/

University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

/

Cultivate hope in troubled times: the periodical discourse on children in Republican Shanghai

(USC Thesis Other)

Cultivate hope in troubled times: the periodical discourse on children in Republican Shanghai

PDF

Transcript (if available)

Content

CULTIVATE
HOPE
IN
TROUBLED
TIMES:

THE
PERIODICAL
DISCOURSE
ON
CHILDREN

IN
REPUBLICAN
SHANGHAI

by

Xiaojun
Yan

A
Thesis
Presented
to
the

FACULTY
OF
THE
USC
GRADUATE
SCHOOL

UNIVERSITY
OF
SOUTHERN
CALIFORNIA

In
Partial
Fulfillment
of
the

Requirements
for
the
Degree

MASTER
OF
ARTS

(EAST
ASIAN
AREA
STUDIES)

August
2012

Copyright
2012

Xiaojun
Yan

ii

Acknowledgments

I
am
indebted
to
a
number
of
people
for
inspiring
me
to
do
this
research.
To

start,
I
must
thank
my
principal
advisor,
Professor
Brett
Sheehan,
for
his
thoughtful

advice
and
extreme
support
and
patience
in
the
past
two
years
of
my
gradual

program.
Without
his
constant
insights
and
encouragement,
I
would
not
have

developed
my
interest
in
history
and
have
come
to
explore
discoveries
of
my
own.
I

am
also
very
grateful
to
Professors
Brian
Bernards
and
Joshua
Goldstein
for
their

invaluable
time,
comments
and
suggestions
in
the
process
of
advising
my
thesis.

I
am
thankful
of
my
wonderful
classmates,
Jessica
Egyud
and
Carolyn
Lee,
for

their
kind
help
and
friendship.
I
also
wish
to
express
my
deepest
gratitude
to
my

family,
especially
Lijun
and
Longbo,
for
their
continuous
love
and
understanding

that
have
made
my
study
and
research
possible.

iii

Table
of
Contents

Acknowledgments
......................................................................................................................................
ii

List
of
Figures
.............................................................................................................................................
iii

Abstract
.........................................................................................................................................................
iv

Introduction
..................................................................................................................................................
1

Previous
Studies
on
Children
.............................................................................................
7

Primary
Sources
....................................................................................................................
13

Chapter
One:
Liangyou’s
Children:
China’s
Hope?
....................................................................
16

The
Health
Child
....................................................................................................................
16

The
Revolutionary
Child
....................................................................................................
30

The
Confucian
Child
.............................................................................................................
47

Little
Citizen:
The
Future
of
the
Nation?
....................................................................
61

Chapter
Two:
Dongfang
zazhi’s
Children:
A
Social
Problem
of
China?
............................
67

Chapter
Three:
Cultivate
Hope
in
Troubled
Times
...................................................................
80

Conclusion
..................................................................................................................................................
92

Bibliography
..............................................................................................................................................
95

iv

List
of
Figures

Figure
1:
The
Nationalist
Party’s
afforestation
campaign
in
1935

3

Figure
2:
The
Momilk
advertisement

17

Figure
3:
The
Quaker
Oats
advertisement

25

Figure
4:
Kiddies
and
their
moods

28

Figure
5:
The
Shanxi
famine

32

Figure
6:
A
mulberry
leaf

34

Figure
7:
School
for
the
Children
of
Chinese
Revolution

36

Figure
8:
Memorial
service
to
the
war-‐dead
held
in
Nanjing

38

Figure
9:
National
scouts
rally

41

Figure
10:
National
scouts
rally

42

Figure
11:
Call
for
resistance

45

Figure
12:
The
citizens
of
the
Republic
of
China

49

Figure
13:
Our
youngsters

55

Figure
14:
Confucius
memorial
ceremony

60

Figure
15:
Children’s
page

63

Figure
16:
Tomorrow’s
grow-‐ups

65

Figure
17:
Tomorrow’s
grow-‐ups

66

Figure
18:
Nation-‐wide
celebrations
of
the
Children
Year

68

v

Figure
19:
Celebrations
of
the
Children
Year

70

Figure
20:
The
orphanage
in
Hankou

88

vi

Abstract

There
was
an
unprecedented
development
of
discourses
on
children
during

Republican
Era.
Among
the
many
discourses
children
were
often
considered
as
a

symbol
of
national
salvation,
and
thus
the
construction
of
children
became

extremely
important
in
envisioning
a
future
China.
As
the
leading
general-‐interest

periodicals
in
Shanghai,
Liangyou
(Young
Companion)
and
Dongfang
zazhi
(Eastern

Miscellany)
were
both
concerned
with
this
issue.

The
goal
of
this
study
is
to
examine
how
children
and
childhood
were
perceived

and
represented
in
Shanghai’s
popular
culture
during
Republican
era.
It
explores

the
discourses
on
children
expressed
in
various
images
and
articles
of
the
two

periodicals,
and
argues
that
there
are
two
competed
visions
of
children
and
their

relationship
with
the
nation:
in
Liangyou,
children
are
presented
as
little
creatures

with
all
the
virtues
central
to
building
up
a
strong
China,
while
in
Dongfang
zazhi

children
are
seen
as
passive
and
vulnerable,
waiting
to
be
rescued.
In
other
words,

Liangyou’s
children
are
presented
as
China’s
hope,
while
Dongfang
zazhi’
are

thought
as
a
social
problem
of
China.

This
study
further
explores
the
question
about
how
the
two
periodicals
evolved

in
different
directions.
By
looking
into
Liangyou’s
editorship,
it
suggests
that
in

contrast
to
Dongfang
zazhi’s
pessimistic
tone,
Liangyou’s
discourse
on
children

vii

reflects
its
own
pattern
of
addressing
China
problems,
and
more
importantly,
its

advocacy
of
a
discourse
of
hope.
This
discourse
is
not
simply
a
commercial

orientation,
but
a
conscious
effort
to
enlighten
people’s
courage
and
confidence
in

the
mist
of
national
hardship.

This
study
also
argues
that
despite
the
differences,
both
visions,
children
as

hope
of
the
nation
and
children
as
problem
for
the
nation,
share
a
close
connection

with
a
newly
intrusive
state
which
has
new
expectations
and
responsibilities.

Neither
vision
questions
this
intrusive
state
in
caring
for,
utilizing,
shaping,
and

training
children
for
the
project
of
national
salvation.
This
is
what
was
new
during

the
Nanjing
period
(1927-‐1937),
when
there
was
a
marked
conflation
of
nation
with

the
Nationalist
Party
state.

1

“It
takes
ten
years
to
grow
a
forest,
and
a
hundred
years
to
build
up
a
new

group
of
men
(十年树木，百年树人).”

-‐Guanzi
(管子)

Introduction

This
is
an
old
Chinese
proverb
about
the
extreme
importance
and
difficulty
in

cultivating
a
generation
of
men
of
virtue,
and
the
hope
for
realizing
that
goal

through
education
as
well.
Using
the
metaphor
of
growing
a
forest,
the
proverb

emphasizes
the
time
and
effort
devoted
in
nurturing
a
group
of
virtuous
men.
Dating

back
to
the
Warring
States
Period,
this
proverb
has
been
passed
down
generation
to

generation.
It
has
been
cherished
in
the
Chinese
mind,
exemplified
by
the
story
of
Lu

Xun,
one
of
the
greatest
Chinese
writers
in
the
20
th

century,
who
was
given
the
name

of
“Shuren”
( 树人),
figuratively,
“to
be
an
educated
man,”
when
he
went
to
Jiangnan

Naval
Academy
in
1898.
The
more
recent
uses
of
the
proverb
were
from
Mao

Zedong’s
speech
in
1957,
and
even
Barack
Obama’s
speech
in
2011.
1

While
the
goal

of
growing
virtuous
men
has
maintained
more
or
less
unchanged
throughout

Chinese
history,
the
concept
of
being
virtuous
may
have
been
transformed
and

1

Mao
used
the
proverb
in
his
speech
entitled
“To
Be
Promoters
of
Revolution”
(Zuo
geming
de
cujin
pai)
on

October
9
th
,
1957.
Obama
quoted
this
saying
in
his
speech
at
State
Dinner
on
January
19
th
,
2011,
welcoming

Chinese
President
Hu
Jintao
and
his
delegation.

2

invested
with
new
meanings
and
implications
that
reflect
or
assert
contemporary

aspirations,
attitudes
and
anxieties.

This
was
also
used
as
the
caption
of
a
photo
in
a
Chinese
pictorial
magazine

Liangyou
(Young
Companion)
about
the
Nationalist
Party
(Guomindang)’s

afforestation
campaign
in
1935.
In
the
photo,
a
middle-‐aged
man
in
a
long
gown
is

digging
a
hole
in
order
to
plant
a
tree.
What
is
interesting
is
that
the
tree
waiting
to

be
planted
is
unseen;
instead,
a
girl
is
standing
where
that
tree
should
be.
She
is
very

young,
chubby
and
neat.
Her
hearty
smile
stands
in
stark
contrast
with
the
very

solemn
expression
of
the
adult.
By
borrowing
from
the
proverb
the
idea
of
growing

people,
the
photo
replaces,
metaphorically,
the
missing
tree
with
the
little
girl,
and

thus
implies
that
the
man
is
actually
cultivating
the
girl.
Farther
away
in
the
photo

are
more
trees
already
planted,
resembling
more
children
having
been
cultivated.

Here
the
man
and
the
girl
are
to
convey
such
a
generational
relationship
that
“we”

have
been
making
great
effort
to
cultivate
our
next
generation,
no
matter
how
much

time
it
takes
and
how
difficult
it
is.
2

This
seemingly
universal
use
of
the
proverb
does
not
conceal
the
political

implication
of
the
photo.
The
photo
has
a
clear
idea
of
who
are
“we.”
As
evidenced

by
the
stone
tablets,
the
Nationalist
Party
members
grew
the
trees.
The
photo

2

See
Figure
1.

3

emphasizes
the
Party’s
devotion
to
the
mission
to
grow
a
group
of
virtuous
children,

and
in
the
meantime
it
situates
the
rhetoric
of
growing
men
of
virtue
within
a

particular
historical
moment
and
a
socially
specific
environment.
Although
Chiang

Kai-‐shek
established
a
national
government
in
Nanjing
in
1927,
the
nation
was
still

in
a
crisis
constituted
of
devastating
natural
disasters,
economic
decline,
civil
wars

Figure
1

Liangyou,
no.
104,
1935.
(The
Nationalist’s
afforestation
campaign
in
1935:

“It
takes
ten
years
to
grow
a
forest,
and
a
hundred
years
to
build
up
a
new

group
of
men.”)

4

and
foreign
aggression.
National
salvation
became
a
rally
point
for
all
concerned

Chinese.
In
the
quest
for
ways
to
save
the
nation,
growing
a
group
of
capable

children
was
seen
as
a
central
part
of
a
national
struggle
to
achieve
a
strong
China.

Moreover,
the
photo
presents
an
imaginary
relationship
of
the
Nationalists
and

society
to
children.
While
the
Nationalists
and
society
are
thought
to
be
the

“cultivators,”
children
are
shown
in
a
manner
that
they
should
be
protected
and

educated.
3

Unfortunately,
the
photo
stops
short
of
articulating
and
expanding
what

role
children
should
play
within
that
relationship.

The
photo
about
the
afforestation
campaign
presents
a
question
about

Republican
children
that
are
at
the
heart
of
this
study:
In
the
wake
of
national

salvation
during
Republican
era,
what
kind
of
children
did
the
Chinese
seek
to

create?
This
specific
setting
allows
us
to
ask
certain
more
concrete
questions
about

these
children:
What
virtues
were
expected
to
“cultivate”
in
them?
What

responsibilities
were
they
expected
to
bear
in
their
path
to
maturation?
What
were

they
expected
to
become
after
growing
up?
All
these
questions
revolve
around
an

issue:
idealization
of
children.
It
is
a
process
in
which
adults
focus
their
gaze
at

children
and
project
their
feelings
and
expectations
onto
these
little
creatures.
In

3

Figure
1.

5

other
words,
this
process
is
more
about
adults
themselves.
Therefore,
idealization
of

children
during
Republican
era,
even
the
gaze
at
children
itself,
marks
a
particular

useful
lens
through
which
to
examine
and
understand
the
aspirations,
attitudes,
and

anxieties
of
adults
in
the
mist
of
national
hardship.
In
particular,
the
frequent

association
of
children
with
the
nation
and
the
people
reveals
a
fact
that
children

become
a
site
to
examine
the
contested
visions
of
nation
building
in
that
historical

moment.

The
present
study
is
intended
to
explore
this
construction
of
ideal
children
and

its
meanings
and
implications
in
Republican
era,
and
it
situates
this
exploration

within
the
urban
environment,
more
exactly,
Shanghai
that
helped
generate
those

meanings
and
implications.
The
Republican
era
saw
an
unprecedented
investment

of
children’s
culture
and
business,
and
Shanghai
indisputably
was
the
very
center
of

this
historical
development.
This
study
looks
critically
at
the
discourses
on
children

expressed
in
various
images
and
articles
of
the
two
leading
Shanghai
periodicals,

Liangyou
and
Dongfang
zazhi
(Eastern
Miscellany).
It
revolves
around
a
couple
of

basic
questions:
What
were
the
images
of
children
in
these
two
magazines?
How
did

they
construct
the
images?
What
were
the
meanings
and
implications
of
these

images?
By
investigating
these
questions,
this
study
argues
that
there
are
great

differences
between
the
children’s
images
in
the
two
periodicals.
In
Liangyou,

6

children
are
presented
as
little
creatures
with
all
the
virtues
central
to
building
up
a

strong
China,
while
in
Dongfang
zazhi
children
are
portrayed
as
passive
and

vulnerable
to
the
miserable
situations
of
Republican
China.
Not
surprisingly,
there

are
two
competed
visions
of
children
and
their
relationship
with
the
nation:

Liangyou’s
children
are
seen
as
China’s
hope,
while
Dongfang
zazhi’
are
thought
as
a

social
problem
of
China.

This
study
further
explores
the
question
about
how
the
two
periodicals
evolved

in
different
directions.
By
looking
into
Liangyou’s
editorship,
this
study
suggests

that
in
contrast
to
Dongfang
zazhi’s
use
of
a
pessimistic
tone
to
awaken
the
people,

Liangyou’s
discourse
on
children
reflects
its
own
pattern
of
addressing
China

problems,
and
more
importantly,
its
advocacy
of
a
discourse
of
hope.
This
discourse

is
not
simply
a
commercial
orientation,
but
a
conscious
effort
to
enlighten
people’s

courage
and
confidence
in
the
mist
of
national
hardship.
The
divergence
of

discourses
on
children,
therefore,
reflects
the
differences
of
agendas
set
by
the
two

periodicals.

In
spite
of
the
differences,
these
discourses
expressed
the
importance
of

children
and
their
relations
with
the
nation.
Both
visions,
children
as
hope
of
the

nation
and
children
as
problem
for
the
nation,
were
framed
within
the
notion
of

citizenship
and
were
dedicated
to
cultivating
children
to
be
good
citizens
of
the

7

nation,
for
which
obligation
and
contribution
to
the
state
was
stressed.
While

Liangyou’s
vision
emphasizes
the
expectations
to
be
cultivated
in
children
and
their

responsibilities
to
the
state
and
the
nation,
Dongfang
zazhi
highlights
the
state’s

proactive
role
in
helping
and
molding
children
into
future
citizens
as
well
as
taking

responsibility
for
children’s
problems:
the
state
plays
an
important
role
in
both

visions.
Neither
vision
questions
this
intrusive
state
in
caring
for,
utilizing,
shaping,

and
training
children
for
the
project
of
national
salvation;
they
even
uphold
it.
This

is
what
was
new
during
the
Nanjing
period,
when
there
was
a
marked
conflation
of

nation
with
the
Nationalist
Party
state.

Previous
Studies
on
Children

Since
Philippe
Ariès’
pioneering
study
Centuries
of
Childhood:
A
Social
History
of

Family
Life
was
published
in
1962
and
founded
the
history
of
children
as
a
serious

field
of
study,
it
has
helped
mobilize
a
number
of
historians
devoted
to
this
area
of

history
in
the
Western
scholarship.
4

As
pre-‐eminent
as
it
is,
Ariès’
study
states
that

4

See
Philip
Greven
Jr.,
Sparing
the
Child:
The
Religious
Roots
of
Punishment
and
the
Psychological
Impact
of

Physical
Abuse
(New
York:
Vintage
Books,
1990);
John
Demo,
A
Little
Commonwealth:
Family
Life
in
Plymouth

Colony
(London:
Oxford
University
Press,
1970);
Lawrence
Stone,
The
Family,
Sex,
and
Marriage
in
England,

1500-‐1800
(New
York:
Harper
and
Row,
1979);
Steven
Ozment,
When
Fathers
Ruled:
Family
Life
in
Reformation

Europe
(Cambridge:
Harvard
University
Press,
1998);
Beatrice
Gottlieb,
The
Family
Life
in
the
Western
World

from
the
Black
Death
to
the
Industrial
Age
(New
York:
Oxford
University
Press,
1992);
Ralph
Houlbrooke,
The

English
Family,
1450-‐1700
(New
York:
Longman,
1984);
C
John
Sommerville,
The
Rise
and
Fall
of
Childhood

(Beverly
Hills:
Sage,
1982);
and
Colin
Heywood,
A
History
of
Childhood:
Children
and
Childhood
in
the
West
from

Medieval
to
Modern
Times
(Cambridge:
Polity,
2001).
For
an
overview
of
the
development
of
this
Western

scholarship,
see
Ping-‐chen
Hsiung,
A
Tender
Voyage:
Children
and
Childhood
in
Late
Imperial
China
(Stanford:

Stanford
University
Press,
2005).

8

in
medieval
society,
the
concept
of
childhood
did
not
exist;
it
only
came
into

existence
in
the
17
th

century.
5

Subsequent
historians
have
recognized
the
concept

of
childhood
as
a
social
construction,
observing
that
attitudes
towards
children

evolved
over
time
with
economic
change
and
social
advancement.
They
have
also

realized
that
children
were
not
only
recipients
of
adult
teaching
and
culture,
but

were
also
participants
in
interaction
with
adults
that
they
influenced
with
their
own

values
and
agendas.
6

Childhood
and
children
garners
far
less
attention
among
historians
of
China.

Partly
because
of
the
limited
historical
sources
of
childhood,
history
concerning

children
is
examined
more
often
as
part
of
topics
on
class,
gender,
family,
ethnicity,

religion,
and
medicine.
Susan
L.
Glosser
has
discussed
different
constructions
of

nuclear
family
(xiao
jiating)
ideal
and
motherhood
in
the
period
of
1915-‐1953.
7

The

understandings
of
childhood
and
children
have
also
been
complicated
by
the

historical
fact
that
the
boundaries
between
childhood
and
youth
were
blurred.
For

example,
Charlotte
Furth
discusses
the
medical
philosophies
and
theories
about

birth
and
growth
in
late
imperial
China.
8

Frank
Dikötter
explores
how
“youth”
as
a

5

Philippe
Ariès,
Centuries
of
Childhood:
A
Social
History
of
Family
Life
(New
York:
Vintage,
1965).

6

Heywood,
A
History
of
Childhood.

7

Susan
L.
Glosser,
Chinese
Visions
of
Family
and
State,
1915-‐1953
(Berkeley:
University
of
California
Press,

2003).

8

Charlotte
Furth,
“From
Birth
to
Birth:
The
Growing
Body
in
Chinese
Medicine,”
in
Chinese
Views
of
Childhood

(Honolulu:
University
of
Hawai’i
Press,
1995),
157-‐191.

9

social
category
was
culturally
constructed
by
biologizing
discourses
in
Republican

China.
9

Even
so,
some
works
have
recently
ventured
into
the
history
of
Chinese

childhood,
and
they
discuss
children
in
two
approaches.
On
the
one
hand,
some
of

them
tend
to
explore
the
notion
of
children
and
the
nature
of
child
development.

Hsiung
Ping-‐chen’s
A
Tender
Voyage,
a
study
of
childhood
in
late
imperial
China,

belongs
to
this
category.
Hsiung
looks
into
the
definitions
of
children
and
argues

that
unlike
the
Western-‐oriented
and
modern
notion
of
a
child
in
a
biophysical

sense,
“the
‘child’
in
Chinese
society
could
also
be
understood
as
a
social
status
(as

junior
members
in
a
household)
or
a
familiar
role
(the
young
as
opposed
to
the
old),”

or
“the
embodiment
of
the
virtue
or
quality
of
innocence.”
10

Hsiung’s
work
has

contributed
to
the
understanding
of
the
multiplicity
inherent
in
Chinese
notion
of

childhood.
Although
this
present
study
limits
its
study
subject
to
infants
and

children
below
fifteen
years
old
in
general,
the
sociocultural
and
philosophical
views

of
children
in
Chinese
tradition
are
also
employed
into
the
analysis.

On
the
other
hand,
some
works
situate
children
within
the
context
of
other

more
central
topics,
and
discuss
children
as
subjects
of
adult
idealization.
Anne

9

See
Frank
Dikötter,
Sex,
Culture
and
Modernity
in
China:
Medical
Science
and
the
Construction
of
Sexual

Identities
in
the
Early
Republican
Period
(Honolulu:
Hawaii
University
Press,
1995),
146-‐179.

10

Ping-‐chen
Hsiung,
A
Tender
Voyage:
Children
and
Childhood
in
Late
Imperial
China
(Stanford:
Stanford

University
Press,
2005),
xiii.

10

Behnke
Kinney’s
volume
Chinese
Views
of
Childhood
falls
into
this
second
category.

The
book
explores
the
study
of
ideal
childhood
from
a
variety
of
angles
(literature,

history,
art
history,
medicine
and
philosophy)
from
early
China
to
the
late
imperial

period.
By
identifying
some
of
the
attitudes
and
beliefs
that
have
affected
the

treatment
of
children,
she
argues
that
this
cultural
history
of
“childhood”
is
“a

construct
comprised
of
adult
expectations,
hopes,
and
fears
concerning
the
rising

generation,”
and
“can
help
to
establish
the
governing
expectations
and
goals
of

particular
eras
in
Chinese
history.”
11

In
other
words,
this
construct
serves
to

illuminate
the
adult
personality
of
a
particular
generation.

Jon
L.
Saari’s
Legacies
of
Childhood
is
one
of
such
works
on
the
childhood
of
a

particular
generation,
a
transitional
generation
who
grew
up
in
a
turbulent
Chinese

environment
during
1890
to
1920.
Instead
of
studying
their
childhood
per
se,
Saari

focuses
on
how
cultural
change
shaped
individual
development
of
these
children,
of

which
many
later
became
the
leaders
of
the
Communist
Party
or
the
Nationalist

Party.
His
work
shows
on
the
one
hand
the
parent’s
struggle
to
mold
their
children

into
moral
beings,
on
the
other
hand,
the
children’s
own
struggle
against
the
chaos

to
“become
human”
(zuoren
作人)
and
their
fascination
with
liberation
and

self-‐fulfillment,
after
the
traditional
model
of
ideal
humans
collapsed
in
late
imperial

11

Anne
Behnke
Kinney,
Chinese
Views
of
Childhood
(Honolulu:
University
of
Hawai’i
Press,
1995),
xi,
1.

11

China.
12

Children
here
become
a
useful
lens
to
examine
the
generational

expectations,
fears,
and
hopes
in
coping
with
a
fragmenting
world.

As
noted
by
John
Fitzgerald,
given
a
deepening
sense
of
urgency
and
despair
for

China
as
a
nation,
in
20
th

century
national
elites
undertook
a
project
of
“awakening”

China
from
a
condition
of
national
subjugation.
13

Several
scholars
have
explored

these
elites’
various
efforts
devoted
to
this
project.
14

Significantly
the
studies
on

childhood
in
modern
history
are
also
frequently
framed
in
conjunction
with
the

nation
and
the
people.
While
Saari’s
work
identifies
how
the
educated
Chinese

youth
went
on
to
realize
or
imagine
their
relations
with
the
nation,
Andrew
F.

Jones’s
book
Developmental
Fairy
Tales
discusses
how
the
elites
conceptualized
the

relationship
of
children
to
the
nation.
By
examining
the
intersection
of
child

education,
national
development,
and
print
capitalism,
Jones
reveals
an
illuminating

Republican
era
discourse
on
child
development.
He
points
out
children
as
an
issue
of

importance,
and
“the
discovery
of
childhood
as
an
epistemological,
ideological,

institutional,
and
even
commercial
category
in
Republican
China.”
15

He
also

12

Jon
L.
Saari,
Legacies
of
Childhood:
Growing
up
Chinese
in
a
Time
of
Crisis,
1890-‐1920
(Cambridge:
Harvard

University
Press,
1990),
xi.

13

John
Fitzgerald,
Awakening
China:
Politics,
Culture,
and
Class
in
the
Nationalist
Revolution
(Stanford:
Stanford

University
Press,
1996).

14

Susan
Glosser
argues
that
the
constructions
of
the
nuclear
family
during
1915-‐1953
shared
a
belief
in
the

vital
importance
of
family
reform
to
national
strengthening;
Ruth
Rogaski
suggests
that
much
of
this
awakening

project
was
centered
on
the
term
weisheng
(health/hygiene).
See
Glosser,
Chinese
Visions
of
Family
and
State,

198;
Ruth
Rogaski,
Hygienic
Modernity:
Meanings
of
Health
and
Disease
in
Treaty-‐Port
China
(Berkeley:

University
of
California
Press,
2004),
2.

15

Andrew
F.
Jones,
Developmental
Fairy
Tales:
Evolutionary
Thinking
and
Modern
Chinese
Culture
(Cambridge:

12

suggests
that
as
the
image
of
the
child
became
central
to
the
discourse
of
national

development
in
popular
culture
and
mass
media,
“a
new
segment
of
the
burgeoning

Shanghai
culture
industry
dedicated
to
educating,
representing,
and
profiting
from

the
child”
grew.
16

The
figure
of
the
child
and
the
nation
were
interlinked,
and

sometimes
it
even
became
synonymous
with
national
development.
Thus,
the

creation
(or
imagination)
of
the
child
became
extremely
important.
Susan
R.

Fernsebner
touches
upon
this
issue,
examining
how
educators
and
entrepreneurs

rediscovered
“Chinese
toys”
that
might
create
a
“modern”
child.
17

In
addition,
a

couple
of
dissertations
have
contributed
to
the
studies
on
children
in
Republican

period.
18

Following
Fitzgerald’s
and
Jones’
footprints,
this
present
study
continues
to

situate
“children”
in
the
project
of
national
salvation,
and
focuses
on
how
children

and
childhood
were
conceptualized
by
the
print
industry
in
Shanghai
during
the

period
1927-‐1937.
Yet,
it
distinguishes
from
Jones’
work
in
that
it
highlights
the
role

of
the
state
(the
Nationalist
government)
in
shaping
the
expectations
and

responsibilities
for
children
and
defining
children’s
relationship
to
the
nation
after

Harvard
University
Press,
2011),
111.

16

Ibid,
104-‐105.

17

Susan
R.
Fernsebner,
“A
People’s
playthings:
toys,
childhood,
and
Chinese
identity,
1909-‐1933,”
Postcolonial

Studies
6,
no.3
(2003):
269-‐293.

18

See
Lanjun
Xu,
“Save
the
Children:
Problem
Childhoods
and
Narrative
Politics
in
Twentieth-‐century
Chinese

Literature”
(PhD
Diss.,
Princeton
University,
2007);
M.
Colette
Plum,
“Unlikely
Heir:
War
Orphans
During
the

Second
Sino-‐Japanese
War,
1937-‐1945”
(PhD
diss.,
Stanford
University,
2006).

13

1927.
This
study
argues
that
these
expectations
and
responsibilities
were
subject
to

change
when
China
was
being
transformed
into
a
modern
state
with
the
newly

intrusive
government.
As
we
can
see,
this
study
falls
into
the
second
category
of
the

studies
on
children.
Nonetheless,
the
two
categories
illustrate
mainly
the
distinction

of
directions
in
studying
children,
and
they
are
by
no
means
exclusive
to
each
other.

Primary
Sources

The
goal
of
this
study
is
to
examine
how
children
and
childhood
were
perceived

and
represented
in
Shanghai’s
popular
culture
during
Republican
era.
In
that
period,

there
was
a
boom
in
child-‐oriented
cultural
production,
such
as
mass-‐market

magazines,
cartoons,
and
child
film
stars.
This
study
will
pay
particular
attention
to

the
two
leading
Shanghai
magazines
of
the
time,
Liangyou
and
Dongfang
zazhi,
with

a
focus
on
selected
issues
over
the
period
of
1927-‐1937.
Liangyou
(Young

Companion),
Shanghai’s
first
major
pictorial
magazine,
was
inaugurated
in
1926.
It

quickly
expanded
its
market
overseas,
including
Southeast
Asia
and
North
America,

and
that
is
why
its
captions
often
used
both
Chinese
and
English.
It
became
so

popular
that
there
was
a
saying
that
“wherever
there
are
Chinese,
there
is
Young

Companion.”
As
to
the
readership,
Liangyou
described
in
the
“Words
from
the
Editor”

column
the
quotidian
lifestyle
of
the
intended
reader:

14

When
you
are
tired
from
work,
pick
up
a
copy
of
Liangyou
and
read
through

it;
you
can
be
assured
that
your
energy
will
revive
and
you'll
work
better.

When
you're
in
a
movie
theater
before
the
music
begins
and
the
curtain
is

drawn
up,
pick
up
a
copy
of
Liangyou
and
read
it;
it's
better
than
looking

around.
When
at
home
you
have
nothing
else
to
do,
reading
Liangyou
is

better
than
playing
mahjongg.
When
lying
in
bed,
and
your
eyes
are
not
tired,

it's
better
to
read
Liangyou
than
to
stare
and
indulge
in
silly
thoughts."
19

We
can
assume
that
those
who
could
afford
movies,
reading
and
playing

mahjongg,
should
be
not
so
worried
about
their
material
well-‐being,
and
should
be

among
the
class
of
petty
urbanites
or
above.
Moreover,
the
price
of
the
magazine

also
indicates
its
readership.
By
1933
its
issue
price
had
risen
from
10
cents,
20

cents,
and
30
cents
to
40
cents,
which
could
buy
60
chicken
eggs.
20

So
far
there
have

been
a
great
number
of
scholarly
works
about
Liangyou
as
representative
of

Shanghai
culture
during
Republican
era.
21

The
journal
Dongfang
zazhi
(Eastern
Miscellany)
was
inaugurated
under
the

aegis
of
the
Commercial
Press
in
1904,
and
focused
on
journalistic
reports,
political

commentary,
and
cultural
criticism
with
translations
and
learned
articles.
The

magazine
had
a
clear
description
of
its
readership
divided
into
four
groups:

politicians
or
people
with
politics-‐related
jobs,
college
professors
and
students,

19

See
Liangyou,
no.
2
(1926).
I
am
using
the
translation
of
Leo
Ou-‐fan
Lee
in
the
book
Becoming
Chinese
(ed.

Wen-‐hsin
Yeh),
46-‐47.

20

This
equivalence
was
provided
by
Ma
Guoliang
in
his
book
Liangyou
yijiu:
yijia
huabao
yu
yige
shidai
(Memoirs

of
the
young
companion:
A
pictorial
and
an
era)
(Shanghai:
Sanlian
shudian,
2002),
106.

21

For
example,
Leo
Lee,
Shanghai
Modern,
1999;
Wen-‐hsin
Yeh,
Shanghai
Splendor,
2007;
and
William
Schaefer,

“Shanghai
Savage,”
Positions:
East
Asia
Cultures
Critique
11,
no.1
(Spring
2003):
91-‐133.

15

middle
school
teachers
and
students,
and
overseas
Chinese.
22

Compared
with

Liangyou,
less
scholarly
attention
has
been
paid
to
the
study
of
the
magazine,
but

recently
a
couple
of
dissertations
have
worked
on
the
topic.
23

22

Dongfang
zazhi
31,
no.
14
(1934):
301-‐302.

23

See
Fan
Yongcong,
“Dongfang
zazhi
yu
jindai
zhongguo
wenhua
de
bianqian”
(Eastern
Miscellany
and
the

changes
in
the
modern
Chinese
culture)
(PhD
Diss.,
Hong
Kong
Baptist
University,
2005);
Lo
Shuk
Ying,
“Images

of
Japanese
Imperialism
in
Eastern
Miscellany,
1928-‐1937”
(MA
thesis,
the
Hong
Kong
University
of
Science
and

Technology,
1998).

16

Chapter
One:
Liangyou’s
Children:
China’s
Hope?

Liangyou
had
a
consistent
interest
in
children
partly
because
of
its
founder,
Wu

Liande.
Liangyou’s
English
title
“the
Young
Companion”
was
originally
used
for
a

short-‐lived
children’s
magazine
established
by
Wu.
Although
Wu
later
started

Liangyou
as
a
general-‐interest
magazine,
he
reused
the
title
of
“the
Young

Companion”
and
continued
to
import
his
interest
in
children
and
childhood
into
the

new
magazine.
Shortly
after
its
inception
in
1926,
Liangyou
opened
a
column
for

children’s
images.
Besides
this
“Children’s
Page,”
the
magazine
published
a
lot
of

child-‐related
photos,
songs,
advertisements,
and
even
literary
works.
It
is

impossible
to
look
into
all
these
representations
of
children,
but
even
a
glimpse
of

them
may
provide
us
ideas
of
how
children
were
perceived
at
that
time.
This

chapter
explores
some
images
of
children
and
what
they
mean
to
the
reader.

The
Healthy
Child

“To
strengthen
the
nation,
one
must
first
strengthen
the
people;
to
strengthen

the
people,
one
must
first
strengthen
the
children,”
reads
an
advertisement
in

Liangyou
about
a
powdered
milk
product
“Momilk,”
proclaiming
children
as
the

very
basis
for
building
up
a
strong
nation.
24

This
was
one
of
the
many

24

See
Figure
2.

17

advertisements,
images,
events
and
stories
in
Liangyou
about
a
social
consciousness

of
a
strong
and
healthy
child.
As
noted
by
Andrew
Jones,
the
period
from
the
New

Culture
Movement
in
1917
onwards
witnessed
a
huge
growth
of
scientific

knowledge
about
the
nature
of
children
and
childhood,
a
network
of
institutes
for

the
study
of
the
children,
and
a
corps
of
childhood
experts,
child
biologists,
and

children’s
psychologists.
25

Figure
2

Liangyou,
no.11,
1926.
(The
Momilk
advertisement:
“To
strengthen
the

nation,
one
must
first
strengthen
the
people;
to
strengthen
the
people,
one

must
first
strengthen
the
children.”)

25

Jones,
Developmental
Fairy
Tales,
103.

18

Examples
abounded
in
the
magazine,
such
as
the
emergence
of
children’s
clinics
and

kindergartens
in
Shanghai
and
Hangzhou.
26

The
emphasis
on
children
also
gave
rise

to
children’s
consumption
that
was
dedicated
to
the
construction
of
healthy

childhoods
as
its
major
source
of
revenue.

Linking
children
with
the
nation
was
not
uncommon
in
a
time
of
warfare
and

imperialism.
For
example,
Karl
Gerth
claims
that
the
National
Products
movement

from
the
mid-‐1920s
on
sought
to
nationalize
children’s
consumption
to
make
them

learn
to
put
the
nation
first.
27

Meanwhile,
Frank
Dikötter
looks
at
the
relationship

between
children
and
the
nation
from
the
perspective
of
biomedical
science,
arguing

that
the
body
of
the
child
itself
became
a
site
to
pursue
modernity,
and
healthy

babies
were
necessary
for
a
healthy
nation.
28

However,
Dikötter
stops
short
of

exploring
what
a
healthy
child
should
look
like
and
how
to
achieve
it.
The
Momilk

advertisement
in
Liangyou
on
the
one
hand
exploited
what
Gerth
says
as
the

universal
appeal
to
patriotic
consumers,
on
the
other
hand,
touched
upon
the

significance
of
healthy
children
in
the
nation-‐building
project.
More
importantly,
it

provides
details
about
how
a
healthy
child
was
constructed,
and
also
sheds
light
on

the
complexity
of
that
notion
underneath
its
flag
of
nationalism.

26

Liangyou,
no.
9
(1926);
Liangyou,
no.
8
(1926).

27

Karl
Gerth,
China
made:
consumer
culture
and
the
creation
of
the
nation
(Cambridge:
Harvard
University
Press,

2004),
323.

28

Dikötter,
Sex,
Culture
and
Modernity
in
China,
147.

19

This
advertisement
is
obviously
framed
with
a
language
of
modern
biomedicine,

science
and
technology,
and
in
this
way
the
efficiency
of
milk
products
becomes

measurable.
It
elaborates
the
ingredients
and
resulting
effects
in
terms
of
germs,

bacteria,
nutrients,
and
vitamins:
It
has
less
bacteria
and
thus
is
not
harmful
to
the

body;
it
is
less
oily
and
thus
easy
to
digest;
and
it
contains
high
levels
of
vitamins

and
other
nutrients
and
thus
is
good
for
both
infants
and
invalids.
The
ad
also

mentions
the
importance
of
an
appropriate
diet.
If
a
brand
of
milk
does
not
contain

adequate
nutrients,
it
must
be
complemented
with
orange
juice.
The
explanation

about
Momilk’s
ingredients
indicates
that
the
efficiency
(or
deficiency)
of
these

substances
is
thought
to
have
impact
on
health,
and
by
controlling
the
amount
and

the
level
of
these
substances,
a
healthy
body
can
be
maintained.
If
they
are
misused,

they
will
do
more
harm
to
the
baby
than
underfeeding.
In
compliance
with
this

purpose,
the
advertisement
claims
to
employ
the
latest
technology
“Roller
Process”

to
keep
the
nutrients
from
being
destroyed
by
heat,
and
also
hygienic
canning

techniques
to
stop
food
spoilage.
In
addition,
it
makes
use
of
medical
authority
to

support
the
product,
by
claiming
to
have
obtained
a
medical
certificate
from
child

expert(s)
about
its
wealth
of
nutrients.
If
these
scientific
facts
are
incorporated
in

the
feeding
of
infants,
the
advertisement
suggests,
“all
diseases
will
be
prevented

20

and
the
baby
will
be
safe.”
This
is
what
the
advertisement
proclaims
in
bold
letters

as
“the
Way
of
Strengthening
the
Child.”
29

This
advertisement
serves
multiple
purposes.
It
is
intended
not
only
to
justify

the
product
Momilk,
but
also
to
distinguish
it
from
other
products
of
the
same
kind

in
terms
of
its
“incomparable
qualities
and
preservation
techniques.”
It
is
also
used

to
promote
the
kind
of
milk
it
belongs
to,
powdered
milk,
because
compared
to
fresh

milk,
it
is
“the
best”
and
“the
cheapest.”
These
facts
about
the
product’s
market

positioning
suggest
that
the
company
well
realized
its
competitors
on
the
market,

and
that
the
milk
industry
was
already
diversified
and
competitive
at
that
time.

However,
as
one
of
the
members
in
the
milk
industry,
the
advertisement
is
also

designed
in
a
manner
as
if
to
promote
the
industry
as
a
whole.
It
states
at
the

beginning
the
significance
of
milk
in
childrearing,
which
is
extremely
important
to

the
strengthening
of
children.
In
addition,
the
company
gives
out
coupons
to
be

exchanged
for
a
sample
of
the
product
and
a
brochure
titled
Milk,
Mother
and

Children.
30

These
promotion
methods
can
on
the
one
hand,
provide
a
real

experience
with
the
product,
and
on
the
other
hand,
teach
how
to
consume
the

product
and
construct
a
mother-‐children
relationship
through
milk.

29

Figure
2.

30

Figure
2.

21

In
the
wake
of
the
National
Products
movement,
the
advertisement
surprisingly

was
not
afraid
of
informing
the
consumer
of
its
foreign
origin.
Rather,
the
bold

“Made
in
USA”
suggests
its
pride
that
an
American
company
manufactured
it.
One
of

the
advertisement’s
proudest
boasts
is
its
American
standard
and
that
it
is
made

from
“Certified
Milk,”
which
meets
the
highest
bacteriological
and
nutritional

standards
for
the
milk.
31

Moreover,
although
the
product
Momilk
is
aimed
at
the

Chinese
market,
the
huge
image
of
a
can
with
English
text
once
again
reminds
the

reader
that
it
is
a
foreign
import.
The
text
is
printed
in
such
a
good
quality
that
the

reader
can
easily
read
all
of
it.
The
deliberate
tone
and
emphasis
on
the
foreign

origin
has
an
implication
of
Western
(American)
superiority,
at
least
in
the
case
of

milk
products.
It
is
inconsistent
with
the
flag
of
nationalism
on
the
right
side
of
the

image,
yet
it
still
accepts
the
idea
that
a
strong
China
is
the
final
goal.

Despite
the
seemingly
unambivalent
embrace
of
foreign
science
and
technology,

the
full
complexity
of
the
notion
of
a
healthy
child
has
yet
to
be
revealed.
While
the

text
of
the
advertisement
mainly
explains
how
to
achieve
the
goal
of
being
healthy,

the
image
at
the
center
provides
a
vision
of
what
a
healthy
and
strong
child
should

look
like.
The
image
reveals
twin
babies
holding
the
can
of
Momilk.
Both
babies
are

boys,
chubby
and
happy.
They
look
like
they
are
dancing,
vigorous
and
lively.
Their

31

Figure
2.

22

heads
are
shaved
bald
except
for
a
patch
of
hair
on
top
of
the
foreheads
in
the

Chinese
style.
They
wear
two-‐piece
traditional
Chinese
play
clothes
with
patterns
of

flowers.
32

These
characteristics
are
in
part
adapted
from
the
aesthetic
of
New
Year

posters
(nianhua 年画),
which
depict
signs
of
fertility,
wealth,
and
good
fortune,
and

consider
children
as
an
important
part
of
that
nexus.
From
the
chubby
babies
to
the

icons
of
wealth
and
prosperity
like
flowers,
they
bear
the
optimism
and
brightness

of
New
Year
pictures.
33

The
flower
pattern
is
also
used
to
demarcate
the
space
for

the
product
introduction
on
the
can,
helpful
to
soften
the
image
of
the
product
and

to
connect
it
to
the
babies
as
a
whole,
extending
the
same
symbolism
to
the
product.

Most
important,
the
fat
babies
suggest
that
an
ideal
healthy
child
is
definitely
a

Chinese
traditional
child.
Moreover,
the
healthy
child
is
gendered:
It
should
be
a
boy,

and,
echoing
another
traditional
New
Year
painting
theme,
the
more
boys,
the
better.

This
idea
is
evidenced
by
the
healthy
baby
contest
co-‐hosted
by
Liangyou
and
the

Baohua
Company
in
1926-‐1927.
34

Even
the
advertisement
does
not
fully
embrace
foreign
science
and
technology.

It
approves
of
the
Chinese
style
of
feeding
infants,
ideally
by
the
mother
or
a
wet

32

Figure
2.

33

Stephanie
Donald,
“Children
as
Political
Messengers:
Art,
Childhood
and
Continuity,”
in
Picturing
Power
in
the

People’s
Republic
of
China:
Posters
of
the
Cultural
Revolution,
ed.
Harriet
Evans
and
Stephanie
Donald
(Lanham:

Rowman
&
Littlefield
Publishers,
1999),
84.

34

For
the
study
of
the
Healthy
Baby
Contest,
see
Wang
Zhenzhu,
“Popular
Magazines
and
the
Making
of
a
Nation:

The
Healthy
Baby
Contest
Organized
by
The
Young
Companion
in
1926–27,”
Frontiers
of
History
in
China
6,
no.
4

(2011):
525-‐537.

23

nurse.
Only
when
the
mother
and
the
wet
nurse
are
unable
to
nurse
the
infant,
is
a

mediated
substitute,
fresh
milk
or
powdered
milk,
acceptable.
35

In
other
words,

milk
fills
a
useful
role
and
is
not
intended
(at
least
as
stated)
to
replace
nursing.
In

addition,
milk
is
linked
with
social
class.
References
to
a
wet
nurse,
fresh
milk,
and

orange
juice,
show
that
the
advertisement
is
aimed
not
at
the
lower
classes,
who

have
to
calculate
every
penny
they
earn
to
meet
their
basic
needs.

Therefore,
there
are
mixed
and
even
contradictory
messages
in
the
Momilk

advertisement
about
the
construction
of
a
healthy
child.
There
is
an
irony
that

foreign
products
can
be
used
to
strengthen
the
nation,
especially
when
related
to

children
who
are
the
future
of
a
modernizing
but
nationalist
country.
While
the

language
and
the
methods
of
achieving
health
are
certainly
foreign-‐defined,
the

vision
of
a
healthy
child
remains
Chinese
and
traditional.
While
Wen-‐hsin
Yeh
and

Susan
Glosser
write
of
the
case
of
milk
as
“selling
something
new,”
36

we
should
also

pay
adequate
attention
to
one
of
the
ideas
conveyed
in
the
advertisement
that
the

nianhua-‐style
baby
is
still
portrayed
as
a
worthy
model
for
nurturing
a
healthy
and

strong
child,
though
modern
(and
foreign)
science
and
technology
provides
the

means
for
that
vision.

35

Figure
2.

36

Wen-‐hsin
Yeh,
Shanghai
Splendor:
Economic
Sentiments
and
the
Making
of
Modern
China,
1843-‐1949
(Berkeley:

University
of
California
Press,
2007),
69-‐70;
Glosser,
Chinese
Visions
of
Family
and
State,
1915-‐1953,
134-‐166.

24

Another
advertisement
for
Quaker
Oats
also
placed
its
emphasis
on
children.
In

the
image
two
youngsters,
a
boy
and
a
girl,
are
carrying
their
satchels
and
running

off
to
school.
The
introduction
reads,
“Increase
energy,
nourish
the
soul:
Youngsters

in
school
consume
a
lot
of
energy,
and
the
development
of
their
bodies
and
hearts

requires
even
more.
For
nourishment,
this
is
proper
food.”
37

Similar
to
the
Momilk

ad,
Quaker
Oats
justifies
its
values
in
terms
of
modern
biomedicine
and
science,
and

stresses
its
wealth
of
nutrients
such
as
vitamins,
carbohydrates,
and
mineral
salts,

which
are
necessary
for
the
human
body
to
function
correctly.
It
also
teaches
how
to

consume
the
product
in
the
best
way,
to
be
used
for
breakfast.
Moreover,
it
can
be

consumed
as
a
staple
of
the
diet.
At
the
end
of
the
advertisement,
Quaker
Oats

summarizes
its
mission
as
“to
build
up
a
health
body.”
38

37

I
am
using
the
translation
of
Leo
Ou-‐fan
Lee
in
his
book
Shanghai
Modern:
The
Flowering
of
A
New
Urban

Culture
in
China,
1930-‐1945
(Cambridge:
Harvard
University
Press,
1999),
71.

38

See
Figure
3.

25

Figure
3

Liangyou,
no.
26,
1928.
(The
Quaker
Oats
advertisement:
“Increase
the

energy,
nourish
the
soul.”)

If
the
introduction
provides
us
the
idea
of
being
healthy
and
the
methods
to

achieve
it,
the
image
sheds
light
on
what
healthy
youngsters
should
be
like.

Although
not
so
male-‐dominant
as
the
Momilk
ads,
Quaker
Oats
still
reveals
a

gendered
view.
The
existence
of
the
boy
is
necessary.
The
boy
wears
modern-‐style

school
clothes
and
sporty
socks
and
shoes,
while
the
girl
is
in
traditional
two-‐piece

clothes
with
the
pattern
of
flowers
and
cotton
shoes.
They
are
running
but
their

body
language
suggests
that
the
boy
is
leading
or
even
taking
care
of
the
girl.
39

39

Figures
2
&
3.

26

Quaker
Oats’
gendered
view
of
children
is
consistent
with
the
Momilk
ads,
but
it
is

different
in
some
ways.
It
does
not
exploit
the
all-‐encompassing
nationalist
slogan,

and
instead
considers
the
primary
task
of
childhood
as
going
to
school
and
study,

which
is
largely
why
a
healthy
body
is
necessary
and
why
the
product
is
needed.

Actually
a
great
deal
of
the
rhetoric
of
children-‐related
advertisements
in
Liangyou

revolved
around
education.
For
example,
Kellogg’s
Corn
Flakes
also
proclaimed
it

was
beneficial
for
children,
because
it
helped
them
to
sleep
well,
study
well
and
play

well.
40

The
emphasis
on
the
importance
of
education
and
study
has
been
a
hallmark

of
Confucian
thoughts,
and
as
exemplified
by
these
advertisements,
it
is
still
a
vital

and
fundamental
part
of
contemporary
childhood.
To
a
large
extent,
a
healthy
body

works
for
the
success
of
education.

Quaker
Oats
is
also
different
from
the
Momilk
ads
in
that
it
stresses
the
health

of
both
the
body
and
the
soul,
which
could
be
interpreted
roughly
as
physical
vigor

and
spiritual
(or
moral)
purity.
41

It
is
not
clear
about
how
Quaker
Oats
reasoned
its

nourishment
for
the
soul,
but
this
notion
of
spiritual
health
is
quite
familiar
to
the

Chinese.
One
brief
essay
titled
“Shanghai
Children,”
written
by
Lu
Xun
in
1933,

expressed
a
similar
idea,
critiquing
the
lack
of
inner
spirit
in
Chinese
children:

40

Liangyou,
no.
108
(1935);
Liangyou,
no.
77
(1933).

41

Figures
2
&
3.

27

On
the
main
roads,
however,
your
eyes
are
caught
by
the
splendid,
lively

foreign
children
playing
or
walking
-‐
you
see
scarcely
any
Chinese
children

at
all.
Not
that
there
are
none,
but
with
their
tattered
clothes
and
lack
-‐

lustre
expression
they
pale
into
insignificance
beside
the
others.
42

Lu
Xun’s
concern
over
Chinese
children
was
expressed
in
national
terms.
He

thinks
the
bodies
of
foreign
children
were
visible
because
they
possessed
a
certain

spirit
that
endowed
them
with
a
special
postural
quality,
and
this
spirit
arose
from

civil
discipline,
national
pride
and
modern
educational
training.
43

While
Lu
Xun

emphasized
this
inner
spirit
through
its
lack,
Liangyou
looked
for
images
of
spirited

children.
This
spirit
means
neither
moral
perfection
nor
moral
emptiness,
but
rather

being
close
to
nature,
artless
and
spontaneous.
44

Liangyou
sought
to
show

children’s
various
moods,
facial
expressions,
activities,
and
games.
For
example,
a

photo
collection
entitled
“Kiddies
and
Their
Moods”
displays
children’s
expressions

of
being
brave,
frightened,
surprised,
absent-‐minded,
proud,
devoted,
and

mischievous.
45

The
charm
of
these
images
lies
in
their
depiction
of
creativity,

42

Lu
Xun.
“Shanghai
Children,”
Selected
Works
of
Lu
Xun,
3
rd

ed.
Vol. Ⅲ
(Beijing:
Foreign
Languages
Press,
1980),

334-‐335.

43

Ann
Anagnost,
“The
Child
and
National
Transcendence
in
China,”
in
Constructing
China:
The
Interaction
of

Culture
and
Economics,
ed.
Ernest
Young
et
al.
(Ann
Arbor:
University
of
Michigan
Center
for
Chinese
Studies,

1997),
201.

44

Ann
Anagnost
believes
this
nature
of
children
is
a
modern
construction.
However,
according
to
Ping-‐chen

Hsiung,
there
have
been
notions
of
a
“child’s
heart
( 童心)”
deliberated
in
left-‐wing
Neo-‐Confucian
thought,

meaning
the
embodiment
of
the
virtue
or
quality
of
innocence.
See
Anagnost,
“The
Child
and
National

Transcendence
in
China,”
205;
Hsiung,
A
Tender
Voyage,
xiii.

45

See
Figure
4.

28

innocence,
and
purity,
totally
different
from
what
Lu
Xun
critiques
as
“bent
heads,

round
shoulders,
downcast
eyes,
and
completely
blank
expressions.”
46

Figure
4

Liangyou,
no.
77,
1933.
(Kiddies
and
their
moods)

As
seen
from
the
advertisement
of
Quaker
Oats,
47

the
notion
of
a
healthy
child

includes
physical
strength
and
spiritual
purity,
and
to
a
certain
extent,
outer

46

Lu
Xun.
“Shanghai
Children,”
334-‐335.

47

Figure
3.

29

appearances
or
expressions
reflect
an
inner
sense
of
spirit.
If
we
use
a
word
to

describe
the
subtle
balance,
that
may
be
“lively”
(huopo 活泼).
That’s
why
it
is
often

heard
a
concern
over
children
that
they
are
not
lively
enough.
Thus,
Quaker
Oats

justifies
itself
by
claiming
that
it
helps
to
transform
children
into
lively
ones.

Momilk
and
Quaker
Oats
48

were
among
the
many
commodities
foreign
to

children
during
Republican
era.
These
commodities,
including
medicine,
toothpaste,

oats,
fresh
milk,
and
baby
powder,
were
changing
children’s
lifestyles.
As
argued
by

Ruth
Rogaski,
science
became
an
irresistible
universal
way
of
perceiving
the

world.
49

The
language
of
modern
biomedicine
and
science
largely
defined
the
state

of
being
healthy,
and
technology
offered
the
means
to
achieve
it.
Nonetheless,
the

scientific
language
was
less
successful
to
provide
the
visions
for
being
a
healthy

child,
nor
did
it
explain
why
being
such
a
child
was
so
important.
The
imagined

healthy
child
had
been
always
the
nianhua-‐style
child,
chubby
and
lively.
The
drive

for
being
healthy
and
strong
had
to
be
explained
for
a
Chinese
context,
such
as

through
the
traditional
value
of
education
or
even
the
more
recent
stress
on

nationalism.

48

Figures
2
&
3.

49

Ruth
Rogaski,
Hygienic
Modernity,
302.

30

The
Revolutionary
Child

Despite
the
establishment
of
Chiang
Kai-‐shek’s
Nanjing
government
in
1927,

the
sense
of
an
endangered
nation
was
still
strong
within
the
intellectual
elite
and

the
populace,
and
the
necessity
of
revolution
remained
relevant
and
later
even

intensified.
Revolution,
however,
was
ascribed
new
meanings
when
time
went
on.

Wen-‐hsin
Yeh
claims
that
in
the
years
after
1927,
“the
term
revolution
no
longer

denoted
the
mere
seizure
of
political
power,
but
was
expanded
to
include
the

realization
of
long-‐term
social
aims.
The
goals
of
revolutionary
changes,
were
the

final
attainment
of
peace,
prosperity,
and
progress
for
the
nation
and
people
as
a

whole.”
50

Numerous
Liangyou
images
portrayed
the
revolutionary
dimension
of

children:
the
children
should
embody
revolutionary
spirit,
and
in
order
to
realize

“peace,
prosperity,
and
progress,”
they
must
sacrifice
and
work
for
the
greater
good,

the
nation.
Nevertheless,
these
images
were
somewhat
ambivalent
in
the
way
the

revolutionary
spirit
was
obtained;
that
means,
whether
it
was
nature
or
nurture
was

debatable.

Important
to
the
revolutionary
spirit
was
sensitivity
to
social
ills
and
empathy

towards
the
suffering
people.
Prior
to
a
determination
to
sacrifice,
the
children
had

to
be
aware
of
what
China
was
facing.
Some
images
reveal
children’s
stunning

50

Wen-‐hsin
Yeh,
The
Alienated
Academy:
Culture
and
Politics
in
Republican
China,
1919-‐1937
(Cambridge:

Harvard
University
Press,
1990),
263.

31

sensitivity
to
the
multiple
problems,
political
and
social,
in
China.
This
sensitivity
is

not
a
mere
observation
of
what
was
going
on
around
them,
but
also
a
way
of

framing
and
exploring
the
problems
in
their
own
creative
ways.
The
strongest

evidence
of
this
is
their
own
drawings
about
famines,
destitution
and
even
foreign

invasion.

Pupils
at
Chengzhong
School
in
Shanghai
recorded
in
their
drawings
their

perceptions
of
Shanxi
famines
during
the
late
1920s
and
early
1930s.
One
picture

depicts
a
bleak
landscape
caused
by
the
famine.
One
man
with
long
hair
in
ragged

clothes
is
holding
a
rod
with
his
left
hand,
and
a
bowl
in
his
right
hand,
and
looks

like
a
beggar.
Under
a
bald
tree
lies
a
man
dying,
while
another
person
is
trying
to

help
him.
The
fourth
person
is
standing
still,
and
seems
not
to
know
what
to
do.
In

the
picture,
nothing
edible
is
left
and
all
these
people
are
forced
to
leave
away
from

their
home.
Meanwhile,
another
picture
depicts
the
distressed
condition
for
those

who
have
to
stay
at
home:
A
child
is
asking
his
mother
for
food.
As
explained
in
the

captions,
this
is
a
family
in
Shanxi
province:
The
father,
the
family
head,
already
died,

and
the
starving
mother
and
son
have
to
eat
roots.
The
family
is
destroyed
and
the

surviving
members
remain
vulnerable.
Desperation
can
be
easily
sensed
in
these

two
pictures.
The
last
picture
portrays
the
mixed
feelings
of
sympathy
with
and
fear

over
the
arrival
of
famine
refugees
in
the
city.
A
man
is
watching
through
the

32

window
over
the
refugees,
who
are
marching
towards
his
unlocked
house.
Through

their
lifting
hair,
glaring
eyes
and
angry
faces,
these
refugees
look
vicious
and

threatening
as
if
they
would
attack
the
house.
The
captions
reveal
complex
feelings

of
the
illustrator.
While
he
sympathizes
with
the
miserable
refugees,
he
calls
on
the

man
to
immediately
shut
the
door
and
keep
the
refugees
outside,
for
the
reason
that

“we,”
the
urban
residents,
are
also
starving.
51

As
a
pupil
of
the
fourth
grade,
the

illustrator,
on
the
one
hand
draws
up
a
scene
of
distress
and
destitution
nationwide,

on
the
other
hand,
betrays
an
obvious
divide
between
“we”
and
the
Other,
between

the
hinterland
and
the
major
coastal
cities,
as
well
as
an
underlying
superiority
and

fear
over
those
from
the
hinterland.

Figure
5

Liangyou,
no.
53,
1931.
(The
Shanxi
famine)

51

See
Figure
5.

33

Regardless
of
variations
in
the
extent
of
which
sympathy
is
marked,
the
three

pictures
together
show
the
children’s
sensitivity
to
ongoing
social
problems
at
home.

In
addition,
children
were
aware
of
the
suffering
and
humiliation
the
nation

endured.
Another
drawing
in
Liangyou,
“A
Mulberry
Leaf,”
shows
how
the
illustrator

thinks
of
China
in
relation
to
the
world.
The
drawing
depicts
several
silkworms

eating
on
a
mulberry
leaf:
the
leaf
symbolizes
the
status
of
the
Republican
China,

while
the
silkworms
connote
imperialism.
The
silkworm
in
the
northeast
is

interpreted
as
Japan
invading
China
and
Korea,
while
the
ones
in
the
southwest
is

said
to
be
France
eating
Vietnam
and
Britain
attacking
Burma.
The
illustrator
tries

to
warn
his
compatriots
against
the
dangerous
situation
that
China
is
surrounded
by

ambitious
foreign
powers,
and
calls
on
the
compatriots
to
unify
and
chase
away
all

the
vicious
silkworms.
Although
the
worms
are
not
comparable
to
the
size
of
the

mulberry
leaf,
they
will
gradually
eat
it
up.
Equally
important,
the
illustrator
realizes

“the
compatriots,”
the
Chinese
as
a
whole
and
as
a
race,
have
reached
a
point
where

its
very
existence
is
at
stake.
52

China
is
now
almost
reduced
to
a
semi-‐colony.
The

knowledge
and
vocabulary
of
interpreting
imperialism
is,
of
course,
taught
in
school,

but
the
drawing
also
shows
the
illustrator’s
creativity
when
incorporating
what
they

52

See
Figure
6.

34

have
learnt
from
school
into
speaking
out
the
problem
through
the
metaphor
of
the

leaf
and
silkworms.

Figure
6

Liangyou,
no.
56,
1931.
(A
mulberry
leaf)

Liangyou
presented
the
revolutionary
dimension
of
the
child
in
a
manner
that

the
child
not
only
was
invested
with
such
spirit,
but
also
was
strongly
motivated
to

participate
in
the
great
project
-‐
to
realize
“peace,
prosperity
and
progress”
in
the

nation.
It
was
enthusiastic
about
advocating
the
children
of
Chinese
revolution
(yizu
遗族),
the
descendants
of
the
Nationalist
soldiers
who
died
either
in
the
Republican

Revolution
of
1911
or
in
the
Northern
Expedition
of
1926-‐1928,
as
representatives

of
the
revolutionary
spirit.

35

In
an
introduction
to
the
newly-‐established
school
for
these
wartime
orphans

in
Nanjing,
53

Liangyou
sang
the
praises
of
these
children
as
the
very
embodiment
of

the
revolutionary
tradition.
The
lower
left
photo
is
about
the
principal
and
the
yizu

children,
with
the
caption
“Like
father,
like
son.”
This
title
obviously
expresses
the

illustrator’s
expectation
of
the
children,
but
it
also
seems
to
imply
that
the

revolutionary
trait
can
be
inherited.
Thus,
these
children
are
born
revolutionaries.

When
we
take
a
closer
look,
however,
this
photo
suggests
more
than
that.
The

children
all
are
wearing
neat
uniforms
with
short
haircuts,
standing
erect
like

soldiers,
and
these
outlooks
suggest
they
are
trained.
Their
diverse
facial

expressions,
however,
betray
their
indiscipline:
some
are
focused,
some
distracted,

and
others
innocent.
This
photo
tries
to
send
a
message
that
these
children
are
born

revolutionaries,
but
they
need
to
be
enlightened.
As
noted
by
Soong
May-‐ling,
“these

children,
I
thought,
would
be
the
most
valuable
material
if
they
were
molded
right

as
they
all
had
revolutionary
blood
in
their
veins.”
54

They
are
required
to
have

classes
and
learn
knowledge.
Such
monuments
as
the
not-‐far-‐away
Sun
Yat-‐sen

mausoleum,
the
solemn
traditional-‐style
arch,
and
even
the
school
itself
serve
as
a

53

The
School
for
the
Children
of
Chinese
Revolution( 国民革命军遗族学校),
was
built
near
the
Sun
Yat-‐sen

Tomb
at
the
foot
of
Purple
Mountain
in
Nanjing
in
1928.
It
was
financially
supported
by
the
Nationalist

government
and
supervised
by
Chiang
Kai-‐shek’s
wife,
Soong
May-‐ling.
The
school
was
later
developed
into
two:

one
for
boys
and
one
for
girls.
These
“warphans,”
coined
by
Soong,
later
became
one
of
the
driving
forces
for
the

New
Life
Movements
in
the
1930s.

54

Laura
Tyson
Li,
Madame
Chiang
Kai-‐shek:
China’s
Eternal
First
Lady
(New
York:
Atlantic
Monthly
Press,
2006),

87.

36

reminder
to
the
children
of
where
they
come
from,
who
they
are
and
what
they
are

obliged
to
do.
55

In
this
way,
through
gradual
enlightenment
and
self-‐reflection
(or

“meditation”)
the
born
revolutionaries
are
actually
“made.”

Figure
7

Liangyou,
no.
50,
1930.
(School
for
the
Children
of
Chinese
Revolution)

55

See
Figure
7.

37

If
the
article
about
the
School
for
the
Children
of
Chinese
Revolution
illustrates

the
revolutionary
tradition
instilled
in
the
“warphans,”
another
collection
of
photos

shows
their
participation
in
the
revolutionary
cause
mainly
through
their

harmonious
cooperation
with
the
government.
These
photos
depict
the
sixth

anniversary
memorial
service
to
honor
Sun
Yat-‐sen
and
“war
heroes”
in
Nanjing.

During
the
memorial
service,
the
Nationalist
flags
are
hung
at
the
entrance,
the

soldiers
occupy
the
scene,
Chiang
Kai-‐shek
shouts
out
slogans,
and
leading
officials

express
their
grief.
These
activities
render
the
memorial
explicitly
party-‐dominated.

Nevertheless,
the
banner
hung
in
front
of
the
podium,
“to
Commemorate
the

National
Martyrs,”
and
the
inscription
of
the
monument,
“Sacrifice
for
the
Nation,”

succeed
to
conflate
the
party
with
the
nation.
56

Similarly,
the
children
of
the

war-‐dead
serve
to
bridge
the
Nationalist
and
the
nation.
The
moment
the
orphans

appear
in
uniforms,
either
traditional
gowns
or
Sun
Yat-‐sen
suits,
stand
together

with
the
governmental
officials,
they
not
only
are
linked
with
the
Nationalists,
but

also
make
a
gesture
of
support
for
the
regime.
These
would-‐be
revolutionaries
are

expected
to
follow
what
has
characterized
their
parents
as
“sacrifice
for
the
nation.”

When
the
Nationalists
claim
them
for
their
revolution,
both
the
party
and
its
cause

become
nationalized.

56

See
Figure
8.

38

Figure
8

Liangyou,
no.
57,
1931.
(Memorial
service
to
the
war-‐dead
held
in
Nanjing)

As
to
the
children
of
the
war-‐dead,
their
roles
under
this
circumstance
were
not

so
well
defined.
Although
they
were
unquestionably
the
incarnation
of
the

revolutionary
spirit,
whether
these
orphans
should
act
and
be
treated
like
adults
or

children
was
ambiguous.
When
the
little
girl,
on
behalf
of
the
war-‐dead
families,

39

steps
up
to
the
podium
and
makes
a
speech,
she
is
given
an
opportunity
to

communicate
her
views
and
thoughts
with
the
adult
audience
as
an
equal.
In

addition,
she
has
to
speak
out
on
her
obligation,
courage
and
determination
to

continue
the
unfinished
revolution.
In
this
sense,
she
is
portrayed
as
independent
as

an
adult,
and
she
needs
to
behave
like
an
adult.
However,
it
is
her
innocence
and

vulnerability
as
a
child
that
renders
the
most
compassionate
and
powerful
message

to
the
adult
audience:
We
should
take
on
the
responsibility
to
protect
and
bring

peace
and
progress
to
our
children.
Thus,
rather
than
a
mere
political
symbol,
the

child
here
serves
to
mobilize
the
audience.
57

While
the
warphans
displayed
a
certain
degree
of
participation
in
the

revolution,
another
group
of
children,
Scouts
(tongzijun 童子军),
58

showed
their

passionate
commitment
to
it
in
real
life.
By
the
early
1930s,
scouting
had
been

institutionalized
with
the
full
support
and
active
collaboration
of
the
Nationalist

government.
59

Scouting
was
expanded
dramatically,
and
in
1934
even
became
a

57

Figure
8.

58

Scouting,
on
the
model
pioneered
by
Sir
Robert
Baden-‐Powell
in
England
in
1908,
had
been
introduced
to

China
through
missionary
schools
during
the
mid-‐1910s.
After
1927,
the
Nationalist
Party
centralized
and

standardized
Chinese
scouting
organizations,
bringing
them
directly
under
party
authority.
To
promote

creativity
and
personal
independence,
the
majority
of
the
scouting
programs
were
dedicated
to
skills
training

like
orienteering,
semaphore,
investigation,
fire
starting,
rescue,
cooking,
sewing,
savings,
cycling,
boating,

climbing,
fishing,
firefighting,
engineering,
transmitting
messages,
bugling,
and
mapmaking.
Robert
Culp,

“Rethinking
Governmentality:
Training,
Cultivation,
and
Cultural
Citizenship
in
Nationalist
China.”
The
Journal
of

Asian
Studies
65,
no.3
(2006):
539-‐540.

59

Jones,
Developmental
Fairy
Tales,
232.

40

required
course
in
all
middle
schools
in
the
lower
Yangzi
region.
60

Coincident
with

this
trend,
Liangyou
published
numerous
photos
about
Scouting
activities
in
major

cities
like
Shanghai,
Guangzhou,
Hangzhou
and
Wuhan,
which
suggest
that
Scouting

had
been
a
rising
star
in
the
urban
society
by
then.

One
collection
of
the
photos
features
a
massive
National
Scouts
Rally
held
at

Nanjing
in
early
1930.
The
scouts
are
required
to
display
their
skills
through
such

outdoor
activities
as
camping,
morning
inspections,
flag
signaling,
and
parading.

Presided
over
by
Chiang
Kai-‐shek
and
other
Nationalist
leading
officials,
the

National
Rally,
especially
the
parade,
is
so
formal
that
it
easily
reminds
the
reader
of

modern
military
parades.
On
the
one
hand,
it
is
designed
to
display
the
participants’

power,
maturity,
and
determination.
A
huge
number
of
children
have
to
camp
in
the

“wild,”
and
to
survive
with
their
learned
skills,
but
still
they
look
well
prepared
and

even
good
at
what
they
are
doing,
such
as
flag
signaling.
61

The
photos
are
intended

to
show
that
these
children
are
successfully
instilled
with
such
characteristics
as

creativity
and
independence
through
the
scouting
programs;
even
though
they
live

in
an
“adverse”
environment,
they
can
maintain
a
disciplined
and
orderly
crowd.

60

Culp,
“Rethinking
Governmentality,”
539.

61

See
Figures
9
&
10.

41

Figure
9

Liangyou,
no.
47,
1930.
(National
scouts
rally)

42

Figure
10

Liangyou,
no.
47,
1930.
(National
scouts
rally)

43

On
the
other
hand,
this
national
rally
is
meant
to
educate,
excite,
and
unite

these
children.
The
scouts,
though
from
all
over
the
country,
come
together,
and

their
outlooks
look
identical
and
their
behaviors
uniform.
When
the
scouts
are

reviewed
by
Chiang
and
his
leading
officials
Dai
Jitao
and
Hu
Hanmin
their
eyes
are

direct
and
piercing,
their
stances
are
erect,
and
their
facial
expressions
are
equally

serious
and
focused:
they
are
a
“family.”
However,
leadership
and
hierarchy
exist.

Leaders
from
every
scouting
organization
gather
around
to
discuss
issues,
and
this

gathering
obviously
is
exclusive.
In
addition,
when
Dai
Jitao
walks
through
the

scouts,
hierarchy
is
further
emphasized.
The
climax
of
the
rally
is
when
the
scouts

are
entertained
at
a
big
banquet
and
meet
with
the
Chiangs.
The
hierarchy
between

the
Chiangs
and
others
is
so
formalized
that
no
one
can
neglect
it.
In
this
national

rally,
which
emphasizes
formal
hierarchy
while
allowing
considerable
informal

equality
among
the
scouts,
these
children
learn
to
socialize.
62

If
we
compare
this
rally
to
Mao
Zedong’s
meeting
with
Red
Guards
at
the

Tiananmen
Square
three
and
a
half
decades
later,
we
will
see
great
differences

between
the
two.
Although
both
events
were
meant
to
educate,
excite,
and
unite

these
young
people,
Liangyou’s
photos
highlighted
the
scouts’
self-‐composedness

and
discipline.
While
Mao
tried
to
arouse
and
unleash
the
passion
of
the
young

62

Figures
9
&
10.

44

people,
Liangyou
intended
to
display
their
maturity
and
rationality
to
the
point
that

they
looked
like
military
armies.
We
can
tell
from
the
smile
on
Dai
Jitao’s
face
that

he
was
satisfied
with
what
these
children
had
been
trained
as.
63

Nonetheless,
this

display
of
discipline
and
maturity,
to
a
great
extent,
obscured
their
primary
roles
as

children.

Following
the
spirit
of
“Learning
by
doing
and
applying
what
is
learned”
( 由做
而学，由学而做),
64

the
scouts
were
proactive
to
take
on
their
responsibilities
in
real

life.
They
stepped
up
as
a
visible
group,
and
worked
with
people
from
different

fields,
from
governmental
officials
to
local
gentry,
from
bankers
and
merchants
to

ambassadors.
They
cooperated
with
the
police
to
preserve
public
order
at
the

opening
ceremonies
of
the
Chinese
National
Products
Exhibition
of
1928.
65

They

attended
along
with
many
luminaries
the
ceremony
for
the
Revolutionary

Monument
of
Guangzhou
in
1930.
66

They
went
overseas
(like
Philippine
Islands)

with
the
Nationalist
officials
in
1931,
in
order
to
seek
alliance
with
overseas
Chinese

for
the
revolutionary
cause.
67

More
importantly,
some
photos
in
Liangyou
display

the
children’s
commitment
in
a
manner
that
they
even
took
the
initiative
in
realizing

“peace
and
progress”
in
China.

63

Figure
9.

64

Culp,
“Rethinking
Governmentality:
Training,
Cultivation,
and
Cultural
Citizenship
in
Nationalist
China,”
540.

65

Liangyou,
no.
32
(1928):
8.

66

Liangyou,
no.51
(1930):
15.

67

Liangyou,
no.
57
(1931):
10.

45

By
the
early
1930s,
China
and
Japan
had
been
embroiled
in
incessant
conflicts.

In
1932,
in
the
wake
of
the
battle
of
Shanghai
(also
known
as
the
January
28

Incident),
one
of
Liangyou’s
issues
published
photos
about
resistance
by
Shanghai

residents
against
Japanese
invasion.
On
the
first
page,
a
half-‐page
photo
features

three
bugle-‐wielding
scouts,
captioned
with
bold
characters:
“Calls
for
Resistance.”
68

Figure
11

Liangyou,
no.
77,
1932.
(Call
for
resistance)

68

See
Figure
11.

46

Bugle
calls,
originating
as
a
signal
broadcast
in
the
military,
could
be
used
for

attention,
alarm
and
assembly.
It
is
not
surprising
that
here
they
are
interpreted
by

the
photographer,
Sze
Shao-‐nan,
as
both
a
warning
against
the
Japanese
military

threat
and
a
call
on
people
to
wake
up
and
unite.
Nor
is
it
surprising
that
the
scouts

are
linked
to
the
cause
of
national
salvation.
However,
it
is
worth
noting
that
the

scouts
are
portrayed
as
the
initiator
of
the
call
to
fight.
It
not
only
means
the
scouts

as
a
group
has
come
of
age
in
the
context
of
an
endangered
nation,
but
also
reflects
a

sense
of
hope
from
the
illustrator
for
these
children,
which
in
turn
arises
from
the

confidence
that
these
children
have
been
ingrained
with
revolutionary
spirit
and
the

commitment
to
it.
This
sense
of
hope
is
also
among
the
important
things
that
the

illustrator
tries
to
deliver
to
the
reader.

In
sum,
both
the
yizu
children
and
the
scouts
were
portrayed
as
the

embodiment
of
revolutionary
traits,
whether
these
traits
came
from
outside
or

within.
They
were
thoroughly
linked
to
the
nation
and
the
Nationalist
Party.
While

the
yizu
children
symbolized
the
Chinese
revolutionary
tradition
and
carried
on

their
historical
mission,
the
scouts
represented
more
individualized
choices
of
a

new
era:
they
wanted
to
be
part
of
the
nation
and
were
willing
to
do
what
they
could

to
make
changes.

47

The
Confucian
Child

“He
will
no
longer
stick
to
his
own
Confucian
tradition,”
read
the
captions
of
a

photo
of
Liangyou
about
Confucius’
77
th

generation
descendant,
Kong
Decheng

joining
the
Nationalist
Party
in
1928.
69

During
the
Nanjing
decade
(1927-‐1937),

Liangyou
showed
a
consistent
interest
in
Kong’s
personal
and
public
life,
mainly
his

childhood,
his
classical
study,
political
stance,
and
later
marriage.
As
noted
by
Saari,

since
the
New
Culture
movement,
the
“modern
warrior”
had
felt
the
necessity
of

moving
beyond
tradition,
and
had
oscillated
“from
the
extreme
of
servile
imitation

of
the
past
to
the
extreme
of
iconoclasm,”
tearing
down
the
institutions
which

belonged
to
that
category.
70

Lu
Xun,
one
of
the
most
vigilant
critics,
in
his
“Diary
of

a
Madman”
( 狂人日记)
denounces
the
cannibalism
of
Confucian
culture
and
society,

and
calls
to
“save
the
children.”
However,
Saari
also
argues
that
some
intellectuals

spoke
with
undertones
that
“the
grip
of
custom
has
been
too
tenacious
upon
us;”

although
to
shake
off
the
custom
was
unavoidable,
“the
genuine
Confucianism
that

constitute
all
that
is
good,
true,
and
beautiful
in
our
national
life”
should
not
go.
71

Unfortunately
Saari
does
not
further
explain
what
was
“the
genuine
Confucianism.”

69

See
Figure
12.

70

Saari,
Legacies
of
Childhood,
195.

71

Ibid.,
195.

48

This
kind
of
moderation
can
also
be
sensed
in
Liangyou’s
photos
and
articles

relating
to
the
Confucian
tradition.
Despite
its
friendly
relationship
with
Lu
Xun,
72

Liangyou
courageously
displayed
a
positive
attitude
towards
“the
old,”
as

exemplified
by
the
story
about
Kong
Decheng.
Every
time
his
images
showed
up
in

the
magazine,
he
was
referred
to
as
Confucius’
descendant.
He
acted
not
only
as
a

celebrity
child,
but
also
as
one
with
significant
cultural
meaning.
Thus,
we
can
see

through
him,
both
as
a
physical
incarnation
of
Confucianism
and
as
a
child,
what

Liangyou
believed
were
the
genuine
Confucian
traits
that
should
be
passed
on
to

children.

When
joining
the
Nationalist
Party,
Kong
Decheng,
a
nine-‐year-‐old
child
in
a

long
gown,
stands
in
stark
contrast
to
a
crowd
of
adults
mostly
in
military
uniforms.

He
is
so
tiny
that
he
is
completely
overwhelmed
by
these
adult
Nationalist

representatives.
In
contrast
to
the
seemingly
insignificance,
the
captions
reveal
the

centrality
of
Kong
in
the
photo,
“Kong
Decheng,
the
77
th
-‐generation
descendent
of

Confucius,
has
joined
the
Nationalists,
and
will
no
longer
stick
to
the
ideology
of
his

Confucian
tradition.”
73

He
is
the
main
character
that
gives
this
photo
meaning
and

value
though
these
are
not
necessarily
consistent.
Generally
it
reminds
the
reader
of

72

Upon
the
request
from
Liang
Desuo,
the
then
editor
of
Liangyou,
Lu
Xun
agreed
to
be
interviewed
and
have

his
pictures
published
on
the
magazine
(no.
25,
1928),
which
was
rare
for
Lu
through
his
life.
Later
in
the
1930s,

Liangyou’s
plan
to
publish
several
series
of
“new
literature”
works
received
great
support
from
Lu.
It
was
widely

believed
that
Lu
Xun
had
special
affection
for
the
magazine.
See
Ma,
Memoirs
of
the
young
companion,
39-‐41.

73

Figure
12.

49

religious
conversion,
and
the
nature
of
this
ritual
is
a
change
in
beliefs
and
loyalty,

only
in
this
case
from
Confucianism
to
the
Nationalist
doctrines.
While
the
captions

imply
the
illustrator’s
perception
of
an
antagonistic
relationship
between
the
grip
of

tradition
and
following
the
Nationalists,
they
also
make
visible
the
need
of
the

Nationalists
to
borrow
orthodox
Confucian
symbolism,
in
the
hope
that
they
will

lend
the
party
historical
ballast
and
continuity.
This
historical
continuity
is

manifested
by
Kong,
on
behalf
of
his
whole
family,
shifting
his
loyalty
to
the
current

ruler,
the
Nationalists.

Figure
12

Liangyou,
no.
29,
1928.
(The
citizens
of
the
Republic
of
China)

50

On
the
other
hand,
the
photo
displays
the
illustrator’s
attitude
towards
Kong’s

adoption
of
the
Nationalist
doctrines.
Kong
stands
erect,
clasps
his
hands
together

and
casts
his
eyes
forward.
His
serious,
austere
posture
makes
him
look
more

mature
than
he
really
is.
In
addition
to
formality
and
maturity,
the
photo
tries
to

emphasize
Kong’s
joining
the
Nationalists
out
of
will
and
sincerity,
ignoring
the
fact

that
he
is
only
nine
years
old
and
unlikely
to
fully
understand
the
implications
of

this
political
conversion.
It
is
shown
in
a
manner
that
the
decision
has
been
made

with
deliberation.
74

Moreover,
the
illustrator
obviously
speaks
with
a
happy
and

encouraging
tone
and
uses
biased
words
for
the
news.
The
term
“stick
to”
(moshou
墨守),
with
a
long
history
in
Chinese
vocabulary,
denotes
being
stubborn,

conservative,
and
unable
to
keep
in
lock-‐step
with
current
trends,
while

“traditional”(chuantong 传统)
has
carried
a
derogatory
meaning
of
“old”
since
the

recent
New
Culture
Movement.
Thus,
being
used
to
describe
Confucianism,
they

constitute
disparaging
remarks:
Loyalty
to
Confucian
tradition
is
already
outdated.

When
joining
the
Nationalists
is
juxtaposed
with
following
Confucian
tradition,
the

former
simultaneously
obtains
an
opposite
meaning
that
a
change
in
loyalty
to
the

party
is
modern
and
correct.
Now
that
Kong
has
made
a
move
to
change,
he
is
on
a

righteous
path.

74

Figure
12.

51

Although
the
anti-‐Confucian
implication
is
plausible,
the
subtle
nuances
in
the

photo
can
be
found
if
it
is
placed
in
a
larger
context.
The
photo
belongs
to
a

collection
of
images
with
a
common
theme
of
loyalty.
Loyalty
to
the
ruler
has
been
a

deeply
ingrained
virtue
throughout
the
Confucianist-‐dominated
history,
and
this

sense
of
political
loyalty
can
still
be
felt
in
the
images.
Only
this
time
the
ruler
is
no

longer
the
imperial
family,
but
the
Nationalists.
In
the
collection
are
the
portraits
of

political
figures,
including
Dai
Jitao,
Hu
Hanmin,
Li
Jinglin,
Nan
Guiqin,
Feng
Yuxiang,

and
Jiang
Zuobin.
They
were
all
prominent
Nationalist
members
from
a
wide
variety

of
backgrounds,
holding
obedience
to
and
respect
for
the
party.
Their
activities,

ranging
from
Hu’s
touring
in
Egypt
to
Feng’s
coming
to
the
South
to
join
the
party,

from
Li’s
promoting
martial
arts
to
Nan’s
and
Jiang’s
maintaining
order
in
Tianjin

and
war
zones,
are
believed
to
contribute
to
the
party
and
the
nation.
Thus,
they
are

all
defined
by
the
illustrator
as
“the
citizens
of
the
Republic
of
China,”
for
which

loyalty
remains
one
of
the
most
important
virtues.
75

In
this
sense,
loyalty
as
a

Confucian
tradition
continues
to
thrive.

When
Kong’s
image
is
placed
in
this
category
with
an
emphasis
on
loyalty,
the

reader
may
have
an
expectation
that
when
grown
up,
Kong
will
follow
that

Confucian
tradition
and
hold
the
same
traits
of
“the
citizens.”
This
expectation

75

Figure
12.

52

requires
Kong
not
only
to
continue
his
symbolic
presence,
but
also
to
manifest
the

inner
sense
of
loyalty,
that
is
to
contribute
to
the
nation.
Joining
the
Nationalist
is

one
way
to
manifest
his
faith,
and
practicing
traditional
cultural
practices
is
another.

In
the
collection
there
is
another
portrait
of
Kong,
captioned
with
“Kong
Decheng
is

nine
years
old
and
good
at
practicing
calligraphy.”
76

As
a
form
of
art
widely

practiced
and
revered
by
the
Chinese
literati,
calligraphy
has
been
appreciated
not

only
for
its
aesthetic
qualities,
but
also
for
its
mastery
of
classic
literature.
It
was,

therefore,
one
of
the
factors
that
social
distinction
was
based
upon.
Paralleled
with

the
various
patriotic
activities
of
other
political
figures
in
the
photo
collection,
this

cultural
practice
is
thought
equally
important
to
the
commitment
to
the
nation.
This

photo
collection
tends
to
suggest
that
there
are
a
myriad
of
ways
to
contribute
to
the

nation,
and
Kong
has
been
learning
his
way-‐by
mastery
of
calligraphy-‐to
do
it.

Therefore,
this
portrait,
together
with
the
one
about
joining
the
Nationalists,
reveals

the
illustrator’s
justifying
and
encouraging
attitude
towards
Kong’s
activities,
and

also
helps
to
send
a
message
to
the
reader:
even
the
most
“traditional”
child
has

already
had
a
faith
in
and
contributed
to
the
party
and
the
nation,
so
those
who
have

not
should
hurry
up.

76

Figure
12.

53

While
some
of
Kong’s
photos
manifest
loyalty,
one
of
the
core
virtues
in

Confucianism,
other
photos
show
another
one,
the
importance
on
family.
They

belong
to
a
collection
of
photos
titled
“Children’s
Page,”
77

which
was
intended
to

display
multiple
children
and
childhoods.
In
the
photos
Kong
always
wears
a
long

gown
and
practices
calligraphy.
Although
he
is
still
portrayed
in
a
traditional

manner,
these
images
reveal
a
new
dimension
of
Kong’s
life:
his
relations
with

family
members.
The
image
in
the
center
captures
the
interaction
between
Kong
and

an
adult,
most
likely
Kong’s
clansman
designated
for
the
child’s
rearing
or
education.

The
adult
smiles,
leans
down
and
talks
to
the
child,
while
Kong
is
obedient
and

listens
to
his
advice
when
doing
calligraphy.
The
other
image
instead
captures
the

affection
between
Kong
Decheng
and
his
sister,
Kong
Demao.
They
stand
hand
in

hand
and
look
intimately
at
each
other.
While
Demao
seems
more
serious
and

mature,
Decheng’s
face
betrays
his
innocence,
suggesting
that
Demao
is
the
elder

one.
Besides
his
facial
expression,
Decheng’s
posture
indicates
that
he
is
informal

and
relaxed
when
spending
time
with
his
elder
sister.
Thus,
affection
and
care
for

siblings
is
clearly
seen
in
this
image.
78

In
these
two
photos,
Kong
as
a
child
is
shown

getting
along
with
different
family
members,
being
obedient
to
superiors
and

77

A
special
column
for
images
of
children
appeared
in
almost
every
issue
of
Liangyou
in
1928,
and
it
did
not

stop
until
the
mid-‐1930s
when
the
Sino-‐Japan
war
broke
out.
The
column’s
titles
were
slightly
different
in

various
issues,
and
the
column
was
usually
placed
right
next
to
that
of
women.

78

See
Figure
13.

54

affectionate
to
siblings;
he
serves
as
a
model
to
emulate.
Despite
different
focuses,

these
photos
successfully
manifest
the
harmonious
relations
between
Kong
and
his

family
members,
which
is
always
the
core
of
Confucianism.

Other
photos
in
the
collection
corroborate
the
theme.
The
image
in
the
upper

left
corner
is
about
one
of
Liangyou’s
editors,
Wu
Liande’s
family.
It
is
very
different

from
Kong’s
photos
in
that
the
family
is
portrayed
in
a
more
“modern”
way.
They
all

wear
modern-‐style
clothes,
Wu
in
western
suit
and
his
daughters
in
little
white

skirts.
Wu
is
holding
his
daughters
with
both
his
hands,
and
his
smile
and

friendliness
on
the
face
further
softens
his
role
as
the
father,
which
seems
as
if
to
go

beyond
the
rigid,
hierarchical
aspect
of
filial
piety
in
Confucianism.
The
physical
and

emotional
intimacies
of
their
relationship
are
so
distinguishable
that
the
photo
is

named
“An
Affectionate
Hold.”
Despite
these
“modern”
features,
the
father
is
still

clearly
positioned
as
the
supporter
for
his
children,
the
head
of
the
family,
and
the

daughters
as
dependents
lean
on
the
father’s
shoulders.
Therefore,
a
relationship
of

both
affection
and
dependence
is
manifested
in
the
image,
and
it
quite
reminds
the

reader
of
the
Confucian
relations:
In
the
family
each
member
has
their
places,
and
as

long
as
they
find
that
order,
the
family
will
be
harmonious.
79

79

Figure
13.

55

Figure
13

Liangyou,
no.
37,
1929.
(Our
youngsters)

Senses
of
affection
and
harmony
are
also
reflected
in
some
other
photos.
These

single
photos
do
not
show
the
interaction
between
the
children
and
others,
but
they

still
portray
children
through
the
prism
of
familial
relationships.
As
seen
from
the

captions,
the
children
are
introduced
in
terms
of
“father”
“daughter”
“son”
and

“sister,”
denoting
their
places
in
the
families.
Thanks
to
the
likelihood
that
the

photos
were
taken
by
parents,
the
reader
can
easily
sense
a
loving
feeling
towards

56

these
children.
In
the
lower
left
corner
is
an
image
of
a
little
girl
on
a
horse.

Nonetheless,
she
is
not
alone.
The
caption,
“Traveling
companion:
my
dear
daughter,”

provides
a
lot
more
details
about
the
photo.
Its
wording
suggests
that
she
is

traveling
with
his
father,
and
they
are
close
companions.
It
also
suggests
multiple

feelings
that
the
father
is
both
joyful
at
the
journey,
is
fond
and
proud
of
his

daughter.
Intimacy
and
pride
between
the
father
and
the
daughter
is
thus

portrayed.
80

Although
the
extent
and
ways
in
which
affection
is
manifested
differ
in
the

photo
collection,
there
is
a
consistent
emphasis
on
the
family.
The
children
are

looked
at
not
as
individuals,
but
as
daughters,
sons,
sisters,
and
brothers.
They

respect
their
elders
and
care
for
their
siblings;
they
find
their
proper
positions
and

live
in
a
happy
and
harmonious
relationship
within
their
family.
Along
with
the

other
children,
Kong
Decheng
serves
as
one
of
the
models
to
emulate
in
his
inherited

cultural
offering
-‐
filial
piety
-‐
the
core
of
Confucianism.
81

In
this
sense,
filial
piety
as

a
Confucian
tradition
continues.
No
matter
how
“modern”
the
children’s
outlooks

and
body
language
are,
the
photos
demonstrate
that
the
traditional
aspiration
for

family
is
still
imagined
and
should
be
passed
on
to
more
children.

80

Figure
13.

81

Figure
13.

57

As
said
by
Saari,
Confucianism
had
such
a
tenacious
hold
upon
the
society
that

even
in
the
wake
of
revolution
and
war,
people
managed
to
retain
visible
markers
of

the
traditional
virtues
that
were
thought
“good,
true,
and
beautiful
in
our
national

life.”
The
revolutionary
children,
including
the
scouts
and
the
yizu
children,
were

also
taught
to
be
Confucian
in
some
ways.
Despite
its
foreign
origin,
Scouting
was

infused
with
Confucian
ideas
after
it
was
introduced
to
China.
Initially
the
Boy

Scout’s
salute
was
held
to
signify
honoring
God
and
king,
to
help
others,
and
to

demonstrate
obedience
to
scouting
rules.
In
China,
this
trinity
was
later
overlaid
by

the
Confucian
rhetoric
of
“wisdom,”
“benevolence,”
and
“bravery”
(zhi
ren
yong 智仁
勇).
82

This
conceptual
change
is
reflected
by
an
image
in
Liangyou
of
a
boy
holding

the
three-‐fingered
scout
salute.
It
is
worth
noting
that
it
was
placed
in
a
photo

collection
called
“Chinese
and
Western
rites
and
proprieties,”
83

which
includes

images
with
children
bowing,
kotowing,
and
shaking
hands.
Together
with
these

rites,
the
salute
is
thus
conceptualized
with
the
Confucian
idea
of
the
li,
which

emphasizes
regulating
one’s
conduct
from
a
moral
code
instead
of
the
fa,
the
law

(rules).
As
seen
from
this
scout
salute,
whether
rhetorically
or
practically,
the

traditional
stress
on
morality
was
still
popular
to
the
intellectuals
and
the
popular

82

Jones,
Developmental
Fairy
Tales,
231.

83

Liangyou,
no.
56
(1931):
27.

58

culture.
It
would
certainly
continue
to
be
taught
as
long
as
the
Scouting
troops

prospered,
and
as
a
matter
of
fact,
it
did
during
the
Nanjing
period.

The
influence
of
Confucianism
could
also
be
seen
upon
the
yizu
children.
On
the

one
hand,
to
cultivate
a
consciousness
of
their
future
as
pillars
and
reformers
of

Chinese
society,
the
yizu
children
were
taught
Sun
Yat-‐sen’s
“Three
Principles
of
the

People;”
on
the
other
hand,
they
were
instilled
with
moral
and
civic
values
by

teachers.
84

In
an
interview
by
Paul
M.
W.
Linbarger,
an
American
political
activist,

Soong
May-‐ling
expressed
her
expectation:
“I
hope
they
can
have
both
the
old

Chinese
morals
(zhongguo
jiu
daode 中国旧道德)
and
the
modern
knowledge

(xiandai
xin
zhishi 现代新知识).”
85

It
is
reasonable
to
assume
that
the
majority
of

the
old
Chinese
morals
came
from
the
Confucian
culture.
Indeed,
it
was
later

articulated
in
the
New
Life
Movement.
86

In
explaining
the
goal
of
the
movement,

Chen
Lifu,
one
of
the
most
powerful
officials
in
the
Nationalist
Party,
claimed
that
it

was
to
continue
the
mission
of
the
Revolution
of
1911,
to
cultivate
a
citizenship
with

native
values
of
propriety,
justice,
honesty
and
sense
of
shame
(li
yi
lian
chi 礼义廉

84

Li,
Madame
Chiang
Kai-‐shek,
88.

85

See
Li
Yan,
Fengyu
wushi
nian:
jiang
jieshi
yu
song
meiling
hua
shi
(Hardships
of
fifty
years:
An
illustrated

history
of
Chiang
Kai-‐shek
and
Soong
May-‐ling)
(Beijing:
Tuanjie
chubanshe,
2005),
60.

86

There
is
a
long
fictional
story
“Changhe
(长河)”
about
the
New
Life
Movement,
written
by
the
famous
Chinese

novelist
Shen
Congwen
(沈从文)
during
the
Sino-‐Japanese
War.
Set
in
a
small
town
in
Hunan
Province,
the
novel

depicts
the
influence
of
the
movement
upon
the
society,
mainly
the
countryside.
It
also
mentioned
the
roles
of

the
scouts
in
promoting
and
enforcing
the
movement
in
the
city.

59

耻).
87

These
old
Chinese
ethics
were
what
Soong,
Chiang
and
Chen
expected
the

yizu
children
to
embrace.

Therefore,
even
the
revolutionary
children
were
taught
to
be
Confucian,
and

this
won
great
support
from
the
Nationalist
Party.
In
order
to
revive
the
Confucian

culture,
party
leaders
made
speeches
linking
their
efforts
with
the
lessons
taught
by

Confucius,
and
issued
instructions
for
new
memorial
ceremonies
remembering
the

sage.
88

Despite
political
exploitation
for
contemporary
needs,
89

people,
especially

children,
were
indoctrinated
with
the
Confucian
rites
and
ethics.
For
example,
on

August
27
th
,
the
birth
date
of
Confucius,
governmental
organizations
and
schools

nationwide
were
required
to
hold
memorial
ceremonies.
The
most
spectacular
one

would
certainly
be
the
ceremony
at
the
Confucius
tomb
in
Shandong,
when
the

descendants
and
governmental
representatives
came
together
to
revere
the
sage.

Bearing
the
title
Duke
Yansheng
( 衍圣公),
90

Kong
Decheng
hosts
a
series
of

activities,
including
kneeling
and
paying
homage
before
the
tomb,
an
exhibition
of

the
sage’s
clothes,
and
a
performance
by
dancers
and
musicians
in
ancient
costumes.

Compared
with
those
images
of
Kong
as
a
little
child,
the
now
teenage
Decheng

87

Chen
Lifu,
“Xin
Shenghuo
yundong
fawei
(Exploring
the
New
Life
Movement).”
Dongfang
zazhi
(Eastern

Miscellany)
32,
no.
1
(1935):
25-‐29.

