected do you feel to those
communities?
7. Can you describe experiences where you felt you
belonged? Or did not belong?

Racial experience at the AANAPISI

8. Tell me about your decision to attend this institution.
9. Do you feel that you have to explain your racial
identity to others? Why?
10. How has your racial background been influenced by
others around you at this institution, if at all? (Peers,
faculty, staff)
11. How do you experience your race differently in
different areas of your institution, if at all?
12. Are you involved in any of the AANAPISI
programs or services? If so, which ones?
13. How have these services/programs influenced your
experience at this institution, if at all?
14. Some multiracial students would say they don’t
belong in AAPI spaces because of their other racial
identities, what would you tell them about your
experience on this campus?
15. What does being multiracial/AAPI/multiracial AAPI
mean at this institution?

Improvements
Transition- Now that I’ve heard your experiences, we
are going to move towards ways to improve your
experience.
16. What did you expect for your experience at this
institution? (How is your experience similar to what
you expected? How is your experience different
from what you expected?)
17. In what ways, if any, can your institution better
support AAPI multiracial students?

4. RQ 1,2

5. RQ 1,2

6. RQ 2

7. RQ 1

8. RQ 1, 2

9. RQ 1

10. RQ 1

11. RQ 2

12. RQ 1, 2

13. RQ 1

14. RQ 1, 2

15. RQ 1

16. RQ 1

17. RQ 1, 2
118

Probe: Can you give me an example?
Last question
18. That’s all the questions I have, is there anything you
would like to add?

Closing
Thank you for allowing me to interview you for my dissertation. From here, I will continue to
collect data through interviews to create findings for this study. I might have some additional
questions after reviewing our conversation, would it be okay if I emailed/called you for some
follow up? Do you have any last questions for me?
Thank you again for allowing me to interview you.

Abstract (if available)

Abstract This study examined the experiences of multiracial Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) students at an Asian American Native American Pacific Islander-Serving Institution (AANAPISI). As the higher education student population becomes more racially diverse, the multiracial population has become one of the fastest-growing populations in the United States (U.S. Census Bureau, 2012d). However, there is very little research on multiracial subpopulations such as multiracial AAPIs. This study looked at how multiracial AAPI perceive their experiences and sense of belonging to be influenced by attending an AANAPISI. Qualitative methods through surveys and semi-structured interviews were conducted with participants who meet the given criteria of multiracial and AAPI at the site institution. Renn’s (2000, 2004) Ecological Theory of Multiracial Identity and Strayhorn’s (2012) core components of sense of belonging contribute to the conceptual framework that was used for this study. The themes that emerged from this study included reflection on identity over time and varied identity salience in relation to sense of belonging. One additional finding was that a majority of participants did not know California Community College was an AANAPISI. Recommendations from the findings include increasing student awareness of AANAPISI programs and services, assessing inclusion of multiracial identity in AANAPISI programs, and creating AANAPISI-funded opportunities for online learners.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Ellingwood, Jennifer Nguyen (author)

Core Title Experiences of multiracial Asian American and Pacific Islander students at an Asian American Native American Pacific Islander-serving institution

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Publication Date 03/16/2021

Defense Date 02/04/2021

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag AANAPISI,AAPI,Asian American,Asian American Native American Pacific Islander-serving institution,multiracial,multiracial AAPI,multiracial AAPI students,multiracial identity,OAI-PMH Harvest,Pacific Islander,sense of belonging

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Tambascia, Tracy (committee chair), Samkian, Artineh (committee member), Wheaton, Marissiko (committee member)

Creator Email ellingwo@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c89-427900

Unique identifier UC11666606

Identifier etd-Ellingwood-9322.pdf (filename),usctheses-c89-427900 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-Ellingwood-9322.pdf

Dmrecord 427900

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Ellingwood, Jennifer Nguyen

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA