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An intersectional examination of inequity in Black Bahamian men’s employment experience: a critical theory and social cognitive perspective

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An intersectional examination of inequity in Black Bahamian men’s employment experience: a critical theory and social cognitive perspective

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An Intersectional Examination of Inequity in Black Bahamian Men ’s Employment
Experience: A Critical Theory and Social Cognitive Perspective

Trévare Kaleista Sherman

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education

December 2022

© Copyright by Trévare Kaleista Sherman 2022
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Trévare Kaleista Sherman certifies the approval of this Dissertation

Rufus Spann
Melanie Brady
Alan Green, Committee Chair

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2022

iv
Abstract
Black Bahamian men (BBM) navigate the paradox of privilege and marginalization in the
Bahamian labor market (BLM). The study answered two research questions addressing BBM’s
description of their employment experiences and how those experiences and the interactions
between BBM’s personal, behavioral, social, and environmental factors motivate or impede their
educational attainment and career achievement. The study’s theoretical framework used
Bandura’s (1989) social cognitive theory to examine how the interconnected facets of triadic
reciprocity, including person, behavior, and environment, influenced BBM’s employment
experience. The conceptual framework incorporated critical theories, including critical race
theory, Afro-pessimism, and anti-Black racism, in investigating the oppressive forces of the
Bahamas’ racialized macrosystem on BBM. Critical axiology guided the participant-centric and
desire-based qualitative research design instituted to generate knowledge about BBM’s
experiences leading to low educational attainment (LEA) and career achievement outcomes.
Twenty participants completed semistructured interviews, and 15 completed a short demographic
survey. Qualitative data were analyzed using a thematic approach to produce a report detailing
the essence of participants’ experiences in the BLM. Four core themes emerged, including Black
Bahamian male identity and person factors, employment and earning, perspectives on education,
and social and environmental factors. Findings demonstrated the significance of intersectionality
in explaining BBM’s oppression and privilege due to race and gender. Masculine rules mandated
a dominant, emotionless, provider and protector persona, which impeded participants’ authentic
expression of self and hindered behaviors that were not aligned. Participants prioritized earning
behaviors over learning endeavors, navigated gender and racial inequity in the workplace, and
yet maintained confidence and self-efficacy to attain career and educational aspirations. The
v
study’s implications and contributions to Bahamian scholarship were discussed. Finally,
participants collaborated in presenting recommendations for the field of human resources and the
educational system in the Bahamas to improve BBM’s employment experiences and learning
outcomes. Bahamian organizations should foster workplaces that promote learning for BBM,
provide necessary social capital and culturally competent mentorship and counseling, mitigate
the impacts of systemic and institutional discrimination, and develop managerial DEI
competencies.

vi
Dedication
To my mother, Gina, thank you for instilling the importance of education and helping me believe
that this attainment was possible. Thank you for the continuous life you breathe into me, your
undying love, and your steadfast support.

To my love, Tecoyo, thank you for your devotion, time, resources, patience, insight, and
partnership during this process. For the many nights of reading rough drafts, brainstorming,
practicing interviews, and being my advocate in things tangible and unseen, thank you.

To my younger sisters Genaye and Tatyana, thank you for keeping me sane, focused, and fed, for
providing emotional support and shoulder rubs. Thank you for being a source of respite, focus,
and my sounding board. Knowing that you both were watching was my catalyst to endure.

To my father, Trevor, thank you for your life experiences which revealed the significance of this
study. This work has bestowed a profound understanding, love, and appreciation for how you
navigated your role as a father and your multiple intersecting identities as a Black Bahamian
man.

To my participants, thank you for your bravery, testimony, and collaboration in this research.
Your generosity, passion, and perspectives fueled me during this process and undeniably made
this achievement possible. I pray that our work stimulates substantial advancements for Black
Bahamian men in the Bahamian labor market.

vii
Acknowledgments
This dissertation is a testimony to the immense encouragement and advocacy bestowed
on me during this process, for which I am profoundly humbled and grateful. I first give thanks to
God, who is my ultimate source of sustenance and fortitude. This journey was immensely trying,
and it was only through God that I had the strength to persevere.
Dr. Alan Green, my chair, thank you for guiding my inquiry. Your insight encouraged me
to push the envelope and produce a powerful critique of an understudied phenomenon in my
home country. Dr. Melanie Brady, my assistant chair, thank you for your intentionality in
bolstering the quality of this work. Your expertise and meticulous approach are appreciated. Dr.
Rufus Spann, thank you for your commitment as a committee member and your assistance and
perspective on mental health in Black men.
I am incredibly grateful for the faculty and staff of USC Rossier School of Education. Dr.
Eric Canny, your edification was pivotal and undergirded the depth of this work. Thank you for
your guidance in laying the foundation and scaffolding the concepts of this study. Drs. Nicole
Maccalla, Esther Kim, and Deanna Campbell, thank you for your insight and counsel in the
methodological process. Dr. Jennifer Phillips, I cherish your support with Chapter 5.
I sincerely value Cohort 17’s alliance as we navigated this process together, especially
the USC Crew and the Black Queens, who I now consider family. I am eternally grateful for
Valencia Belle, Christina Bachelor, Myella Leiba, and Simone Dilisser, whom all provided
reassurance, advocacy, and resources during this journey. To my friends and family, including
Jamal, Javari, Barry, Shaundica, Delthia, Amanda, Jaime, Coco, and my Fusion Family, thank
you for the encouragement, contributions, and perspectives that enhanced this study’s outcome. I
am overcome with gratitude for my village.
viii
Table of Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ...................................................................................................................................... vi
Acknowledgments......................................................................................................................... vii
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................. xi
List of Figures ............................................................................................................................... xii
List of Abbreviations ................................................................................................................... xiii
Chapter One: Introduction to the Study .......................................................................................... 1
Context and Background of the Problem ............................................................................ 2
Context of the Field of Practice .......................................................................................... 2
Importance of Addressing the Problem .............................................................................. 3
Global Impact of the Study ................................................................................................. 4
Stakeholder Groups of Focus .............................................................................................. 6
Purpose of the Paper ........................................................................................................... 6
Research Questions ............................................................................................................. 7
Social Cognitive Theory Framework and Qualitative Methodology .................................. 7
Definitions........................................................................................................................... 8
Organization of the Dissertation ....................................................................................... 10
Chapter Two: Literature Review .................................................................................................. 11
Critical Theories................................................................................................................ 11
Reciprocal Determinism: Environmental Influences ........................................................ 18
Reciprocal Determinism: Person Influences ..................................................................... 33
Reciprocal Determinism: Behavioral Influences .............................................................. 48
Conceptual Framework ..................................................................................................... 57
Summary ........................................................................................................................... 63
ix
Chapter Three: Methodology ........................................................................................................ 64
Qualitative Research Design ............................................................................................. 64
Honoring Participant Dignity in Research ........................................................................ 66
Data Sources: Interviews and Demographic Survey ........................................................ 67
Participants ........................................................................................................................ 71
Data Collection Procedures and Logistics ........................................................................ 78
Data Analysis .................................................................................................................... 80
Credibility and Trustworthiness ........................................................................................ 82
Ethical Considerations ...................................................................................................... 83
The Researcher.................................................................................................................. 86
Chapter Four: Research Findings.................................................................................................. 89
Conceptual Framework Guiding the Findings .................................................................. 91
Results ............................................................................................................................... 92
Centering Black Bahamian Men Participants ................................................................... 92
Description of Employment Experience ......................................................................... 114
Understanding Motivations and Impediments to Education and Career Attainment ..... 140
Social and Environmental Factors .................................................................................. 151
Discussion ....................................................................................................................... 163
Summary ......................................................................................................................... 169
Chapter Five: Impact and Recommendations ................................................................. 173
Impact ............................................................................................................................. 173
Recommendations ........................................................................................................... 176
Limitations, Delimitations, and Assumptions ................................................................. 183
Recommendations for Future Research .......................................................................... 184
Conclusion ...................................................................................................................... 186
x
References ................................................................................................................................... 190
Appendix A: Interview Item Specifications ............................................................................... 215
Research Questions ......................................................................................................... 215
Appendix B: Interview Protocol and Memorandum ................................................................... 229
Introduction to the Interview .......................................................................................... 229
Interview Protocol ........................................................................................................... 230
Conclusion to the Interview ............................................................................................ 235
Appendix C: Demographic Survey: Item Specifications ............................................................ 236
Appendix D: Recruitment Communication ................................................................................ 240
Appendix E: Information Sheet .................................................................................................. 241
Appendix F: Informed Consent Form ......................................................................................... 243

xi
List of Tables
Table 1: Participant Demographics: Prior Schools and Residential Area 75
Table 2: Participant Demographics: Employment and Educational Attainment 76
Table 3: Participant Demographics: Marital Status and Dependents 77
Table 4: Categorization of Level 1 Themes and Level 2 Subthemes 90
Table 5: Coding for Theme 1: Black Bahamian Male Identity and Person Factors 93
Table 6: Participant Self-Descriptions From Interviews 95
Table 7: Coding for Theme 2: Employment and Earning 115
Table 8: Perspectives on Relationships Between Future Education and Careers 119
Table 9: Participant Statements Including Slavery Vernacular 132
Table 10: Coding for Theme 3: Perspectives on Education 141
Table 11: Coding for Theme 4: Social and Environmental Factors 151
Table 12: Participant Demographics: Family Structure, Parental Education, and Jobs 153
Table A1: Interview Item Specifications 216
Table B1: Interview Protocol 230
Appendix C: Demographic Survey: Item Specifications 236

xii
List of Figures
Figure 1: Conceptual Framework 59
Figure 2: Modified Conceptual Framework 171

xiii
List of Abbreviations
BBM Black Bahamian men
BLM Bahamian labor market
BM Black men
CRT Critical race theory
DEI Diversity, equity, and inclusion
HR Human resources
LEA Low educational attainment
SCT Social cognitive theory

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Chapter One: Introduction to the Study
Black Bahamian men (BBM) represent 65% of the Bahamian labor force with no
schooling and 77% with vulnerable employment conditions (The Government of the Bahamas
Department of Statistics, 2020). Analyzing the positionality and condition of BBM in the context
of the general society, Bahamian labor market (BLM), and educational system is important to
identifying the person, environmental, and behavioral factors (Bandura, 2001) influencing
BBM’s career decisions and behaviors. The current study explored BBM’s social, psychological,
educational, and career experiences leading to low educational attainment (LEA) and
disengagement with career achievement. Given the history of slavery and colonialism in the
Bahamas, even though 93% of Bahamians identify as Black (The Government of the Bahamas
Department of Statistics, 2017), the effect of discrimination on BBM’s achievement was a
significant area of focus for the study.
BBM face tangible yet often unacknowledged effects of racism that influence their
participation in the BLM. It is imperative to address the conditions influencing BBM’s dignity
and identity (Patterson, 1982) and the biopsychosocial influences and effects of racism on
BBM’s achievement (Guy, 2014). Adverse career achievement outcomes are influenced by
BBM’s contention with the intersection of discrimination (Assari & Moghani Lankarani, 2018),
masculinity (Day, 2006; Lease et al., 2010), tokenism, disparate treatment, and emotional labor
(Evans & Moore, 2015) in professional contexts, impeding BBM from authentic self-expression
(Harvey Wingfield, 2010) and thriving in the workplace. Past research highlighted Black men
(BM) exerted emotional labor to manage disproportionate performance expectations,
discrimination, and the imposition of White male norms at work, eventuating in the experience
of adverse health (Kim & Choo, 2017) and employment outcomes (Goodwin et al., 2011; Harvey
2

Wingfield, 2010). Organizations hinder performance and innovation when BM contend with
exclusion (Peretz et al., 2015; Sabharwal, 2014) and lack access to necessary developmental,
social (Briggs, 2018), and wellness resources (Thompson et al., 2005). Confronting BBM’s
experiences in the Bahamian education system and BLM in the study supported a better
understanding of their challenges and facilitated identification of measures to improve outcomes.
Context and Background of the Problem
The problem of practice (POP) addressed in the current study is a product of the
historical, cultural, and biopsychosocial conditions central to the BBM experience in the BLM.
Racial homogeneity in the Bahamas has led to a lack of focus on race-related diversity, equity,
and inclusion initiatives in human resources (HR) practices. Additionally, there is a demonstrated
lack of research, education, and organizational practices acknowledging the detrimental impact
of discrimination within organizations. Through experiential knowledge, it is evident there is a
blatant disregard for the systemic and institutional conditions hindering BBM’s social mobility.
Addressing this problem requires a comprehensive approach involving education, employment,
social services, and law enforcement systems. Through collaboration and targeted endeavors to
address this problem, meaningful change is possible.
Context of the Field of Practice
The field of HR in the Bahamas is bourgeoning, experiencing rapid growth and
development. Through the increased availability of local and international learning and
development programs, including degrees, certifications, and training, Bahamian HR
practitioners are developing the capacity to meet the BLM’s needs. The HR function serves
organizations by strategically collaborating with business partners to develop, institute, and
sustain rigorous talent management systems to meet the current and future goals of the business.
3

Although there has been growth in the local HR community, there is still a lag in
expertise and focus on diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) initiatives. The lack of DEI focus
results in violations of human rights in Bahamian organizations, explicitly related to gender,
sexuality, physical impairments, mental health, religion, race, and ethnicity. The field must make
marked improvements in providing inclusive work environments for all employees. The current
study contributes to DEI scholarship and practice in the Bahamas, focusing on BBM’s
experience in the BLM.
Importance of Addressing the Problem
The Bahamas is experiencing “high male failure,” specifically young Black, working-
class men, representing the majority and marginalized group, experiencing LEA and school
completion rates (Bennett, 2014, p.5). HR practices in the Bahamas contribute to the sustained
marginalization of BBM by failing to acknowledge systemic and institutionalized anti-Black
racism and maintaining the status quo. Experiential knowledge has led to the stark realization
that irrespective of release from prison or lack of conviction, BBM are relegated to informal and
vulnerable work conditions because of HR professionals’ tendency to reject job applicants due to
a history of incarceration. Rejecting job applicants with a history of incarceration
disproportionally disadvantages males, who constitute 97% of the Bahamian prison population
(World Prison Brief, n.d.). The disenfranchisement is particularly salient when considering 42%
of the prison population are pretrial or on remand (World Prison Brief, n.d.). Addressing the high
male failure rate in the Bahamas requires reckoning with the antecedent and contributing factors
critical to the study. Addressing this problem is essential for promoting effective DEI practice in
Bahamian organizations, which benefits the well-being of BBM and organizational performance.
4

Global Impact of the Study
A fundamental objective of the current study was to improve the BBM experience in the
BLM. This improvement is necessary for the growth and well-being of BBM and the
performance of organizations within the BLM. Advancing the condition of BBM at work
necessitates an intersectional approach focused on the institutional, systemic, and socioeconomic
factors exposing BBM to discrimination (Gilbert et al., 2016). Exposure to discrimination
threatens Black masculinity (Goff et al., 2012), results in adverse health and employment
outcomes (Goodwin et al., 2011; Kim & Choo, 2017; Harvey Wingfield, 2010), and
compromises organizational performance (Peretz et al., 2015). Interest convergence, a tenant of
critical race theory (CRT; Quinn & Grumbach, 2015), provides a framework suggesting a
mutually beneficial outcome for organizations fostering inclusive workplaces.
Organizations and BBM could symbiotically achieve better outcomes when organizations
build inclusive work environments. Demonstrating the need for inclusion, Caribbean BM
elaborated on their experiences transitioning from the educational system to employment in
Canada and reported feelings of neglect, abandonment, and detachment (Briggs, 2018). Black
Caribbean men sought institutional support through mentorship, acceptance, empowerment, and
culturally relevant inclusion efforts to counteract oppressive and marginalizing employment
conditions (Briggs, 2018). Although not based on the BLM, Briggs’s (2018) findings support the
concept that workplace discrimination is related negatively to BM’s employment outcomes and
sentiment.
Workplace discrimination has been correlated negatively with employee engagement,
affective commitment, and employee attachment to the company and related positively to
absenteeism and employee turnover (Jones et al., 2009; Triana et al., 2010). These relationships
5

were supported by findings demonstrating 25% of BM physicians left at least one job due to
workplace discrimination, which made them less satisfied with their careers (Nunez-Smith et al.,
2009). Organizational support for diversity mitigated the negative effects of discrimination and
engendered employee affective commitment and retention (Triana et al., 2010).
By instituting diversity programs, organizations addressed workplace discrimination and
positively affected employee outcomes, organizational performance, and innovation (Peretz et
al., 2015). In a study of 5,000 international organizations, Peretz et al. (2015) identified a
negative correlation between diversity programs with absenteeism and turnover and a positive
relationship, mediated by absenteeism and turnover, between diversity programs, innovation, and
organizational performance. Inclusive organizational behaviors, signaled by the commitment of
company leadership and employees’ involvement in decision making, were associated positively
with perceived organizational performance (Sabharwal, 2014). The interplay of pervasive
institutional discrimination, Black masculinity, and the ensuing negative health and employment
outcomes indicate the need for effective organizational inclusion initiatives to enhance
organizational performance.
The current study contributes to the nascent field of DEI in Bahamian HR practice. A
critical objective is establishing DEI efforts supported by HR practices, organizational strategies,
and leadership involvement. It is necessary to build an inclusive culture to mitigate the
challenges BBM experience in the workplace (Guillaume et al., 2017). A secondary objective of
the study is to develop participatory solutions to address workplace discrimination further
(Sabharwal, 2014). These solutions may include programs dedicated to developing BBM,
including job preparation, mentorship, training programs (Briggs, 2018) and workplace wellness
programs (Thompson et al., 2005).
6

Honoring BBM’s truth concerning their hopes, desires, and expectations for success is an
additional objective of the study. Therefore, BBM’s critiques of the BLM are respected, and it is
acknowledged that BBM may not consider the BLM a suitable work environment. Furthermore,
BBM’s definition and perspectives of success and desire for attainment diverge from normative
standards of success in education and career attainment. In the study, valuing these differences
contributed to a better understanding of BBM’s truths and aspirations. The study centered BBM
and revealed alternative paths to earning outside the scope of employment and formal
organizational infrastructures. Additionally, the study’s findings provide insight into BBM’s
values and needs for achieving their vision and version of success. Understanding and respecting
BBM’s viewpoints are critical to informing policy and to developing social, business, and
educational programs that provide BBM with the resources needed to thrive and experience
enhanced social and career mobility.
Stakeholder Groups of Focus
There are three stakeholder groups of focus in the current study. Primarily, BBM benefit
through increased awareness of the challenges faced in career and educational attainment. This
awareness may contribute to organizations instituting practices that suspend damage and
promote BBM’s social mobility. By improving BBM’s educational and career achievement, HR
practice and organizations in the BLM may benefit from a more talented and skilled labor pool.
Increasing the skills and competencies available in the BLM enhances businesses’ competitive
advantage in the global economy.
Purpose of the Paper
The LEA of BBM in the BLM leads to low organizational productivity. The need to
address BBM’s educational attainment and its impact on the labor market is salient, given private
7

firms attribute lack of innovation, competitiveness, and productivity to skill gaps in the labor
force (The Inter-American Development Bank and The Inter-American Investment Corporation,
2018; Ruprah & Sierra, 2016). Further, the productivity rating of private firms in the Bahamas is
17% lower than that of the average Caribbean firm, with firms lamenting the difficulty of finding
qualified talent to fill jobs (Ruprah & Sierra, 2016). Addressing LEA in BBM is important to
affect positively BBM’s personal and professional growth, organizational innovation and
productivity, and the Bahamas’ economic growth. The purpose of the study was to explore
BBM’s educational and employment experiences and how these experiences impact BBM’s
education and careers.
Research Questions
1. How do Black Bahamian men describe their employment experiences in the
Bahamian labor market?
2. How do those experiences, combined with the interactions between Black Bahamian
men’s personal, behavioral, social, and environmental factors motivate or impede
their educational attainment and career achievement?
Social Cognitive Theory Framework and Qualitative Methodology
Grant and Osanloo (2014) advocated for the use of a theoretical framework to design and
execute research studies that examine problems of practice for doctoral dissertations
systematically. A theoretical framework provides the foundational infrastructure and guiding
perspective for research. The current research employed social cognitive theory (SCT) as a
theoretical framework to address the POP.
The SCT stipulates the importance of human agency and self-referent cognition in
motivating behaviors. Bandura (1989) grounded SCT in triadic reciprocal causation, which
8

demonstrates the interconnectedness and interplay of one’s (a) personal attributes, including
cognition, affective conditions, and physical characteristics; (b) factors in the external
environment; and (c) demonstrated behaviors in determining human functioning. SCT provides a
model to predict future behavior and is a theory of learning and change. The theory was
appropriate to address the study’s problem of practice because it allowed a holistic overview of a
multitude of environmental, personal, and behavioral variables that influence each other and
contribute to BBM’s experience in the BLM. Analyzing any of the components in the triadic
reciprocity in isolation impedes the capacity for understanding the phenomenon under study
sufficiently.
The current study used a qualitative research design to generate knowledge about BBM’s
experiences leading to LEA and career achievement outcomes. Twenty participants completed
semistructured interviews with an average length of 1 hour and 11 minutes, and 15 completed a
short demographic survey. Qualitative data were analyzed using a thematic approach to produce
a report detailing the essence of participants’ experiences in the BLM.
Definitions
Key concepts integral to understanding the problem of practice and this study include:
Afrofuturism is a concept signaling the possibility of a victorious Black revolution,
disrupting historical inequities and constructing promising futures (Bould, 2007a; Eshun, 2003).
Afropessimisim is a concept postulating Blackness is in direct opposition to humanity.
The attributed lack of humanity leads to a lack of regard for Black people in culture and society,
permeating systems and institutions. The sentiment of Blackness being in opposition to humanity
permits blatant contempt for and violence against Black people (Dumas, 2016).
9

Blackness refers to the collective of all African and Black people (Coburn & Crichlow,
2020).
Career attainment is defined by one’s type of employment, with jobs ranging from low
employment attainment considered to be unskilled or semiskilled, whereas skilled, technical, and
professional jobs are considered high employment attainment (Beal & Crockett, 2010).
Educational attainment is defined as the amount of education one has completed, ranging
from a high school degree considered LEA and a professional degree considered high
educational attainment (Beal & Crockett, 2010).
Expectancy value theory (EVT) is a theory asserting motivation is a product of the
relationships between an individual’s subjective value of a task, which affects active choice, and
expectations of success in relation to the task, which affects mental effort and persistence in
executing the task (Wigfield & Eccles, 2000).
Intersectionality is a tenant of CRT and provides a framework to analyze social
inequality. Social inequality is a product of multiple power structures in a society founded on its
history, politics, and culture, which can privilege or dominate people depending on their multiple
identities (Cole, 2009; Cooper, 2017).
Racism is the “deployment—intentionally or unintentionally, individually or structurally
—of a categorization based on skin tone to place humans in a false hierarchy” (Lavalley &
Robinson Johnson, 2020, p. 3).
Self-efficacy is a metacognitive process from SCT leading to one’s judgment of their
capacity to think sufficiently or act in ways that lead to attainment of anticipated outcomes. It
symbolizes the belief within oneself to control internal and external factors needed to produce
10

desired outcomes. Lack of this belief in oneself impedes active choice, mental effort, and
persistence in completing required behaviors (Bandura, 2001).
Social cognitive theory (SCT) is a theory encompassing a triad of reciprocity, signifying
the interconnectivity of the influence of person, behavior, and environment on learning
(Bandura, 1989).
Whiteness refers to the intersectionality of historical supremacy and privilege marked by
a superior social identity and capital attributed to the White race (Meer, 2018).
Organization of the Dissertation
A five-chapter dissertation framework was used to organize the contents of the research.
The study explored BBM’s social, psychological, educational, and career experiences leading to
LEA and disengagement with career achievement. Chapter 1 encompasses an overview of the
study, specifying the POP, including its background, context, and the importance of addressing
it. The first chapter also delves into the intended impact of the study, the relevant stakeholders,
and the study’s guiding frameworks and methodologies. Chapter 2 provides a detailed review of
the literature on extant research and knowledge relevant to the POP, the research questions, and
the study’s theoretical and conceptual framework. The SCT provided a meaningful foundation to
define, analyze, and address the POP. Chapter 3 features the study’s qualitative methodology and
data analysis procedures guided by critical axiology. Qualitative data were analyzed using a
thematic approach. Chapter 4 provides the findings and a report on the essence of participants’
experiences in the BLM. In conclusion, Chapter 5 discusses the implications of the research,
provides recommendations for practice, and beckons future research in the problem space.

11

Chapter Two: Literature Review
Chapter 2 provides a comprehensive review of academic literature contributing to an in-
depth understanding of the personal, behavioral, and environmental variables influencing the
current condition of Black Bahamian men (BBM) in the Bahamian labor market (BLM). Social
cognitive theory (SCT) was selected as the foundational theory providing the theoretical
framework for the literature review. The axiology of the study is grounded in critical theories.
Critical race theory (CRT), Afropessimisim, anti-Black racism, and Afrofuturism are reviewed to
provide the context within which BBM experience the BLM. Additional research is presented
and organized in accordance with the triadic reciprocal determinism model, including
environmental factors, personal factors, and behaviors (Bandura, 1989).
The literature review details the historical, social, psychological, and contextual
conditions interacting with the problem of practice (POP), highlighting fundamental theories and
frameworks allowing for a more impactful comprehension of the relationships between key
variables. The literature reviewed is multidisciplinary and focused on helping to shape an
understanding of the POP.
Critical Theories
To strengthen the understanding of the topics presented in the literature review, critical
theories, including CRT, Afropessimisim and anti-Black racism, and Afrofuturism, are discussed
as they inform the study’s axiology. The critical race literature highlighted the significance of
looking at the condition of BBM, through the lens of the intersection of BBM’s race, gender, and
class, to understand their positionality and experience of oppression and subordinate status
(Crenshaw, 1989). Afropessimisim and Afrofuturism scholarship provided valuable yet
12

diametrically oppositional perspectives in understanding and surmounting the bounds of Black
existence.
Critical Race Theory
CRT is used as an underlying theoretical and methodological framework to explore
BBM’s experience in the BLM, centering on the multidimensional interplay of race, gender, and
class. CRT is based on Crenshaw’s (1989) seminal work, a feminist legal scholar who
endeavored to demonstrate the need to consider the marginalization of Black women in the
context of the juxtaposition of their race, sex, and class. Crenshaw highlighted that marginalized
people experience multiple forms of disadvantage or oppression due to their positionality on an
axis of traits making them subject to privilege or oppression.
As the focus of this study, BBM experience disadvantage due to the compounding of
factors, including race, class, and educational attainment. Notwithstanding the feminist
perspective of Crenshaw’s (1989) seminal work, Crenshaw’s work highlights that the state of the
Black community is marred by excessive unemployment rates, subjecting the community and
Black men to socioeconomic hardship. CRT provides researchers with a framework and research
methodologies to analyze and engage in scholarship regarding marginalized groups. Solórzano
and Delgado Bernal’s (2001) conceptualization of CRT and Latina/Latino CRT as a framework
had significant utility in understanding the challenges Chicana and Chicano students face in an
urban context in the United States. The five core pillars of CRT are presented here to guide
inquiry centered on educational equity and racial injustice (Solórzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001):
• Race and racism are central to CRT scholarship, in tandem with intersections of other
forms of subordination, including but not limited to gender and class.
13

• A core function of CRT research is to challenge dominant ideologies and
perspectives.
• Critical race scholarship is purposed to function in the best interest of social justice.
• Experiential knowledge, including lived experiences, narratives, and oral traditions, is
valued in CRT scholarship to support understanding the perspectives of those who
have experienced social injustice.
• Critical race research builds upon and values interdisciplinary perspectives in
understanding the complex phenomena under study.
The CRT conceptualization supports an in-depth understanding of the interplay of racial and
social variables salient in this study.
Afropessimisim and Anti-Black Racism
The theory of Afropessimisim postulates Blackness is in direct opposition to humanity.
The perceived lack of humanity leads to a lack of regard for Black people in culture and society,
permeating systems and institutions. The sentiment of Blackness being in opposition to humanity
permits blatant contempt for and violence against Black people (Dumas, 2016).
Olaloku-Teriba (2018) demonstrated the concept of Blackness, and hence anti-Blackness
is rooted in the transatlantic slave trade. The racialized concept of Blackness is analogous to the
lack of humanity attributed to a slave, devoid of aspirations, agency, desire, and freedom
(Dumas, 2016; Olaloku-Teriba, 2018). The juxtaposition of Blackness, given its construction,
provides no path of resistance as the affliction of Black identity is indomitable. As Olaloku-
Teriba (2018) wrote, “Thus, anti-blackness, an unrelenting and totalizing beast, an omnipresent
hindrance to selfhood, is impossible to effectively resist” (p. 119).
14

Seminal work by Patterson (1982) constructed the ontology of slavery, defined as “the
permanent, violent domination of natally alienated and generally dishonored persons” (p. 13).
Although Patterson does not identify as a scholar of Afropessimisim, their contributions to the
literature provide insight into the dilemma of Blackness. Patterson (1982) detailed that natal
alienation catastrophically decimates the bonds of humanity for slaves and their descendants,
which permits the treatment of slaves as nonhuman and fortifies the power structure and total
continuous domination of the slave by the enslaver.
Patterson (1982) contextualized Black existence in the western world since the onset of
slavery. Further, Dumas (2016) expounded on the omnipotence of slavery in Black lives by
stating there was never a reckoning at the formal end of slavery. Slavery ended, yet there was no
“acknowledgement of Black citizenship and Human-ness; nor [was] there any clear disruption of
the technologies of violence-that is, the institutional structures and social processes-that maintain
Black subjugation” (Dumas, 2016, p. 14).
In Coburn and Crichlow’s (2020) critique of inequity and anti-Black sentiment in
academia, there is a call for scholarly work that liberates Blackness through recognizing Black
humanity and Black knowledge formally. The current study uses the capitalized letter “B” when
referring to Black people and Blackness out of respect for the nationalist view of oneness
encapsulating all in the Black condition (Gordon et al., 2017). Additionally, the current study
contributes to intellectual work that respectfully portrays Blackness.
Research on anti-Black racism provides a valuable lens and perspective on the conditions
BBM face currently in the BLM. Anti-Black mechanisms, which permeate a majority Black
society in the Bahamas, transcend modernity and result in the systemic disenfranchisement of
BBM. The adverse impact of Blackness is experienced in spaces across the diaspora. Bledsoe
15

(2019) identified that, irrespective of class, Black people in the African diaspora, experienced
spatial and geographical oppression due to anti-Blackness. Latin American studies also have
shown anti-Blackness affected Black people irrespective of class and socioeconomic status.
Furthermore, anti-Blackness has been used to explain the spatial marginalization of Black people
in Latin America at the end of slavery (Johnson, 2021).
Gordon et al. (2017) demonstrated the power of anti-Blackness stems from White
dominance. The reach of anti-Blackness is transnational and evidenced in immigration laws and
procedures (Bashi, 2004). Bailey and Stallings (2017) highlighted that the intersectionality of
race, gender, and sexuality, within anti-Black sentiment and Afrophobia, is at the core of
political, academic, and societal discourse.
Gordon et al. (2017) encouraged scholars of Afropessimisim to use their unrelenting
pessimism to counter anti-Black racism. The current study evaluated social inequalities related to
the positionality of BBM in the Bahamas, a part of the African diaspora, as part of the ontology
of BBM’s existence in the BLM. Only when White people fail to have power and dominance
over Black people will the cultural, political, and social means of subjugation lose power.
Afrofuturism
Aptly coined and characterized by science fiction (SF) scholar Dery (1993), Afrofuturism
functions as an extension of SF and is grounded in addressing social justice. Afrofuturism
facilitates a genre of speculative fiction based on technoculture; thus, it is an “African-American
signification that appropriates images of technology and a prosthetically enhanced future” (Dery,
1993, p. 180). Afrofuturism suggests the diasporic Black community, erased from mainstream
history, can envision a proleptic future congruent with Afrocentric fantasies spatially positioned
in Africa (Dery, 1993; Eshun, 2003).
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Dery (1993) likened the Black experience to a “sci-fi nightmare in which unseen but no
less impassable force fields of intolerance frustrate their [Black people’s] movements; official
histories undo what has been done; and technology is too often brought to bear on black bodies
(branding, forced sterilization)” (p. 2). Eshun (2003) considered alienation a fundamental
principle with which Afrofuturism contends, representing the forced abduction and ensuing
psychological and structural alienation, cultural and physical dislocation, and estrangement
Africans experienced in the diaspora. The apocalyptic nature of the historic abduction of
Africans likens the Black existence to science fiction, given Blacks’ alien status in the diaspora.
Afrofuturism signals the possibility of a victorious Black revolution, disrupting historical
inequities and constructing promising futures (Bould, 2007a; Eshun, 2003). Eshun (2003)
expanded further on the power of Afrofuturism, which provides people in the African diaspora
with a progressive vision for the future that motivates behaviors associated with achieving and
realizing that vision. Salient perspectives from Bould (2007a) included the ideas that antiracist
work performed in Black SF must have a framework of support and that it is incongruent with
capitalism, which indicates “revolution must be not only permanent, but also total” (p. 234).
Bould (2007a) pinpointed that Black SF, synonymous with Afrofuturism, addresses the
problematic, dominant, and valorized ideology of Whiteness in the United States. Black SF uses
narration aggressively to challenge and refuse the imposition of White hegemony. Aligned with
counternarratives, a fundamental tenant of CRT scholarship, Afrofuturism constructs and defines
the landscape of the future through SF storytelling (Yaszek, 2006). Using these stories, scholars
reject futures that nullify the Black existence and demand a reckoning with systemic racism.
Afrofuturism, like CRT scholarship, is a genre that values the collective input of diverse
17

disciplines and mediums aimed at “projecting black futures derived from Afrodiasporic
experiences” (Yaszek, 2006, p. 42).
The dual temporality of Afrofuturism permits the establishment of a desired future by
imprinting the production of said future in current times, the history of the future (Yaszek, 2006).
Synergistic with the tenant of CRT focused on social justice, Afrofuturism also is centered on
political action and reforming the status quo that subjectifies and marginalizes Afrodiasporic
people (Yaszek, 2006). Afrofuturistic endeavors contribute to the legacy of historical recovery
initiatives championed by Afrodiasporic scholars and intellects, who champion the reconciliation
and sensemaking of what was lost due to slavery.
Holbert et al.’s (2020) study of five Black teenagers’ creation and production of artifacts
that challenged dominant inequities and constructed desired futures that addressed said inequities
used an Afrofuturistic aesthetic. Critical constructionist designs adapted by teens in the diaspora
advocated for meaningful change through building futures. Holbert et al. encouraged use of
Afrofuturistic tools for Black youth, which supported the decision for the current research study
to use a critical Afrofuturistic approach to inquire about BBM’s motivation and participation in
the BLM.
Conclusion
CRT, Afropessimisim and anti-Black racism, and Afrofuturism are valuable theories for
validating the ubiquitous impact of racism and the technologies of oppression influencing Black
lives. Each critical theory analyzes the ideologies, social context, historical circumstances, and
systemic structures producing and maintaining White hegemony. Grounding this study in critical
theories facilitates a more comprehensive understanding of the themes in the literature in relation
to BBM’s experience in the BLM.
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Reciprocal Determinism: Environmental Influences
The Environmental Influences section of the literature review explores the environmental
conditions within which BBM exist that contribute to and are influenced by the person and
behavior components of the triadic reciprocity. The themes presented in this section were
analyzed to contribute to a comprehensive understanding of the Bahamas’ cultural setting and
social conditions relevant to the study. The topics include literature on the Bahamian cultural
setting, the history of colonialism and slavery, socioeconomic and residential factors, the culture
of patriarchy, systemic and institutional injustice, the BM experience in the workforce,
workplace discrimination, and negative health and employment outcomes associated with
discrimination.
The Bahamian Cultural Setting
A cursory review of the physical, historical, and social landscape of the Bahamas is
needed to enable meaningful scholarship on the condition of BBM living in the Bahamas. The
Bahamas is an archipelago of 700 islands and 2,400 cays, expanding 5,358 square miles between
the coast of Florida and Haiti (The Government of the Bahamas, 2011). According to the most
recent 2010 census, the Bahamas has a population of 351,461, of which 93.3% identified as
Black and 45% as Black males (The Government of the Bahamas Department of Statistics,
2017). Black Bahamians “descended from the survivors of the West-African genocide, the
Middle Passage and slavery” (Bould, 2007b, p. 177). The middle passage and slavery of West
Africans are marked by racial terror and historical trauma, which is now seated at the “heart of
modernity” (Eshun, 2003, p. 297). Of the 30 inhabited islands, 70% of the population lives on
the Bahamas’ island of New Providence (NP), a northern and industrialized island where Nassau,
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the country’s capital, is located (The Government of the Bahamas Department of Statistics,
2017).
History of Colonialism and Slavery
The history of colonialism in the Bahamas provides context for understanding the labor
conditions of BBM. Colonialism is “a form of domination—the control by individuals or groups
over the territory and/or behavior of other individuals or groups” (Horvath, 1972, p. 46). It
further incorporates intergroup domination and the establishment of social hierarchies of class
and power. The most recent type of colonialism in the Bahamas involved settlers from the
colonial power, Great Britain, migrating in large numbers to establish dominance.
Colonialism established structural injustice that remains unresolved, which present-day
descendants of slavery contend with using various painful mechanisms and resistance (Kohn,
2013; Lu, 2011). Colonialism involved the possession of Black bodies and the dehumanization
of Black people as justified by anti-Blackness. Through chattel slavery and the transatlantic slave
trade, Black people came to belong to White supremacists and White people who were complicit
in the system that brought them economic and social capital (Davis & Smalls, 2021).
Colonialism weaponized the judicial system to establish dominance, exploit resources and
bodies, and compel a new culture to benefit the colonial power (Merry, 1991). Bennett (2014)
described the economic power of White Bahamians:
Theoretically speaking, The Bahamas’ system of rigid class segregation and white
domination ended only in the 1960s, which suggests that the system could be more
closely related to the [U.S.] system than that in other Caribbean countries. What is
interesting, though, is the resurgence of a local [W]hite elite, a resolidification of the
distance and divide between them and the [B]lack working and middle class, and the
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entrenchment of a [B]lack elite, who, since the independence movement’s success, has
sought only to empower itself. So, notwithstanding that the country is majority [B]lack
and [B]lacks hold political power, the [W]hite elite hold economic power while
transnational corporations usurp more of the country’s earnings and land. (p. 2)
The painful history of slavery in the Bahamas is embedded in the fabric of the Bahamian
identity, as demonstrated by Giovannetti (2006), who highlighted the linkage between (a) the
conditions of life for enslaved people on plantations and present-day racial experiences and
vernacular, (b) the sociological implications of the intersection of race and labor, and (c) the
indoctrination of the descendants of enslaved people into the racial beliefs and constructs
established during slavery. Giovannetti’s analysis signified phenotypic characteristics associated
with Blackness influence social stratification and the marginalization of persons with African
ancestry. Physical and observable characteristics associated with African progeny bind the
descendants to the brutal heritage of slavery (Giovannetti, 2006), materially existent in local
Bahamian heritage plantation sites (Catalani & Ackroyd, 2013).
Craton and Saunders (1992) described the conditions in the Bahamas during the period
before the end of slavery. They explained the reason, to this day, Emancipation Day remains a
subdued celebration and experience for Black Bahamians. During the period preceding the end
of slavery, Black people were heterogenous, consisting of multiple ethnicities; enslaved people;
free Black people; and African-born, nonslave settlers. For political and social advancement, this
group established a oneness that now exists as the creolized Black Bahamian people.
The first Emancipation Day, signaling the end of formal Slavery, took place on August 1,
1834 (Craton & Saunders, 1992). However, an apprenticeship system was established to
maintain the subordinate status of free Black people. Between 1834 and 1838, apprentices were
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required to work for their enslavers. This 4-year period forcefully upheld the bondage that
exploited Black bodies for White capitalism. Craton and Saunders (1992) further indicated the
dominant Bahamian classes withheld the dignity of Black Bahamians until the 1950s.
In 1967, Sir Lynden Pindling became the first Black premier of the country, establishing
a majority ruling for the first time. Through a democratic election, he became the country’s first
BBM Prime Minister. In 1973, he was established as the Father of the Nation, leading the
country to independence (The Government of the Bahamas, 2011). Since gaining independence
from the United Kingdom on July 10, 1973, notwithstanding the majority ruling and progress
made by Black people, the Bahamas has grappled continuously with racial tensions stemming
from the gruesome heritage of slavery and colonialization. The Bahamas remains a member of
the British Commonwealth. Although sovereign and self-governing, it recognizes the monarch of
the United Kingdom as its figurehead (Royal Household at Buckingham Palace, n.d.). The
governor-general of the Bahamas, the highest ranking institution in Bahamian governance,
represents the monarchy locally. Although Black males and females have occupied the post of
governor-general, the strongholds of colonialism and White hegemony prevail.
Socioeconomic and Residential Factors
The BBM on the island of NP were identified as the current study’s focal group, given
their heightened vulnerability to socioeconomic and residential factors leading to criminalization
and incarceration. Bennett (2014) bemoaned the methodologies with which non-White Bahamian
males were antagonized, criminalized, and portrayed to be plagued by social ills, including
“violence, lack of performance, underachievement, drug dealing, underemployment, multiple
families, with high levels of fatherlessness” (p. 1). Thomas (2019) called for targeted
programming to reduce crime and the production of criminals in their study of prisoners (n =
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250) from NP in Her Majesty’s Prison. Thomas’s study demonstrated a spatial concentration of
prior high schools and residential areas in central and northeastern NP with elevated occurrences
of persons entering the Bahamian prison system.
The predominant geographical areas represented in prisoner demographics were densely
populated, low-income constituencies in NP, including Bains and Grants Town, Englerston,
Carmichael, Mt. Moriah, Fort Charlotte, and Marathon (Thomas, 2019). These constituencies,
colloquially known as over-the-hill communities, were historically settled by free Black
Bahamians after being emancipated from slavery (Craton & Saunders, 1992). This fact
demonstrates the current spatial oppression was inherited from the times of slavery. Research
also asserted senior public high schools in NP, including CC Sweeting, RM Bailey, and
Government High School, were listed frequently as prior schools for prisoners (Thomas, 2019).
Given the demonstrated relationship between low socioeconomic conditions, including low
household income, population density in the specified residential areas, and the prior schools of
prisoners, these risk factors will be considered as criteria for selecting participants in the current
study.
A Culture of Patriarchy
The statistics demonstrate BBM are impacted adversely and contend with pervasive
educational and socioeconomic conditions inhibiting their capacity to thrive in Bahamian
society. Nevertheless, in the Bahamas, the social construct of gender has rendered males
dominant and privileged, evidenced by the Bahamian constitution maintaining gender inequality,
with women relegated to second-class citizens (Fielding & Ballance, 2019). In a quantitative
study of 1,279 participants conducted on gender-based attitudes in the Bahamas, researchers
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demonstrated Bahamian gender norms and laws have resulted in the denial of women’s rights to
grant Bahamian nationality to their children (Fielding & Ballance, 2019).
Even though women are more credentialed and hold more leadership positions in the
country than men, there are still significant wage disparities (Bethell-Bennett, 2016; Fielding &
Ballance, 2019). Fielding and Balance (2019) also revealed religious and social norms
maintained men should be the head of the household, subjugating women to their husbands,
irrespective of their income, education, or career attainment. Most survey respondents reported a
lack of a resident father figure and being raised in a single-mother household.
North American scholarship revealed a similar gender phenomenon, with females
achieving more than males. Carbone and Cahn (2013) reported class systems were reconstructed
at the expense of working-class men, who were outpaced and outperformed by women due to
imprisonment, unemployment, substance abuse, and mental health challenges. Similar to the
Bahamas, women in the United States are increasing their influence in middle-class rankings due
to educational and career achievements yet are subjugated to the elite class of men who hold
institutional power (Carbone & Cahn, 2013).
The stronghold of masculinity in the Bahamian community is ingrained deeply and adds
to the perplexity of the current standing of attainment for BBM. The Bahamian society’s
prejudiced mindset on gender was also demonstrated in two gender equality referendums that
failed to pass in 2002 and 2016 (Bethell-Bennett, 2016). In their commentary on the 2016 gender
equality referendum, Bethell-Bennett (2016) highlighted that gender relations in the Bahamas
continue to reflect paternalism, symbolic of slavery and colonialism, with a profound resistance
to equity for women. Remarkably, the sociocultural conditions privileging men have not
24

manifested in the necessary educational attainment levels for BBM en masse to ascend and
change their positioning in the Bahamas’ class structure.
Systemic and Institutional Injustice
The Bahamas is a predominantly Black country, yet it is rife with racial disparity
stemming from its colonial history and the transatlantic slave trade. A historical overview of
punishment and incarceration in the Bahamas provides imagery and further context regarding the
endemic challenge of the subjugation of BBM (Bennett, 2014). Prison studies in the Bahamas
demonstrated, during the colonial period commencing in 1718, systems of control, including
race-based regulations, penalization, and imprisonment, were used to oppress the Black
population (Curry & Ulentin, 2019). Heralding from slavery into the 21st century, violence,
criminalization, incarceration, and penal codes were used to repress, objectify, and suspend
Black Bahamians’ progress and economic advancement. Vagrancy Acts made it unlawful for
Black people to lack gainful employment, and exploitative chain gangs of prisoners (engaged in
hard labor) created an incalculable strain on Black Bahamians’ relationship with labor (Curry &
Ulentin, 2019). Stripped of their humanity, BBM contended with their inhumane history as
chattel property, described as “non-humans, incapable of reason, prone to barbarity and
genuinely ignorant and lacking in the virtues associated with Eurocentric notions of civilization”
(Curry & Ulentin, 2019, p. 5). The modern portrayal of BBM echoes the colonial sentiment,
resulting in impenetrable stereotypes perpetuating the physical violence, brutality, and
oppression of slavery.
In the post emancipation era, the dominant White Bahamian society gained value from
exploited Black labor. During the imprisonment of BBM prisoners in the 1970s, BBM were
pigeonholed into trades and dissuaded and denied the value of formal education (Curry &
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Ulentin, 2019). Although the majority in number, Black Bahamians formed the working class,
subordinate to White Bahamians and other mixed-raced Bahamians who were given preferential
treatment over Bahamians of African descent (Bethel, 2008). In their scholarship on the
construction of the Bahamian nation and gender, Bethel (2008) also demonstrated race relations
and discrimination in the Bahamas mirrored the United States in the early 1970s. Nevertheless,
as discussed previously, a political movement toward majority Black governance was established
in 1973, with the victory of the Progressive Liberal Party, birthing an independent nation led by
BBM.
During this racial awakening, rhetoric in the Bahamas embodied the tone of the Black
Power movement in the United States, with Black pride and Afrocentricity proliferated as part of
authentic Bahamian identity (Bethel, 2008). Notwithstanding the political capital gained by
BBM, a class system developed, and the stain of slavery still impacted the masses, visible in how
the most vulnerable lower class BBM were treated. The history of slavery, incarceration, and
labor contributed to the untenable circumstances underpinning BBM’s race and labor relations.
Of significance is the condition of lower class BBM who face institutional and systemic barriers
maintained by the class system inherent in Bahamian society.
Thomas (2019) contributed to a deeper analysis of inequity pertaining to the problem of
imprisonment in NP. The study revealed a subgroup of BBM deemed at risk through a spatial
analysis of prisoners’ prior residences and schools. Similarly, spatiality and education inequality
was studied in the United States. Findings showed the history of slavery maintained educational
disparities, specifically with public and private educational institutions, which segregated based
on socioeconomic status and educational quality (Reece & O’Connell, 2016). Given the
26

correlation Thomas (2019) identified between prior schools and imprisonment rates, it is
important to consider how systemic disparities impede educational attainment for BBM.
Black Male Experience in the Workforce
Blackness historically has been associated with capitalism through the forced labor of
Black bodies during chattel slavery. Patterson (2019), a Jamaican scholar, stipulated western
modernity and capitalism are a direct product of the enslavement and prolonged holocaust of
millions of Africans. Sorentino (2019) highlighted that the linkage between slavery and
capitalism constituted brutality against Black bodies. Despite the historical nature of the
relationship, the social reality of anti-Blackness established during slavery affects present-day
ideologies at the intersection of Blackness and labor.
In accordance with Bledsoe and Wright (2019), anti-Blackness serves as the foundation
of White capitalism, and exploitation and violent captivity define the history of work for the
descendants of enslaved people in the African diaspora. The relationship between racism and
work is associated with enslavement and restriction of the occupational mobility of slaves and
their descendants. Patterson (2019) noted a most poignant factor of the condition of Black
masculinity and the history of slavery in relation to work:
If a person is brutally abused as a child, the injuries linger not only in the scars on her
flesh and the persisting presence of her abusers, but in the psychological wounds that
often result in her own self-inflicted cuttings and suicidal urges. What is true of
individuals holds equally for groups. If a people is brutally oppressed for several
centuries, it is inevitable that their hurt, their rage, and degradation are partly turned on
themselves, in the tendency of those with some little power to turn upon those even more
vulnerable. The abuse of children by their parents that I observed every day in my
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fieldwork among the slum dwellers of Kingston, and experienced myself from my
sadistic teachers at elementary school in rural colonial Jamaica, are direct reflections of a
system in which for centuries the lash was the primary motivation to work. The daily
degradation that men experience, under slavery, in the post-emancipation canefields, as
yard-boys and fast-food workers in the post-colonial and post-industrial economies has
resulted in patterns of gender relations in which too large a minority of men assuage their
socio-economic impotence through the physical and sexual abuse of women and children.
(p. 911)
There are significant parallels in the manifestation of trauma between Jamaican and Bahamian
societies.
Present-day trauma related to labor stems from slavery and is evidenced by internalized
racism (IR) and contempt for working for another person. IR is “the individual inculcation of the
racist stereotypes, values, images, and ideologies perpetuated by the White dominant society
about one’s racial group, leading to feelings of self-doubt, disgust, and disrespect for one’s race
and/or oneself” (Pyke, 2010, p. 553). Pyke (2010) reviewed the concept of IR and sociology’s
resistance in examining the subject of IR; this same resistance maintains the lack of
understanding of the theory, which sustains the power of White racial privilege. Through
systemic mechanisms based on false ideologies of Black inferiority, today’s occupations are
steeped in racialized ideas that reinforce White supremacy (Lavalley & Robinson Johnson,
2020). Labor is commodified (Bhambra & Holmwood, 2018) and racialized. BBM’s response to
labor is essentially a form of resistance.
Social precarity is an important term Barchiesi (2016) used in a written critique of anti-
Blackness and the violence of labor in South Africa. The term references the systemic,
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institutional, and political conditions resulting in individuals or groups of people depending on
undignified, unfavorable, and undesirable employment for survival. The Bahamas is similar to
South Africa in that these precarious and exploitative employment conditions fail to provide a
livable wage. Barchiesi (2016) referenced that social precarity led to a movement among Black
working-class people toward Black entrepreneurship, resistance to service labor, and apathy
toward work.
Cornileus (2013) studied gendered racism in a qualitative study of 14 professional BM
using the theoretical lenses of CRT, Black masculinity, and career development theory. The
study identified that the intersectionality of gender and race resulted in different professional
outcomes for BM compared to White men (WM) and Black women. Participants identified
repressive structures negatively influencing their career development, including negative
stereotypes of BM related to intelligence, emotional control, and professional capacity; lack of
objectivity and disparate treatment in career development initiatives; lack of equal opportunity to
gain the sociopolitical capital to support career development; and lack of consistency in
organizational diversity initiatives (Cornileus, 2013). Respondents also reported the need to
adhere to WM domination to avoid compromising relationships with WM colleagues; this
extended to needing to downplay education and expertise.
Participants in Cornileus’s (2013) study highlighted facilitative structures to mitigate the
effects of racism on career development, including (a) access to BM role models, mentors, and
sponsors; (b) the opportunity to be affirmed for Black cultural identity concerning their
professional identity; and (c) continuous education and learning opportunities. Cornileus
provided recommendations for practice and called for more research on the interplay of career
development and race. BM who experience racism are disenfranchised institutionally and seek
29

inclusion. Organizations can influence equitable outcomes for BM by instituting practices to
improve BM’s racial salience, acknowledging the intersectionality of BM, and mitigating the
influence of oppressive measures on their employment outcomes.
Workplace Discrimination and Black Masculinity
BM are subjected to racial discrimination and required to conform to WM supremacy
norms in the workplace, inhibiting their authentic expression of self (Harvey Wingfield, 2010).
Masculinity contests in the workplace subjugated BM to WM (Berdahl et al., 2018). There also
was a statistically significant difference in WM and BM’s adherence to masculinity role norms in
the workplace (Lease et al., 2010). Further, by evaluating pushups as compensatory masculine
behavior in studies of male university students, Goff et al. (2012) discovered racial
discrimination threatened Black masculinity. Study participants were more sensitized to
masculinity threats and compensated by completing more pushups after receiving discriminatory
feedback, suggesting the potential for compensatory behavior at work. The exertion of
compensatory responses at work detracts from authentic performance.
Black men recognize their race and masculinity lead to disparate treatment as a
subordinate group. Day (2006) conducted a qualitative study on the relationship between being
feared, masculinity, and race in public spaces. The study discovered 100% of BM, compared to
53% of WM, reported experiences of being feared in public spaces. The reality of the existence
of BM in the workplace cascades into associated adverse employment outcomes for BM.
The racialized societal climate influences human resources (HR) practice in the Bahamas.
Like BM, Black HR practitioners also experience racism’s psychological damage, contributing
to IR (Speight, 2007). Consequently, Black HR professionals may impose White supremacy
norms on HR decisions, practices, and policies by devaluing the cultural perspectives of Black
30

people and prioritizing White culture in professional standards (Jones, 2000). IR may lead HR
practitioners to villainize culturally appropriate presentations of Blackness in the workplace. HR
practices tied to IR may include participation in social stratification by skin color, a
demonstration of a preference for Whiteness, and an implied or explicit lack of confidence in the
abilities and worth of BM (Jones, 2000).
In addition to IR, a significant threat to BM in organizational settings exists in HR
professionals’ propensity to engage in benevolent discrimination. Romani et al. (2019) studied
benevolent discrimination in HR professionals and found HR professionals were unaware that
benign actions to improve conditions through diversity measures resulted in inequity. Behaviors
signaled the target audience was inferior and imposed the expectation that the behaviors’
recipient accepted their subordinate status (Romani et al., 2019). The involvement of HR
professionals in diversity work, with the frame of benevolence, may involve inadvertent
participation in discrimination. The opportunity for HR-related discriminatory actions
demonstrates organizations’ control and capacity to influence BBM’s career outcomes by
addressing employment discrimination. Addressing discrimination is important to facilitate better
health and employment outcomes for BBM.
Negative Health and Employment Outcomes Associated With Discrimination
BM experience negative health and employment outcomes due to the interaction between
race, masculinity, and discrimination in the workplace. Perceived discrimination was associated
with lower life satisfaction levels, higher depressive symptoms, and reduced self-esteem for
Caribbean and American male adolescents (Seaton et al., 2010). Further, a study of 211 Black
Americans identified anger, frustration, and hurt as the top three negative emotions in response
to perceived racial discrimination in the workplace (Barksdale et al., 2009). Racial
31

discrimination was also correlated positively with depression in African Americans (Hudson et
al., 2016). A positive correlation between racial discrimination and depression was attributed to
the interaction of key variables on BM’s experience, including coping styles, masculine self-
reliance, and responses to racial discrimination (Matthews et al., 2013).
BM exerted disproportionate levels of emotional labor to conform to White behavior
rules at work (Evans & Moore, 2015). Harvey Wingfield (2010) conducted interviews with 25
professional Black employees and found male respondents reported experiences of isolation,
tokenism, higher imposed accountability to professional standards, diminished agency, and
minimized expression of emotions in their avoidance of being perceived as a threat.
Consequently, they mitigated the occupational risks of authentic expression of emotions by
exerting emotional labor to conform to WM social norms in the workplace (Harvey Wingfield,
2010). In their cross-sectional study of emotional labor in call center workers, Kim and Choo
(2017) identified a statistically significant positive relationship between surface-acting,
depressive symptoms, and work-related musculoskeletal disorders. Goodwin et al. (2011) also
found surface-acting, as a form of emotional labor, to correlate significantly with employee
turnover and emotional exhaustion. Emotional labor had deleterious effects on physical and
emotional health (Kim & Choo, 2017) and employee outcomes (Goodwin et al., 2011).
When BM experienced negative health because of workplace discrimination, they also
experienced barriers to help seeking for health care (Powell et al., 2016). In a study of 458 BM,
Powell et al. (2016) confirmed diminished health help seeking was how BM reacted to
masculinity threats and racially stressful events. There was a statistically significant positive
relationship between masculinity norms and everyday racial discrimination with barriers to
32