88

Rebecca
Nedostup,
“Civic
faith
and
hybrid
ritual
in
nationalist
China,”
in
Converting
Cultures:
Religion,

Ideology
and
Transformations
of
Modernity,
ed.
Dennis
Washburn
and
A.
Kevin
Reinhart
(Leiden:
Brill,
2007),
49.

89

See
Nedostup
“Civic
faith
and
hybrid
ritual
in
nationalist
China,”
49;
Yeh,
The
Alienated
Academy,
182.

90

In
1935,
his
title
was
changed
to
Sacrificial
Official
to
Confucius
(大成至圣先师奉祀官)by
the
Nationalist

government.

60

becomes
more
comfortable
and
determined
in
representing
the
Confucius
family

and
coping
with
government
figures.
He
looks
so
mature
it
is
as
though
his
identity

as
revering
the
Confucian
tradition
has
fully
established
by
this
point.
91

Figure
14

Liangyou,
no.
94,
1934.
(Confucius
memorial
ceremony)

Kong
Decheng’s
childhood
was
repeatedly
advertised
and
emphasized
in

Liangyou,
which
wrote
of
his
maturation
as
establishing
a
model
for
becoming

Confucian.
As
a
Confucius’
descendent
and
as
a
child,
he
represented
both
what

91

See
Figure
14.

61

should
be
learned
and
who
needed
to
be
taught.
In
Wen-‐hsin
Yeh’s
words,
the

children
were
urged
“to
be
filial
sons,
dedicated
mothers,
friendly
neighbors,
and

conscientious
patriots.”
92

Little
Citizen:
The
Future
of
the
Nation?

The
photo
about
the
Nationalist
afforestation
campaign
in
1935
demonstrates

that
not
only
the
Nationalists,
but
also
Liangyou
itself,
cared
about
children.
The
girl

represents
the
expectations
both
the
Nationalist
and
Liangyou
have
projected
onto

children,
the
next
generation.
Her
image
is
captured
in
a
manner
so
as
to
ensure
that

she
encapsulates
the
brightness
of
the
present
and
the
hope
of
the
future.
93

Liangyou
published
numerous
pictures
and
photos
about
and
of
children,
and

constructed
a
myriad
of
representations
of
children,
which
remain
to
be
explored.

However,
even
a
small
analysis
will
shed
light
on
what
was
wanted
from
children

and
how
they
were
made.

Let’s
look
at
another
photo
collection
on
the
column
“Children’s
Page.”
The

leading
image
entitled
“having
the
spirit
of
a
true
citizen,”
is
a
boy
standing
erect

and
holding
a
football.
It
drives
the
reader
to
ponder:
What
is
the
spirit
of
a
true

citizen?
As
the
embodiment
of
that
spirit,
the
boy
should
give
us
some
hints.
His
hair

92

Yeh,
The
Alienated
Academy,
182.

93

See
Figure
1.

62

is
nicely
cut
and
his
two-‐piece
knit
clothes
are
clean.
He
plays,
smiles
and
stands

perfectly
upright.
Generally,
he
looks
clean,
healthy,
independent,
and
happy.
He
is

filled
with
vibrant
health
and
strength
of
spirit.
While
the
boy
displays
physical

vigor,
other
images
of
children
provide
more
explanation
about
virtue.
Some
are

playing
and
exploring
nature;
one
boy
is
caring
for
his
younger
sister;
one
puts
on

his
uncle’s
military
cap,
and
thus
puts
on
the
revolutionary
tradition;
one
child

practices
calligraphy,
writing
“Take
back
the
Northeast/Annihilate
the
three
islands

of
Japan/Cleanse
all
the
national
humiliations/Down
with
brutal
Japanese

imperialism.”
Through
these
activities
they
learn
on
the
one
hand
to
be
close
to
the

nature,
and
on
the
other
hand
to
be
patriotic,
revolutionary
and
filial.
94

94

See
Figure
15.

63

Figure
15

Liangyou,
no.
64,
1931.
(Children’s
Page:
“Having
the
spirit
of
a
true

citizen.”)

These
representations
of
children
constitute
a
more
complete
picture
of
what

virtues
they
were
expected
to
obtain
when
growing
up.
Meanwhile
they
manifest
a

belief
in
progressive
childhood
that
they
are
born
citizens,
and
will
definitely

become
true
citizens
if
they
are
enlightened
and
trained
properly.
Children’s

64

summer
camp
95

and
Scouting
were
the
two
among
the
many
ways
of
citizenship

training.
This
linear
way
of
understanding
childhood
encapsulates
the
optimism
for

the
future.
Another
photo
collection
entitled
“Tomorrow’s
grown-‐ups”
sheds
some

light
on
the
kinds
of
adults
children
were
expected
to
become
at
the
time.
They
may

be
the
future
Wang
Jingwei
(politician),
Hitler,
96

Woodrow
Nelson,
Wang
Chonghui

(politician),
or
Ma
Zhanshan
(general).
Next
to
the
photos
of
children
reads
the

caption,
“All
the
great
men
were
born
of
the
will
of
their
parents,
and
were
made
of

flesh
and
blood.
They
can
become
great
men,
so
can
you.
Once
you
set
the
intention,

nothing
is
impossible
for
a
willing
heart.”
Even
if
these
role
models
are
unreachable,

they
can
still
be
Gordon
Lum
(tennis
player),
Hu
Die
(actress),
Ma
Sicong
(violinist),

Sun
Tonggang
(pilot),
and
Cao
Tingzan
(volleyball
player).
To
be
a
good
carpenter

will
also
be
fine.
These
are
not
“the
great
men,”
but
“if
you
can
work
for
the
society

and
the
people
with
all
your
heart,
all
your
strength,
and
feel
no
guilt,
then
you
have

already
become
a
half
great
man.”
97

These
expectations
reflect
a
Confucian
view
of

social
distinction,
which
ranks
scholar
officials
higher
than
artisans
and
craftsmen,

and
places
an
emphasis
on
education,
which
success
is
based
upon.
However,
the

photos
admit
that
if
children
are
determined
and
work
hard
for
the
people,
they

95

Liangyou,
no.
108
(1935):
18-‐19.

96

These
photos
were
taken
and
imagined
before
Hitler
and
Wang
Jingwei
became
notorious.

97

See
Figures
16
&
17.

65

would
have
a
bright
future.
Moreover,
these
representations
show
an
imaginary

modernizing
nation
full
of
such
people
who
work
together
harmoniously.
Optimism

and
hope
are
manifested
in
these
beliefs
in
the
development
of
these
children
and

even
of
the
nation.
This
discourse
of
progressive
children
and
childhood
prevails
in

Liangyou.

Figure
16

Liangyou,
no.
104,
1935.
(Tomorrow’s
Grow-‐ups)

66

Figure
17

Liangyou,
no.
104,
1935.
(Tomorrow’s
Grow-‐ups)

67

Chapter
Two:
Dongfang
zazhi’s
Children:
A
Social
Problem
of

China?

In
the
wake
of
the
increasing
social
attention
on
children,
Children’s
Day
was

proposed
by
Shanghai
children’s
welfare
and
educational
associations
in
1931.
After

gaining
official
approval,
the
first
official
nationwide
Children’s
Day
was
held
on

April
4,
1932.
98

Moreover,
the
Nationalist
government
proclaimed
the
year
of
1935

to
be
Children’s
Year,
which
was
intended
to
promote
the
happiness
of
children.
99

Nationwide
celebrations
were
held
in
the
major
cities,
and
slogans
and
events

designed
to
manifest
the
values
of
children
and
childhood
were
seen
in
newspapers

and
magazines.

Liangyou
published
some
photos
of
celebrations
in
Nanjing,
Tianjin,
and

Shanghai.
Most
of
these
photos
are
filled
with
a
large
number
of
children.
Children

are
the
center
of
the
photos,
and
they
are
so
indistinguishable
from
each
other
that

they
must
be
looked
at
as
a
large
group.
They
are
captured
participating
in
a
variety

of
activities,
including
paying
homage
at
the
Sun
Yat-‐sen
Mausoleum,
attending
the

opening
ceremonies
at
the
City
Hall,
and
meeting
with
the
mayor
and
other
very

important
people.
All
these
activities
are
either
supported
or
run
by
the
government.

98

Gerth,
China
made,
323.

99

For
more
details
about
the
origin
of
this
Children’s
Year,
see
Jin
Shiyin,
“Ertong
nian
lun
muxing”
(A

discussion
of
motherhood
in
Children’s
Year)
Dongfang
zazhi
32,
no.
19
(1935):
289-‐292.

68

For
example,
if
we
look
at
the
photo
in
the
upper
left
corner,
we
will
see
that
a

banner
propagating
the
New
Life
movement
is
hung
right
below
a
plaque
of
a
huge

pai-‐loo
erected
for
the
celebration.
Therefore,
these
pictures
on
the
one
hand,

display
the
civilized
and
comfortable
life
of
children
as
a
whole,
on
the
other
hand,

they
highlight
the
close
and
harmonious
relationship
between
children
and
the

Nationalist
government.
This
is
the
way
Liangyou
perceived
the
happiness
of

children.
100

In
contrast,
Dongfang
zazhi,
a
flagship
magazine
of
the
Commercial

Press,
reveals
a
sense
of
ambiguity
and
ambivalence,
if
not
an
anxiety,
toward
this

proclamation
for
children’s
happiness
and
the
year-‐long
effort
devoted
to
it.

Figure
18

Liangyou,
no.
108,
1935.
(Nation-‐wide
celebrations
of
the
Children
Year)

100

See
Figure
18.

69

Like
Liangyou,
Dongfang
zazhi
published
photos
about
the
festive
celebrations

in
the
major
cities.
However,
the
focus
of
most
of
the
photos
is
not
on
children

themselves.
One
photo
captures
the
crowd
interested
in
the
opening
ceremony
of

Children’s
Year
at
Xindu
Cinema
in
Nanjing.
There
are
not
many
children,
but
a

couple
of
soldiers,
several
groups
of
adult
people,
and
even
passersby.
Based
on

their
different
appearances,
we
can
have
a
vague
assumption
that
they
are
of

different
socioeconomic
strata.
Another
two
photos
display
Shanghai
Mayor
Wu
as

the
spotlight,
as
evidenced
by
their
captions
“Mayor
Wu
gives
a
speech
at
the

opening
ceremony
in
Shanghai,”
and
“Mayor
Wu
meets
and
takes
photo
with

children
representatives.”
101

The
reader
may
wonder
what
Mayor
Wu
addressed
in

his
speech
to
a
large
number
of
adult
audiences,
and
some
hints
could
be
found
from

his
opening
address
on
the
Fourth
Annual
Children’s
Day
held
on
April
4,
1934,
with

a
general
theme
of
saving
the
nation
through
its
children.
In
that
speech,
he

informed
the
assembled
audience
that
the
event
was
aimed
primarily
at
parents,

who
needed
to
understand
the
importance
of
children
to
the
nation.
Parents,
he
said,

“should
ensure
that
their
children
understood
that
they
had
obligations
to
the

nation
and
to
the
people.”
102

In
other
words,
the
speech
was
more
of
an
education

101

This
photo
also
appeared
on
Liangyou
with
the
caption
“Mayor
Wu
and
the
children
of
the
Shanghai
schools.”

102

Gerth,
China
made,
323-‐324.

70

or
a
communication
between
the
Mayor
and
the
assembled
adults.
To
a
certain

extent,
we
can
expect
a
similar
tone
in
his
speech
on
Children’s
Year.
In
the
last

photo,
captioned
with
“the
Nationalist
government
enhances
children’s
paramilitary

education,”
a
boy
scout
is
portrayed
as
if
he
is
standing
under
the
Nationalist
flag.
103

Therefore,
this
photo
collection
actually
shows
what
people
do
or
should
do
for

children
and
Children’s
Year.
It
highlights
the
participation
of
people
in
different

social
strata,
including
political
figures,
soldiers,
intellectuals,
and
ordinary
people,

through
which
the
significance
of
children
in
society
is
recognized
and
the

happiness
of
children
is
pursued.
That
being
said,
Dongfang
zazhi’s
focus
is
not
on

children
themselves,
and
it
has
different
opinions
about
the
pursuit
of
children’s

happiness.

Figure
19

Dongfang
Zazhi,
no.16,
vol.32,
1935.
(Celebrations
of
the
Children
Year)

103

See
Figure
19.

71

Dongfang
zazhi
articles
acknowledged
complexities
underneath
the
seemingly

universal
celebration
for
happy
children.
“Who
are
these
children?
Whose
Children’s

Year
is
it?”
The
leading
feminist,
Liu
Wang
Liming
asks.
104

Indeed,
these
children
in

the
photos
were
neat,
disciplined,
and
civilized
boys
and
girls
from
urban
areas.

They
were
only
the
few
representatives
of
43
million
school-‐aged
children

nationwide,
the
majority
of
whom
were
poor
and
could
not
afford
schooling,

according
to
the
statistics
in
another
article.
105

Even
in
the
capital
Nanjing,
over
60

percent
of
children
were
not
able
to
go
to
school.
For
those
destitute
children,
the

government
could
not
even
provide
them
with
basic
education
opportunities.

Dongfang
zazhi
authors
realized
that
there
was
a
huge
gap
among
children,
and
a

great
number
of
them
now
lived
a
miserable
life
in
the
city,
let
alone
the
countryside.

Therefore,
not
every
one
was
happy
in
Children’s
Year.
This
leads
to
a
question:

Children’s
Year
was
supposed
to
promote
the
welfare
and
happiness
of
the
children,

but
what
could
and
should
be
done
for
these
destitute
children,
other
than
playing

more
children’s
movies,
opening
more
children’s
libraries,
and
sending
children

representatives
to
meet
the
president?

104

Liu
Wang,
Liming.
“Pinku
ertong
zhi
jiuji,”(Destitute
children’s
relief),
Dongfang
zazhi
32,
no.19
(1935):

270-‐276.

105

Lin,
Zhongda.
“Guonan
sheng
zhong
zhi
ertong
jiaoyang
wenti,”(How
to
raise
children
in
a
nation
in
crisis),

Dongfang
zazhi
29,
no.7
(1932):
1-‐10.

72

The
importance
of
and
the
concern
over
children’s
welfare
largely
lay
in
a

consensus
that
the
future
of
the
nation
rested
with
the
children.
While
Liangyou

considered
children
as
the
hope
of
the
nation,
many
authors
of
Dongfang
zazhi

tended
to
remain
worried
and
skeptical.
For
those
children
who
were
neat,
civilized

and
well
off,
the
authors
criticized
them
as
indifferent
and
lacking
empathy.
Bi
Yun,

a
passionate
advocate
of
children’s
issues,
notes
on
the
occasion
of
Children’s
Year

the
difficulties
to
find
and
select
appropriate
reading
materials
for
children:

If
we
take
a
look
at
already
published
items
for
children,
we
find
that
nine

out
of
ten
are
corrupt
supernatural
tales
of
fantastical
and
ghostly
events,

replete
with
fairy
princes
and
princesses,
meaningless
poems
about
flowers

and
moonlight
and
dogs
and
cats,
or
other
things
similarly
full
of
a

superstitious
and
feudalistic
atmosphere…
What
children
need
are
tales
and

poems
and
fiction…
which
expose
the
ugliness
and
cruelty
of
the
beautiful

kingdoms
and
handsome
princes
in
the
fairy
tales…
cultivate
children’s

sympathy,
and
make
them
capable
of
feeling
how
sincere
and
lovely
their

parents,
teachers,
brothers,
and
sisters
are,
capable
of
feeling
how
painful

the
poor
and
the
working
people
are.
106

This
comment
reveals
a
strong
dissatisfaction
with
the
current
reading

materials
for
children,
and
more
important,
a
disappointment
over
the
children
who

could
afford
to
read
those
materials.
These
children
did
not
know
the
contemporary

trends
of
the
world,
nor
the
society
they
lived
in,
and
they
had
no
interest
in

106

Bi
Yun.
“Ertong
duwu
wenti
zhi
shangque”
(A
discussion
of
the
problem
of
children’s
reading
materials),

Dongfang
zazhi
32,
no.
13
(1935):
297-‐300.
I
am
using
part
of
Andrew
Jones’
translation
in
his
book

Developmental
Fairy
Tales,
113-‐114.

73

scientific
inventions
or
historical
discoveries.
107

They
did
not
care
about
their

families
or
friends.
In
other
words,
they
just
cared
about
themselves.
The
author

believed
that
as
one
of
the
solutions,
more
new
and
progressive
reading
materials

should
be
produced
for
children,
in
order
to
inform
them
of
all
kinds
of
social

phenomena,
enlighten
their
social
sentiments
and
raise
them
with
good
habits.

If
these
well-‐off
children
could
be
taught
to
be
thoughtful,
then
the
issue
of
the

destitute
children
was
one
of
the
most
urgent
social
problems
to
cope
with.
They

included
homeless
children,
orphans,
disabled
children,
child
apprentices
and

servant
girls.
As
claimed
by
Liu
Wang
Liming,
they
lived
miserably,
and
more

importantly,
they
did
not
necessarily
manifest
the
hope
of
the
nation.
Even
worse,

they
were
one
big
contribution
to
national
weakness:
they
would
probably
become

thieves,
robbers
and
prostitutes,
being
“the
parasites,
the
intermediaries
of
diseases,

and
the
weapons
to
degrade
the
youth,”
thus
preventing
the
society
from
becoming

rich
and
strong
or
even
endangering
it.
Therefore,
contrary
to
the
urban,

middle-‐class,
these
poor
children
instead
posed
a
potential
threat
to
the
nation.
It
is

these
poor
children
that
needed
to
be
helped
and
saved
during
Children’s
Year.
Thus,

107

Chen,
Heqin.
“Wei
Ertong
zao
lianghao
de
huanjing”
(To
provide
a
good
environment
for
children),
Dongfang

zazhi
32,
no.19
(1935):
265-‐270.

74

slogans
in
the
Children’s
Year
should
be
“aid
disabled
children”
“raise
orphans”
and

“liberate
the
servant
girls.”
108

Despite
this
awareness,
Dongfang
zazhi
tended
to
reach
a
consensus
that
to

save
destitute
children
was
not
that
easy,
and
the
issue
occurred
as
part
of
the

larger
institutional
problem
of
China
in
conjunction
with
the
invasion
of
imperial

capitalism
and
the
political
and
military
goals
upon
which
it
was
based.
Chen
Biyun,

for
example,
argues
that
the
issue
was
caused
by
the
bankruptcy
of
the
Chinese

modern
family
as
a
social
institution.
Since
the
transition
to
the
nuclear
family
in

Chinese
society
from
the
beginning
of
the
20
th

century,
the
extended
family
as
a

survival
raft
for
the
individual
had
been
swept
away,
yet
a
stable
family
relationship

was
not
established.
To
make
the
matter
worse,
the
invasion
of
the
capitalist
powers

devastated
the
Chinese
economy.
Urban
people
were
not
employed,
and
rural

people
had
to
leave
their
homes.
All
of
them
could
not
earn
enough
support
for
their

families,
so
it
was
not
surprising
that
families
were
broken.
Under
these

circumstances,
childrearing
was
the
last
thing
they
cared
about.
To
add
to
the

misery
of
the
devastating
economic
bankruptcy,
millions
more
children
were

abandoned
and
orphaned
by
civil
wars
and
natural
disasters.
Thus,
the
problem
of

108

Liu
Wang,
“Destitute
children’s
relief,”
270-‐276.

75

children
was
portrayed
as
a
tangle
of
inextricably
interlinked
problems.
109

This
way

of
thinking
is
a
recurrent
theme
of
the
articles
about
children
in
the
journal.
110

To
rescue
destitute
children
would
only
be
possible
if
all
inextricably

interlinked
problems
were
resolved.
However,
room
was
still
available
for

improving
the
well-‐being
of
these
children.
By
comparing
children’s
welfare

associations
to
hospitals,
Liu
Wang
Liming
claims
that
these
“sick”
children
needed

to
be
cured,
so
as
to
create
self-‐reliant
and
good
citizens
in
the
future.
Among
the

“treatments”
Liu
Wang
proposes
in
the
article,
government
intervention
played
a

critical
role
in
coordinating
and
effecting
current
children
charities.
The
foundation

of
this
treatment,
however,
was
to
encourage
strong
government
penetration
into

society,
so
that
every
poor,
dropout,
homeless
child
was
registered
on
official

records.
Moreover,
she
suggests
the
government
should
be
more
proactive
in

providing
and
centralizing
institutional
care.
Such
governmental
departments
as

public
security
should
take
a
more
aggressive
strategy
to
collect
abandoned
infants,

homeless
children
or
abused
servant
girls,
rather
than
waiting
idly
for
these

children
to
be
brought
to
them.
Despite
looking
for
government
intervention,
Liu

109

Chen,
Biyun.
“Xiandai
jiating
zhidu
yu
ertong
wenti,”(The
modern
family
and
the
problem
of
children)

Dongfang
zazhi
32,
no.17
(1935):
88-‐93.

110

See
Lin
Zhongda.
“Guonan
sheng
zhong
zhi
ertong
jiaoyang
wenti,”(How
to
raise
children
in
a
nation
in
crisis)

Dongfang
zazhi
29
no.7
(1932):
1-‐10;
Xiao
Yun,
“Ertong
nian
zhong
de
ertong
wenti,”(The
problem
of
children
in

Children’s
Year)
Dongfang
zazhi
32,
no.
19
(1935):
261-‐265;
Bi
Yun,
“Duiyu
jinnian
ertong
jie
de
xiwang,”
(The

wishes
for
Children’s
Day
of
this
year)
Dongfang
zazhi,
33
no.7
(1936):
265-‐267.

76

Wang
tends
to
see
children
in
a
context
of
family
and
community,
and
believes
that

compensating
needy
families
would
be
the
better
way
to
help
the
destitute
children

than
entering
institutional
care.
111

These
measures
and
thoughts
were
not
new;

rather,
they
were
more
a
legacy
of
relief
institutions
in
19
th

century
China,
when

increased
poverty
and
imperialism
accelerated
the
development
in
the
assistance
of

children.
112

Reliance
on
governmental
intervention
is
also
reflective
of
the

Confucian
political
thought
that
people
have
a
just
claim
to
a
decent
livelihood
and
a

state
has
the
responsibility
to
satisfy
this
claim.
113

However,
these
were
only
half-‐measures
that
probably
would
help
to
moderate

the
problem
of
children
without
fully
resolving
it.
As
part
of
the
larger
social,

political
and
economic
problems
over
time,
destitute
children
would
not
disappear

if
overpopulation,
civil
wars,
natural
disasters,
and
family
system
were
not

appropriately
treated.
That’s
why
the
authors
of
Dongfang
zazhi,
including
Liu
Wang

Liming,
remained
skeptical
of
the
stated
goal
of
Children’s
Year,
the
pursuit
of
the

happiness
of
children.
Nonetheless,
no
matter
how
pessimistic
they
were
toward
the

111

Liu
Wang,
“Destitute
children’s
relief,”
270-‐276.

112

For
the
development
of
the
assistance
of
children
in
19
th

century
China,
see
Angele
Ki
Che
Leung,
“Relief

Institutions
for
Children
in
Nineteenth-‐Century
China,”
in
Kinney,
Chinese
Views
of
Childhood,
251-‐278.

113

Elizabeth
J.
Perry,
“Chinese
Conceptions
of
‘Rights’:
From
Mencius
to
Mao —and
Now,”
Perspectives
on
Politics

6,
no.1
(2008):
38.

77

proclamation
and
even
the
future
of
these
desperate
children,
their
articles
show

their
sincere
belief
that
the
fate
of
the
nation
rested
on
children,
affluent
or
poor.

This
revealing
example
of
Children’s
Year
may
allow
us
to
catch
a
glimpse
of

how
the
journal
perceived
children
of
the
time.
The
figure
of
the
child
is
considered

physically,
intellectually,
and
emotionally
weak.
They
are
susceptible
to
outside

influence,
but
have
difficulty
in
understanding
what
is
right
or
wrong.
Even
worse,

they
hardly
have
any
interest
in
knowing
ethics.
They
are
viewed
as
passive

receptacles
for
what
is
given
to
them,
so
guidance
and
instruction
are
extremely

important
for
their
growth.
The
child
is
also
vulnerable
and
passive
in
the
sense
that

if
he
or
she
goes
astray
or
is
trapped
in
a
miserable
situation,
he
or
she
can
not
save

him
or
herself.
Based
on
this
perception
of
the
nature
of
the
child,
the
authors
of

Dongfang
zazhi
probed
into
the
problem
of
children.
In
the
midst
of
wars
and

disasters
children
are
susceptible
to
suffering
and
the
allure
of
being
corrupted.

However,
they
are
hardly
aware
of
or
interested
in
it.
Even
if
they
are
informed
of

their
miseries,
children
can
not
rescue
themselves.
That
being
said,
they
lack

autonomy
and
capability.
Therefore,
they
have
to
be
saved.

Despite
this
consensus,
there
were
different
opinions
about
exactly
what
their

problems
were
and
how
to
save
them.
These
questions
were
earnestly
discussed

among
the
authors
of
Dongfang
zazhi.
Nonetheless,
the
participation
of
the
“victims”

78

was
never
needed.
From
the
very
beginning,
the
task
of
the
discussion
was
to

educate
the
reader
on
the
importance
of
and
the
concerns
over
children,
and
to

dialogue
with
the
reader
about
approaches
to
saving
them.
In
other
words,
the

discussion
revolved
around
what
could
and
should
be
done
for
and
to
the
children.

Children,
partly
because
of
their
weakness,
only
waited
to
be
saved.
As
a
reflection

of
this
view,
the
journal
posited
the
photos
of
Children
Year
as
the
celebrations
by

people
from
different
social
strata,
through
which
the
importance
of
children
was

manifested,
only
with
children
missing
in
most
of
the
pictures.
They
intended
to

expose
to
the
reader
the
truth
about
the
painful
even
appalling
conditions
of
misery,

sickness
and
suffering.

The
articles
about
Children’s
Year
were
skeptical
of
making
much
progress
in

that
single
year,
and
also
shared
a
concern
that
the
prospect
for
improving

children’s
well-‐being
appeared
dim.
More
importantly,
their
thoughts
about
the

inherent
physical
and
spiritual
weakness
of
children
cast
doubt
on
children’s

intended
roles
as
agents
of
change
and
hope
of
the
nation.
These
children
hardly

bore
the
will
and
the
capacity
to
take
the
mission,
but
rather
they
were
likely
to
be
a

threat
to
it.
The
fact
that
children
were
waiting
to
be
rescued
made
the
goal
of

saving
the
nation
through
its
children
extremely
difficult.
Thus,
the
prospects
for
the

79

nation
were
even
much
dimmer.
For
now
the
nation
still
relied
on
“us,”
the

grown-‐ups
with
the
zeal
to
make
changes.

80

Chapter
Three:
Cultivate
Hope
in
Troubled
Times

We
have
explored
how
Liangyou
and
Dongfang
zazhi
perceived
children
of
the

time
and
how
they
shaped
the
image
of
children
in
the
midst
of
national
awakening.

Their
constructions
of
children
and
childhood
are
very
different
from
each
other.

Through
a
myriad
of
representations
of
children,
Liangyou
was
devoted
to

constructing
an
image
of
urban
progressive
children
with
all
their
passion,
will,
and

virtues,
even
a
glimpse
of
these
representations
allows
us
to
think
that
they
were

healthy,
revolutionary,
Confucian,
and
good
citizens.
Endowed
with
all
these
virtues,

they
would
definitely
have
a
bright
future
if
they
were
enlightened
and
trained

properly.
In
contrast,
Dongfang
zazhi
was
determined
to
reveal
children’s
misery,

sickness,
and
suffering,
in
part
because
of
the
perception
of
children
as
passive
and

vulnerable.
The
likeliness
of
being
corrupted
made
children
need
help.

Correspondingly,
the
two
magazines
constructed
distinct
relations
between
children

and
the
nation.
Although
they
agreed
that
children
were
the
future
of
the
nation,

they
differed
in
the
question
of
whether
children
represented
the
hope
of
the
nation.

The
representations
of
children
in
Liangyou
are
successful
in
manifesting
children’s

passion,
will
and
capacity
to
work
for
the
nation,
and
the
hope
that
their

participation
would
make
the
future
of
the
nation
brighter.
In
this
way,
children
as

agents
of
change
connected
themselves
with
the
fate
of
the
nation.
On
the
contrary,

81

Dongfang
zazhi
believed
children
were
waiting
to
be
rescued,
and
thus
were
not
yet

ready
to
take
the
responsibility
of
saving
the
nation.

It
is
natural
for
one
to
wonder
why
the
two
magazines
constructed
the
image
of

children
so
differently.
Why
did
Liangyou
portray
children
as
a
hope
of
China,
while

Dongfang
zazhi
saw
them
as
a
social
problem?
The
two
magazines’
attitudes

towards
both
children
and
the
nation,
to
a
great
extent,
suggest
distinct
ways
of

looking
at
China
of
the
time,
with
one
so
optimistic
and
the
other
so
pessimistic.

Therefore,
we
think
the
question
may
be
generalized
as
such:
Why
did
the
two

magazines
develop
the
way
they
did?
Some
scholars
have
tried
to
answer
the

question,
by
placing
it
at
the
center
of
Chinese
experiences
of
modernity.
Leo
Ou-‐fan

Lee
argues
that
the
stories
of
Liangyou
presented
a
modern
fantasy
that
took
hold
of

the
popular
imagination
of
its
readers.
It
is
precisely
the
magazine’s
conscious
effort

to
advertise
modernity
that
helped
to
construct
it
in
Shanghai’s
urban
culture.
114

That
is
to
say,
Liangyou
intended
to
promote
a
new
form
of
everyday
life
that
looked

good
and
beautiful,
of
which
a
happy
and
comfortable
nuclear
family
was
essential.

Wen-‐hsin
Yeh
continues
Lee’s
argument,
and
points
out
that
Liangyou’s
focus
on

consumerism
idealized
this
image
of
happy,
modern
families
in
the
midst
of
an

114

Lee,
Shanghai
Modern,
76.

82

abundance
of
products.
115

Both
these
two
scholars
suggest
the
constructed

connection
between
pleasure,
happiness
and
the
experience
of
modernity,
which

gave
Liangyou
a
natural
tendency
to
see
people
and
things
in
a
positive
light.

While
Liangyou’s
attitude
is
often
explored
in
terms
of
commercial
modernity,

the
pessimistic
tone
of
Dongfang
zazhi
is
explained
within
the
sphere
of
cultural

modernity.
Leo
Lee
argues
that
Dongfang
zazhi,
together
with
its
parent
company,

the
Commercial
Press,
serves
as
an
example
of
“enlightenment
industry”
in
which

Chinese
modernity
was
envisioned
and
produced.
Despite
its
“world
trends”

orientation,
the
journal
reveals
an
obvious
disillusionment
with
modern

civilization.
116

Disillusionment
and
its
focus
on
present
conditions
and
practical
life

contributed
to
Dongfang
zazhi’s
critical
attitude
of
seeing
both
the
European
world

and
China.

As
we
have
seen,
the
two
magazines’
attitudes
towards
looking
at
China
are

often
explained
within
different
spheres
of
modernity.
This
mode
of
analysis,

however,
tends
to
suggest
that
these
two
magazines
are
unsuitable
for
comparison.

If
we
take
a
closer
look
at
Liangyou,
we
will
easily
find
that
it
goes
far
beyond
what

Lee
and
Yeh
say
as
the
commercial
orientation
to
look
into
China
and
its
problems

115

Yeh,
Shanghai
Splendor,
65-‐70.

116

Lee,
Shanghai
Modern,
47-‐49.

83

then.
It
created
columns
for
a
variety
of
topics
including
world
and
domestic
politics,

arts,
sports,
education,
literature,
folklore,
and
even
classic
culture.
“Its

miscellaneous
contents
may
have
lacked
a
distinct
character,
but
therein
lay
its

purpose
and
appeal,”
which,
among
others,
is
to
open
people’s
eyes
and
minds.
117

The
quote
from
Leo
Lee
in
evaluating
the
functions
of
Dongfang
zazhi
could
also
be

true
in
the
case
of
Liangyou.
It
was
not
only
to
open
the
eyes
of
domestic
Chinese,

but
also
those
overseas.
It
paid
much
attention
to
the
activities
of
overseas
Chinese,

and
sought
to
connect
“the
Chinese”
with
the
tradition,
which
they
considered
to
be

still
relevant.
As
a
matter
of
fact,
from
the
very
beginning
the
founder
and
the

editorship
of
Liangyou
already
stated
its
mission
as
“to
expand
the
knowledge( 增广
见闻),
promote
arts
and
culture( 宣传文化美育),
enlighten
people’s
mind( 启发心智),

and
broaden
their
horizons( 开拓视野).”
118

It
is
because
of
the
failure
to
pursue
this

mission
that
the
second
editor
Zhou
Shoujuan,
one
of
the
leading
writers
of
the

Mandarin
Duck
and
Butterfly
School,
was
fired
after
presiding
over
less
than
a

dozen
issues.
The
founder
and
the
first
editor,
Wu
Liande,
is
another
bonus.
He
had

worked
in
the
Commercial
Press
for
years
before
starting
the
enterprise
of
Liangyou,

and
it
was
these
years’
experiences
that
attracted
him
to
the
publishing
industry.
119

117

Ibid.,
48.

118

Ma,
Memoirs
of
the
young
companion,
22.

119

Ibid.,
11.

84

It
may
be
disputable
whether
he
could
be
fit
into
the
significant
genealogy
of
the

Commercial
Press,
but
it
is
reasonable
to
assume
that
the
great
tradition
of
the
press

left
imprints
on
Liang.
Based
on
these
facts,
it
is
unfair
and
inappropriate
to
dismiss

Liangyou
as
a
commercial-‐oriented
magazine;
rather,
it
was
guided
by
a
policy
of

enlightenment
and
was
directed
by
a
group
of
intellectuals
devoted
to
broadening

people’s
horizons.
Liangyou,
consciously
or
unconsciously,
carried
on
the
heroic

responsibility
of
educating
the
populace.
In
this
sense,
it
can
be
paralleled
with

Dongfang
zazhi
within
the
same
sphere,
the
“enlightenment
industry.”

To
explore
why
Liangyou
came
to
present
the
images
of
children
in
such
a

positive
light,
it
may
be
helpful
to
look
into
the
soul
of
the
magazine,
the
thoughts
of

the
editorship.
This
factor
was
especially
important
for
Liangyou,
because
its

success
was
largely
structured
by
its
third
editor,
Liang
Desuo,
who
oversaw

Liangyou
during
the
period
1927-‐1933
and
developed
it
into
a
premier
national

pictorial
magazine.
120

For
a
long
time
Liang
assumed
a
far
more
than
dominant
role

in
the
publication
of
the
magazine,
beyond
selecting
and
editing
the
materials.
121

In

this
sense,
Liang
was
the
soul
of
the
magazine
then,
and
there
should
be
a
large

degree
of
overlap
between
Liang’s
views
and
the
magazine’s.
Indeed,
he
provided
an

120

Please
see
Liang
Desuo,
“Gaobie
Liangyou”(Farewell,
the
young
companion),
Liangyou,
no.
79
(1933).

121

Ma,
Memoirs
of
the
young
companion,
57.

85

answer
to
the
question
we
propose,
that
is,
how
can
we
explain
Liangyou’s
optimism?

The
following
is
from
an
interview
by
Liang
with
the
Nationalist
general,
Feng

Yuxiang:

Feng:
“People
in
the
hinterland
have
lived
in
extreme
poverty
and
hardship,

and
little
has
been
known
by
the
well-‐offs
in
the
coastal
cities.
Your

magazine
should
publish
more
work
on
the
miserable
conditions
of
these

people.”

Liang:
“As
to
the
publications,
reporting
adversity
is
of
course
important,
but

I
think
we
should
also
focus
on
the
hope
of
China.
We
have
exposed
plenty
of

disasters,
calamities,
and
miseries
in
the
past,
and
now
we
need
to
see
some

hope
for
the
future.
When
faced
with
devastating
foreign
aggression,
we
the

people
must
maintain
a
little
confidence
and
courage.
I
don’t
think
the

pessimistic
attitude,
that
is,
indulging
in
publishing
reports
of
the
hard
and

unpleasant
life
of
laborious
people,
may
help.”
122

This
conversation
explains
Liang’s
stance
regarding
which
direction
the

magazine
should
go.
He
admits
the
necessity
of
revealing
the
truth,
the
disastrous

reality
of
China
and
its
people,
and
that
there
had
been
many
publications
devoted

to
that.
As
seen
from
the
previous
analysis,
Dongdang
Zazhi
serves
as
an
example
of

those
publications
manifesting
poverty
and
hardship.
Another
example
is
Dushu

Shenghuo
(Reading
and
Livelihood),
as
claimed
by
Wen-‐hsin
Yeh,
that
“by
painting
a

catastrophic
picture
of
flooding,
drought,
famine,
recession,
and
warfare,
amplified

this
voice
of
fear,
destitution,
and
despair.”
123

These
publications,
by
presenting
a

122

Liang
Desuo,
“Na
Pingguo
lai”(Give
us
the
apple),
Liangyou,
no.
78
(1933).

123

Yeh,
Shanghai
Splendor,
147.

86

gloomy
picture,
tried
to
awaken
the
well-‐offs
ignorant
of
the
dreadful
realities
of
the

nation,
and
to
mobilize
them
in
the
fight
for
themselves
and
the
people.

However,
Liang
believes
that
fear
and
despair
was
already
deep
and

overwhelming,
and
people
needed
forces
to
pull
them
along
and
support
their
fight.

By
setting
models
and
exemplars,
people
could
see
through
them
achievements,

perseverance
and
hope.
This
way
of
thinking,
resembling
the
long-‐established
use
of

models
in
Confucian
education,
spoke
to
the
experience
of
facing
adversity,
and

provided
a
bright
and
hopeful
vision
of
the
future.
124

Liang
materialized
this

thinking
in
his
magazine,
and
indeed
the
magazine
developed
a
consistent
style
of

looking
at
the
people
and
the
things
in
a
positive
light.
As
discussed
in
the
previous

parts,
the
image
of
Liangyou’s
children
was
established
generally
as
neat,
urban
and

progressive.
These
children
acted
as
models
and
exemplars
for
public
emulation

because
of
their
virtues.
These
figures
of
influence
are
in
stark
contrast
with

Dongfang
zazhi’s
children
as
vulnerable
and
passive.

The
healthy,
Confucian,
and
revolutionary
children
have
not
yet
presented
the

whole
big
picture
of
Liangyou.
If
we
take
a
closer
look,
we
will
find
that
Liangyou

also
paid
attention
to
what
Dongfang
zazhi
called
destitute
children,
orphaned
or

disabled.
It
published
reports
and
photos
about
the
lives
of
children
in
the

124

Saari,
Legacies
of
Childhood,
162.

87

orphanage
in
Beijing,
125

the
Institute
for
Chinese
Mute
and
Blind
in
Shanghai,
126

the
Asylum
for
Invalids
in
Shandong,
127

the
Orphanage
in
Hankou,
128

and
the

International
Workhouse
for
Paupers
at
Shantou.
129

Not
surprisingly,
the

representations
of
these
children
follow
the
optimistic
tone.
Let’s
take
a
look
at
a

photo
collection
about
the
orphanage
in
Hankou.
It
was
co-‐established
by

Chinese-‐Foreign
Famine
Relief
Committee
and
the
Chamber
of
Commerce,
in
order

to
shelter
the
orphans
left
by
the
destruction
of
the
flood
of
1931.
In
the
photo,
the

children
are
clean
and
neat.
They
attend
classes
and
gain
knowledge.
They
also
learn

skills
such
as
embroidery,
shinning,
making
flower-‐baskets,
and
gardening,
and
each

child
seems
to
have
learned
at
least
one
of
these
skills.
This
knowledge
and
skills
are

intended
for
their
future
lives
when
they
leave
the
orphanage.
Moreover,
they
even

have
mock
court
trials,
through
which
they
are
instilled
with
the
spirits
of
equity

and
honesty.
130

Here
the
orphanage
is
not
a
homeless
shelter,
but
also
a
place
for

learning.
What
the
children
are
intended
to
learn
reflects
the
expectations
of
their

future
role
in
the
community.
They
are
expected
to
realize
their
independence
and

125

Liangyou,
no.
3
(1926):
13.

126

Liangyou,
no.
49
(1930):
10.

127

Liangyou,
no.
71
(1931).

128

Liangyou,
no.
74
(1932).

129

Liangyou,
no.
77
(1933).

130

See
Figure
20.

88

live
fulfilling
lives;
they
are
also
expected
to
be
good
people,
and
be
good
to
people

and
society.

Figure
20

Liangyou,
no.
74,
1932.
(The
orphanage
in
Hankou:
A
way
of
survival)

In
the
photos
the
children
display
their
willingness
to
learn.
They
are
shown

concentrating
in
class,
and
look
adept
in
the
skills
they’ve
learned,
whether

embroidery
or
shinning.
Concentration
and
skill
blend
into
a
sort
of
enjoyment.
This

89

enjoyment
is
not
just
related
to
the
process
of
learning,
but
also
to
a
state
of
feeling

towards
the
life.
Their
faces
show
a
variety
of
expressions,
being
calm,
serious,
and

smiling,
but
never
reluctant
or
fearful.
One
of
the
captions
comments
on
these

children,
that
they
“work
diligently
on
the
flower-‐baskets,
and
from
this
we
can
see

that
the
nature
of
humans
does
not
include
a
tendency
towards
self-‐loathing.”
131

These
photos
portray
their
state
of
mind:
They
are
not
confined
to
the
asylum;

rather,
they
live
a
life
that
allows
some
opportunities
and
choices,
and
they
now
are

working
for
these
opportunities.
They
exert
certain
control
over
their
lives
and
their

lives
are
in
an
orderly
way.
Ultimately,
knowledge,
skills,
and
self-‐esteem
help
to

build
up
their
confidence
and
vision
for
their
future
life.

These
photos
also
deliver
another
important
message
that
these
children
strive

to
learn,
and
the
zealous
people
endeavor
to
help.
The
dedicated
teachers
diversify

their
teaching
techniques
to
facilitate
children’s
learning,
exemplified
by
using

pictures
and
toys
in
class.
Other
enthusiastic
people
offer
to
help
too.
We
can

assume
that
due
to
lack
of
funds,
the
orphanage
relies
on
donations
from
those
who

care
about
the
children,
such
as
the
toys
used
in
the
kindergarten
class.
The
mock

trial
is
also
helped
by
the
Public
Security
Department
of
the
city.
In
addition,

Catholic
missionaries
pay
daily
visits
to
the
sick
children,
ensuring
that
they

131

Figure
20.

90

maintain
in
good
health.
Different
kinds
and
sources
of
help
contribute
to
the

children’s
challenging
but
hopeful
lives.
132

Thus
the
photo
collection
displays
“The
Way
of
Survival.”
What
was
the
Way
for

the
children?
Despite
hardship
and
suffering
of
being
deprived
of
homes,
they

strived
to
learn,
to
increase
their
independence
and
to
be
people
of
honesty
in
the

future;
the
zealous
people
assisted
them
to
realize
their
goals.
This
was
the
Way.
It

established
an
image
of
these
children
that
they
were
destitute
and
needed
help,
but

did
not
need
to
be
saved.
133

They
also
had
visions
for
their
future.
Another
report

about
the
disabled
children
reads:
“Two
poor
boys,
one
lame
and
the
other
blind,
in

their
struggling
and
learning,
ready
to
make
their
dreams
come
true.”
134

Therefore,

whether
orphaned
or
disabled,
they
“create
aspiration
from
desperation.”
135

They

by
no
means
resemble
what
Dongfang
zazhi
considered
as
passive
and
vulnerable.

In
the
end,
the
photo
collection
summarizes
the
meanings
it
conveys:

“Thanks
to
the
lack
of
funds,
this
orphanage
is
small
in
size
and
not
complete.

However,
their
dedication
and
spirit
well
deserve
our
admiration.
This
is
a

way,
a
way
of
survival,
to
bring
a
lot
of
future
adults
out
of
the
dark
and
into

the
light.
Our
earnest
hope
is
that
all
the
gentlemen
with
social

responsibility,
do
their
best
and
fill
all
of
China
with
such
ways
of
survivals.

The
orphans
of
Hankou
have
been
given
opportunities
to
be
future
leaders,

132

Figure
20.

133

Figure
20.

134

Liangyou,
no.
71
(1931).

135

Ibid.

91

so
don’t
let
those
of
other
places
who
haven’t
yet
found
the
ways
suffer

forever
the
curse
of
poverty
and
hardship!”
136

This
summary
is
to
establish
not
only
the
models
of
children
and
charities,
but

also
to
be
the
exemplar
of
the
ways
of
survival.
This
is
an
extreme
case:
these

children
had
experienced
extreme
suffering,
physically
or
emotionally,
but
with
all

the
help
they
succeeded
in
finding
a
way
out.
Through
this
case
Liangyou
urges
the

reader
to
work
or
to
help.
The
thought
that
if
they
obtained
opportunities
and

worked
diligently,
the
children
might
become
future
leaders
also
reflects
Liangyou’s

view
of
progressive
childhood.
By
now
we
see
the
key
words
of
this
photo
collection,

which
are
achievement,
persistence,
help,
and
hope.
It
is
consistent
with
Liangyou’s

style,
manifesting
optimism
of
the
present
and
hope
for
the
future.

As
we
can
see,
the
representations
of
children
in
Liangyou,
whether
healthy,

revolutionary,
Confucian
or
destitute
children,
carry
all
that
passion,
will
and
virtue.

With
these
children,
the
future
of
the
nation
would
certainly
be
bright.
For
Liangyou,

therefore,
children
manifest
a
hope
of
the
nation,
a
hope
of
the
future.
In
this
sense,

we
can
understand
Liangyou’s
effort
as
cultivating
hope
in
the
mist
of
hardship,

poverty
and
foreign
aggression.

136

Figure
20.

92

Conclusion

There
was
an
unprecedented
development
of
discourses
on
children
during

Republican
Era.
Among
the
many
discourses
children
were
often
considered
as
a

symbol
of
national
salvation,
and
thus
the
creation
(or
more
exactly,
construction)

of
children
became
extremely
important
in
envisioning
a
future
China.
As
leading

general-‐interest
magazines
in
Shanghai,
Liangyou
and
Dongfang
zazhi
were
both

concerned
with
and
earnestly
pursued
this
issue.
Interestingly
they
construct
very

different
images
of
children:
in
Liangyou,
children
are
presented
as
little
creatures

with
all
the
necessary
virtues,
such
as
being
healthy,
revolutionary
and
Confucian,

while
in
Dongfang
zazhi
children
are
subject
to
harsh
critique,
like
being
passive
and

vulnerable.
Correspondingly,
these
two
discourses
result
in
totally
different
visions

about
the
children
and
the
nation.
Liangyou’s
children
gave
hope
for
the
nation’s

future,
while
Dongfang
zazhi
tended
to
think
children
were
still
trapped
in
Chinese

problems,
and
cautioned
against
the
possibility
of
children
being
the
threat
to
the

future
nation.

These
two
different
views
of
the
figure
of
the
child
reflect
their
ways
of
looking

at
China
and
its
people
of
the
time.
Dongfang
zazhi
was
devoted
to
awakening

people
to
the
truth
and
forcing
them
to
confront
the
problems,
but
Liangyou
held
a

belief
that
people,
when
confronting
all
the
hardships,
should
maintain
their

93

courage
and
confidence,
and
therefore
developed
a
consistent
tone
of
optimism
and

hope.
As
a
reflection
of
its
style,
the
representations
of
children
in
Liangyou,

whether
affluent
or
destitute,
are
presented
as
bearing
all
the
virtues
that
were

central
to
the
project
of
national
salvation.
As
models
and
exemplars,
these
children

urged
people
on
to
achievements,
persistence
and
hope.

This
explanation
goes
beyond
the
often-‐mentioned
commercial
feature
of

Liangyou,
and
looks
rather
into
the
soul
of
the
magazine,
the
editorship
for
the

motivations
and
policies
of
doing
such.
It
argues
for
Liangyou’s
conscious
effort
and

dedication
in
the
great
project
of
enlightenment,
and
that
this
effort
can
be

understood
as
cultivating
hope
through
all
that
turbulence.
Like
Dongfang
zazhi,

Liangyou
was
part
of
“the
business
of
enlightenment,”
and
its
praise
for
children
can

not
be
dismissed
as
an
advocacy
of
consumerism.
In
this
sense,
it
is
both
meaningful

and
interesting
to
compare
these
two
magazines’
discourses
on
children
in
the

context
of
national
salvation.
In
spite
of
all
the
differences,
both
visions,
children
as

hope
of
the
nation
and
children
as
problem
for
the
nation,
shared
a
close
connection

with
a
newly
intrusive
state
which
had
new
expectations
and
responsibilities.

Moreover,
the
two
discourses
on
children
were
equally
important
for
educating
the

94

populace
of
the
time.
Quoting
from
the
general
Feng
Yuxiang,
“We
have
to
raise
hope,

but
after
all,
poverty
and
hardship
are
the
truth.”
137

This
study
is
intended
to
understand
the
construction
of
children
in
an

important
historical
intersection
of
nationalism,
modernity,
and
imperialism.
Indeed

there
are
subthemes
lurking
in
the
study,
such
as
seeking
mediations
and

compromises
between
modern
civilization
and
Chinese
tradition.
It
is
my
wish
that

this
thesis
can
provide
a
context
to
understand
children,
and
pave
the
way
for
my

future
studies
on
children
in
history.

137

Liang
Desuo,
“Give
us
the
apple.”

95

Bibliography

Anagnost,
Ann.
“The
Child
and
National
Transcendence
in
China.”
In
Constructing

China:
The
Interaction
of
Culture
and
Economics,
edited
by
Ernest
Young
et
al.,

195-‐222.
Ann
Arbor:
University
of
Michigan
Center
for
Chinese
Studies,
1997.

Ariès,
Philippe.
Centuries
of
Childhood:
A
Social
History
of
Family
Life.
New
York:

Random
House,
1962.

Culp,
Robert.
“Rethinking
Governmentality:
Training,
Cultivation,
and
Cultural

Citizenship
in
Nationalist
China.”
The
Journal
of
Asian
Studies
65,
no.3
(2006):

529-‐554.

Dikötter,
Frank.
Sex,
Culture
and
Modernity
in
China:
Medical
Science
and
the

Construction
of
Sexual
Identities
in
the
Early
Republican
Period.
Honolulu:

Hawaii
University
Press,
1995.

Donald,
Stephanie.
“Children
as
Political
Messengers:
Art,
Childhood
and
Continuity.”

In
Picturing
Power
in
the
People’s
Republic
of
China:
Posters
of
the
Cultural

Revolution,
edited
by
Harriet
Evans
and
Stephanie
Donald,
79-‐100.
Lanham:

Rowman
&
Littlefield
Publishers,
1999.

Fan,
Yongcong.
“Dongfang
zazhi
yu
jindai
zhongguo
wenhua
de
bianqian”(Eastern

Miscellany
and
the
Changes
in
the
Modern
Chinese
Culture).
PhD
Diss.,
Hong

Kong
Baptist
University,
2005.

Fernsebner,
Susan
R.
“A
People’s
playthings:
toys,
childhood,
and
Chinese
identity,

1909-‐1933.”
Postcolonial
Studies
6,
no.3
(2003):
269-‐293.

Fitzgerald,
John.
Awakening
China:
Politics,
Culture,
and
Class
in
the
Nationalist

Revolution.
Stanford:
Stanford
University
Press,
1996.

Gerth,
Karl.
China
made:
consumer
culture
and
the
creation
of
the
nation.
Cambridge:

Harvard
University
Press,
2004.

96

Glosser,
Susan
L.
Chinese
Visions
of
Family
and
State,
1915-‐1953.
Berkeley:
University

of
California
Press,
2003.

Heywood,
Colin.
A
History
of
Childhood:
Children
and
Childhood
in
the
West
from

Medieval
to
Modern
Times.
Cambridge:
Polity,
2001.

Hsiung,
Ping-‐chen.
A
Tender
Voyage:
Children
and
Childhood
in
Late
Imperial
China.

Stanford:
Stanford
University
Press,
2005.

Kinney,
Anne
Behnke
(ed.).
Chinese
Views
of
Childhood.
Honolulu:
University
of

Hawai‘I
Press,
1995.

Lee,
Leo
Ou-‐fan.
“The
Cultural
Construction
of
Modernity
in
Urban
Shanghai.”
In

Becoming
Chinese:
Passages
to
Modernity
and
Beyond,
ed.
Wen-‐hsin
Yeh,
31-‐61.

Berkeley:
University
of
California
Press,
2000.

Lee,
Leo
Ou-‐fan.
Shanghai
Modern:
The
Flowering
of
A
New
Urban
Culture
in
China,

1930-‐1945.
Cambridge:
Harvard
University
Press,
1999.

Li,
Laura
Tyson.
Madame
Chiang
Kai-‐shek:
China’s
Eternal
First
Lady.
New
York:

Atlantic
Monthly
Press,
2006.

Lo,
Shuk
Ying.
“Images
of
Japanese
Imperialism
in
Eastern
Miscellany.”
MA
thesis,

The
Hong
Kong
University
of
Science
and
Technology,
1998.

Lu
Xun.
“Shanghai
Children.”
Selected
Works
of
Lu
Xun.
3
rd

ed.
Vol. Ⅲ,
334-‐335.

Beijing:
Foreign
Languages
Press,
1980.

Jones,
Andrew
F.
Developmental
Fairy
Tales:
Evolutionary
Thinking
and
Modern

Chinese
Culture.
Cambridge:
Harvard
University
Press,
2011.

Ma,
Guoliang.
Liangyou
yijiu:
yijia
huabao
yu
yige
shidai
(Memoirs
of
the
young

companion:
A
pictorial
and
an
era).
Shanghai:
Sanlian
shudian,
2002.

Nedostup,
Rebecca.
“Civic
faith
and
hybrid
ritual
in
nationalist
China.”
In
Converting

Cultures:
Religion,
Ideology
and
Transformations
of
Modernity,
edited
by
Dennis

Washburn
and
A.
Kevin
Reinhart,
27-‐56.
Leiden:
Brill,
2007.

97

Perry,
Elizabeth
J.
“Chinese
Conceptions
of
‘Rights’:
From
Mencius
to
Mao-‐and
Now.”

Perspectives
on
Politics
6,
no.1
(2008):
37-‐50.

Plum,
M.
Colette.
“Unlikely
Heirs:
War
Orphans
During
the
Second
Sino-‐Japanese

War,
1937-‐1945.”
PhD
Diss.,
Stanford
University,
2006.

Rogaski,
Ruth.
Hygienic
Modernity:
Meanings
of
Health
and
Disease
in
Treaty-‐Port

China.
Berkeley:
University
of
California
Press,
2004.

Saari,
Jon
L.
Legacies
of
Childhood:
Growing
up
Chinese
in
a
Time
of
Crisis,
1890-‐1920.

Cambridge:
Harvard
University
Press,
1990.

Schaefer,
William.
“Shanghai
Savage,”
Positions:
East
Asia
Cultures
Critique
11,
no.1

(Spring
2003):
91-‐133.

Wang,
Zhenzhu.
“Popular
Magazines
and
the
Making
of
a
Nation:
The
Healthy
Baby

Contest
Organized
by
The
Young
Companion
in
1926–27.”
Frontiers
of
History
in

China
6,
no.
4
(2011):
525-‐537.

Xu,
Lanjun.
“Save
the
Children:
Problem
Childhoods
and
Narrative
Politics
in

Twentieth-‐century
Chinese
Literature.”
PhD
Diss.,
Princeton
University,
2007.

Yeh,
Wen-‐hsin.
The
Alienated
Academy:
Culture
and
Politics
in
Republican
China,

1919-‐1937.
Cambridge:
Harvard
University
Press,
1990.

Yeh,
Wen-‐hsin.
Shanghai
Splendor:
Economic
Sentiments
and
the
Making
of
Modern

China,
1843-‐1949.
Berkeley:
University
of
California
Press,
2007.

Abstract (if available)

Linked assets

University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Conceptually similar

PDF

Language, soundscape, and identity formation in Shanghai fangyan literature and culture

PDF

Ideas of Hua and Yi in the works of Ma Zhiyuan and Bai Pu --- Two northern playwrights in the early Yuan

PDF

Cyber-nationalism in China: the relationship between government and netizens

PDF

Techniques of strategic political communication: the persuasive devices of the two most followed political YouTubers in the Chinese community

PDF

The lineage of figures and attributes of Xia embodied in Chinese Xia videogames

PDF

Ethnic resistance and state environmental policy: Uyghurs and Mongols

PDF

Romance rapscallions on the cusp of modern: male courtship in Eileen Chang stories

PDF

Becoming Teresa Teng, becoming-Taiwanese

PDF

Food, hygiene, and modernity of Hangzhou (1927-1937)

PDF

An exploration of the debate on “nancy boys” in modern China

PDF

Noise & silence: underground music and resistance in the People's Republic of China

PDF

Anomaly or representative?: challenging common portrayals of Ishiwara Kanji

PDF

Money and trade, hinterland and coast, empire and nation-state: an unusual history of Shanxi piaohao, 1820-1930

PDF

Remember us this time tomorrow: a testimonial history of the foreign community during the Kwangju Uprising

PDF

The main crux of China's problems

PDF

The role of social media in the evolution of the male homosexual community in modern China

PDF

Property and inheritance rights of women in twelfth‐ and thirteenth‐century Japan

PDF

Local detail, universal appeal: Parasite’s “Best Picture” win & trends in South Korea-US film exchange

PDF

An exploratory study of the “observation format” in transnational Korean and Chinese reality television

PDF

Land usage rights and hukou reform