health help seeking (Powell et al., 2016). In addition, poor mental health status was associated
with lower odds of BM having a usual source of health care (Powell Hammond et al., 2011).
The compounding issue of a reduced probability of BM participating in health help
seeking and the challenges BM face with access to health care is significant. BM may experience
precarious employment conditions due to low socioeconomic status, LEA, participation in
physical labor, and illicit activities. Therefore, formal employment benefits (i.e., health care or
insurance) are often unattainable. As BM age, lack of insurance and reduced capacity to perform
the physical duties that sustained financial income during youth results in an increasingly
tenuous condition for their health and welfare (Bennett, 2014).
Seidler et al. (2016) identified 35% of qualitative studies on masculinity and help seeking
for depression indicated men did not seek help for depression but used maladaptive strategies to
address their condition. BM experience threats to their mental and physical health because of
racial discrimination, making noninclusive workplaces detrimental to their well-being. The
harmful health risks and employment outcomes associated with racial discrimination necessitate
effective inclusion initiatives to enhance the work experience for BBM.
Conclusion
The Environmental Influences section of the literature review explored topics related to
BBM’s environment. Providing contextual information on the cultural setting in the Bahamas
was literature on the Bahamian cultural landscape, including the history of colonialism and
slavery, the prevalence of patriarchy, and the value of masculinity. The literature also covered
systemic and institutional injustice, demonstrated in socioeconomic and residential factors,
workplace discrimination, and the subsequent experiences and consequences of Black
masculinity in the BLM. This research provided perspective into the environmental influences
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interacting with each other and influencing BBM’s person and behavior factors of the triadic
reciprocity. The following section covers the influence of personal characteristics in the triadic
reciprocity model.
Reciprocal Determinism: Person Influences
The Person Influences section of the literature review builds on the triadic reciprocity
model by adding the scope of the person influences on learning and behavior. A literature review
was conducted on intersectionality, internalized racism, self-efficacy, personal agency, and
motivation. The literature presented in this section represents critical race scholarship, which
proffers the importance and value of interdisciplinary perspectives in understanding the
phenomena under study. Additionally, the premises from SCT, social cognitive career theory
(SCCT), and expectancy value theory (EVT) guided the understanding of BBM’s learning
behaviors and motivation related to academic and career achievement.
Intersectionality of Black Bahamian Men
BM in the Bahamas have inherited a history of slavery, White supremacy norms, and
social constructs leading to the concurrent existence of privilege and oppression due to
overlapping identities, influencing educational and career achievement. Race and racism are the
fundamental focus of CRT literature. Difficulty conceptualizing race arises because race is a
complex phenomenon interwoven with social class and power relations established during
colonialism (Mishra & Hodge, 1991). Further, intersectionality, a tenant of CRT, provides a
framework to analyze social inequality. Social inequality is a product of multiple power
structures in society, founded on its history, politics, and culture, which can privilege or
dominate people depending on their multiple identities (Cole, 2009; Cooper, 2017). The
intersection of BBM’s salient identities, including sex and race, results in oppression, subject to
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exacerbation by other identities, including gender, sexuality, ability, education, age,
attractiveness, class, skin complexion, and fertility (Cooper, 2017).
The theoretical framework of intersectionality establishes a multidimensional analysis,
amalgamating historical, cultural, political, and social constructs (Cole, 2009), can be used to
explain the conditions BBM encounter. Intersectionality is an alternative to essentialism, which
is opposed by CRT scholarship. Essentialism emphasizes group homogeneity in thought, actions,
and beliefs, resulting in an oversimplification of groups of people, gross stereotyping, and
misunderstandings (Ladson-Billings, 2013). Through intersectionality, CRT scholarship accepts
the complexity and challenge of understanding persons’ innate characteristics and experiences
within groups.
Demonstrating the complexity of the intersection of race, gender, and the socialization
process for Black boys, researchers conducted a qualitative study of fifth- through seventh-grade
Black boys in the United States (Isom, 2007). They found socialization contributed to gender and
racial constructs with a disparate impact on young Black boys (Isom, 2007). From a tender age,
despite their aspirations to be successful, respectable, caring, and admirable, Black boys
associated Black masculinity with the terms “sports . . . bad and ghetto” (Isom, 2007, p. 416),
projecting constricting notions of a White dominant society.
Taking a more analytic view of intersectionality also has led researchers to consider the
spatial and temporal nature of intersecting identities, manifesting in subjugation. With this
conceptualization, it is important to consider that intersectionality does not result in injustice; it
is the combination of the intersection of identities that provides an opportune space for injustice
to occur (Anthias, 2013). This framing of intersectionality provides alternative means to
investigate the social arenas, contexts, and temporality in which injustice occurs. Furthermore,
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intersectionality provides a valuable framework for understanding inequity in organizations due
to the intersection of class, gender, race, and ethnicity (Acker, 2006). In a qualitative study in a
large Mexican firm, Ruiz Castro and Holvino (2016) identified that employee career
advancement was influenced by and subject to employees’ intersecting identities, including race,
class, and gender, which reflected the broader culture and society. Societal values, politics,
history, cultural practices, and norms are reproduced in and impinge on organizational practices,
often resulting in inequity for persons of a subjugated race, gender, or social class (Acker, 2006;
Ruiz Castro & Holvino, 2016). Researchers called for additional empirical inquiry on the
interplay of intersectionality in organizational contexts.
Intersectionality positions BM in a consistent state of examining the essence of their life
experiences, prevailing stereotypes, and limitations attributed to them by society. BM are
constricted within these confines while being ridiculed for not accomplishing more (Howard &
Reynolds, 2013). There is a distinct call for research on BM’s lived experiences to support and
inform the field of education in serving BM’s needs. Howard and Reynolds (2013) emphasized
further the need to remove the confines within which BM are restricted and provide inclusive
opportunities for discourse with BM for them to participate in constructing new realities and
conditions for themselves.
A qualitative study using a CRT framework of 10 Caribbean male teachers in England
found the intersection of gender, race, and class influenced teachers’ professional identities
(Callender, 2018). Male teachers also were compelled to navigate professional and social
contexts to counter discrimination and negative stereotypes. Intersectionality provides an
important lens for understanding the experience of BBM in the BLM. Counternarratives, another
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tenant of CRT, also were used in this phenomenological qualitative research study to understand
the essence of BBM’s experience.
The Value of Counternarratives for Black Males
The value of voice or counternarratives is core to CRT scholarship as it directly
challenges dominant ideologies. BM’s counternarratives and lived experiences explain social
injustice through victims’ frames of reference and encounters with systems of injustice.
Conversely, narratives preserve cultural experiences and capture the teller’s perspective, in most
situations, illuminating what is deemed relevant from the perspective of persons in the position
of power (Ladson-Billings, 2013). Counternarratives highlight the marginalized group’s
perspective, reshaping narratives so the story is no longer only told by the White dominant group
(Stornaiuolo & Thomas, 2018). Having BM tell counterstories aligns with critical race
scholarship (Ladson-Billings, 2013).
Stornaiuolo and Thomas (2018) showed retelling a story allows one to resist and confront
systems of privilege and systemic discrimination. They worked with minority youth to reframe
their stories of inequity with mixed media art. Further, Briggs (2018) studied BM’s educational
and employment experiences in Canada using counternarratives and intersectionality.
Respondents detailed oppression and marginalization related to their BM identity, including (a)
exclusion and perceived lack of belonging in educational and employment environments, (b)
discrimination against BM who do not adhere to socially acceptable White norms for physical
appearance, and (c) the need to assimilate to White norms due to tokenization and White
supremacy. Participants identified the following requirements for better outcomes in education
and employment: (a) culturally relevant leadership, guidance, and mentorship; (b) access to
institutional support and practices to mitigate the effects of systemic and institutional
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discrimination in education and employment; and (c) inclusive and culturally responsive
teaching, job training, and personal and career development opportunities. Staples (2008) studied
BM students using re-authorship as a tool to empower and resist dominant narratives of Black
masculinity in pop culture. Tulino et al. (2019) also encouraged counternarratives to resist anti-
Black sentiment and referenced the need to challenge dominant ideologies by portraying BM
positively.
Internalized Racism and Career Aspirations in Black Men
The heritage of slavery and the positionality of BBM in the Bahamas are antecedent
conditions for IR. Speight (2007) explored IR from a psychological perspective and argued
internalizing racism is psychologically destructive to the well-being of a person who believes
their oppression is warranted. According to David et al. (2019), there is a need to research IR in
the context of the intersection of other forms of internalized oppression using mixed and
qualitative research methods.
Brown and Segrist (2016) identified that IR affected African American adults’ career
aspirations negatively. The study found higher career aspirations were noted when one had less
belief in a biased representation of history, higher valuations of an African worldview, and less
inclination to alter physical appearance. This study also discovered a significant gender
difference; specifically, men more frequently devalued an African worldview, sought to alter
their physical appearance to align with Eurocentric standards of attractiveness, and internalized
negative stereotypes about Black people (Brown & Segrist, 2016). Participants were more likely
to aspire toward career development and success when IR’s influence was minimal; they valued
their African heritage and identified with their racial identity. The history of racism and the
effects of IR provide context for BBM’s experience of disadvantage in the workplace.
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Self-Efficacy
The concept of self-efficacy supports an understanding of educational and career choices,
motivators, and behaviors. Bandura (2001) used an agentic perspective to highlight the interplay
of variables influencing human thought and behavior. Agency refers to one’s capacity to act with
the intention of realizing an objective. The element of intentionality in behaviors and actions is
fundamental to human agency (Bandura, 2001). Forethought, an additional core element of
human agency, promotes action and motivates behaviors contributing to attainment of an
anticipated future event. The expectation of outcomes incentivizes aligned foresightful behavior.
Further, self-reactiveness and self-regulated behavior facilitates achievement of positive
outcomes and supports avoidance of behaviors leading to negative outcomes (Bandura, 2001).
Human agency also is characterized by the concept of self-reflectiveness and self-
efficacy, metacognitive processes leading to one’s judgment of their capacity to think
sufficiently or act in ways that lead to anticipated outcomes. It symbolizes the belief one has
within oneself to control the internal and external factors needed to produce the desired
outcomes. Lack of this belief in oneself impedes active choice, mental effort, and persistence in
completing the required behaviors. A lack of self-efficacy is detrimental to persevering in the
face of obstacles and maintaining a positive outlook when facing barriers related to the outcome.
Efficacy beliefs are instrumental in “shaping the courses lives take by influencing the types of
activities and environments people choose to get into” (Bandura, 2001, p. 10). Solidifying the
importance of personal efficacy is Bandura’s (2001) assertion that a strong sense of personal
efficacy is paramount for one to achieve success in personal or group undertakings.
In their seminal work, Bandura (1977) studied the relationship between self-efficacy and
behavioral change and found self-efficacy predicted behavioral change and performance after
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subjects experienced task mastery. Expectations of self-efficacy are informed by one’s
performance accomplishments, vicarious experiences (modeling), verbal persuasion (suggestions
and encouragement), and adverse emotional arousal (Bandura, 1977). Bandura (2012) explained
and contextualized the four determinants of self-efficacy as summarized below:
• Mastery experiences determine self-efficacy in two significant ways.
• When a person only experiences easy success, they can easily be deterred or
discouraged by failures and hindrances.
• Overcoming obstacles and persevering in the face of adversity leads to
resilient self-efficacy. Resilience is also developed when failures inform
future actions rather than being perceived as demoralizing.
• Vicarious experiences and social modeling occur when one has the opportunity to
observe a person similar to oneself succeed as a result of persevering and putting
forth effort in a task. This observation leads to a sense of aspiration and belief in
one’s capacity.
• Social persuasion through others’ encouragement to believe in oneself, persevere in
the face of obstacles when completing a task, and consider self-improvement
intrinsically important and success, increases one’s resolve and builds self-efficacy.
• Physical and emotional states also inform self-efficacy beliefs. Reducing anxiety and
depression, increasing physical strength and stamina (where relevant), and reducing
instances of misinterpreting physical and emotional states support strengthening self-
efficacy beliefs. This translates to the difference between pessimistic and optimistic
thoughts, self-enabling or self-debilitating behavior, and coping behaviors that help
self-regulate affective states or the lack thereof.
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Self-efficacy is situation specific and is not applied globally across all domains and
activities (partial or whole). As a result, Bandura (2012) asserted the improbability of a valid
psychometric assessment of a person’s self-efficacy. Self-efficacy, directly and indirectly, affects
behavior through decision-making, affective, cognitive, and motivational processes and
influences other determinants of behavior, including outcome expectations, self-motivation, and
self-regulation (Bandura, 2012). High self-efficacy in a specific situation leads to resilient
behaviors in the face of obstacles. In contrast, low self-efficacy can make barriers seem
insurmountable in a specific context. A powerful excerpt conveying the role of self-efficacy in
career and educational aspirations and behaviors is as follows:
The higher people’s perceived efficacy to fulfill educational requirements and
occupational roles, the wider the career options they seriously consider pursuing, the
greater the interest they have in them, the better they prepare themselves educationally
for different occupational careers, and the greater their staying power in challenging
career pursuits. People simply eliminate from consideration occupations they believe to
be beyond their capabilities, however attractive the occupations may be. (Bandura et al.,
2001, p. 188)
Self-efficacy beliefs significantly influence the developmental, academic, and occupational
options people consider, their subsequent choices, and the motivation to pursue their decision,
functioning as an important determinant of one’s lifestyle and trajectory. The importance of self-
efficacy cannot be understated, signifying the imperative of targeted initiatives to address
inhibiting systemic factors contributing to diminished personal efficacy and aspirations,
including belief systems, expectations, and social influences in the home, educational spaces,
media, and workplace (Bandura et al., 2001).
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Self-efficacy has been studied in the context of academic and career aspirations and
behaviors and is a meaningful construct to conceptualize key concepts related to the current
study’s research questions. Given the importance of formative years in setting the course for
future success, Bandura et al. (2001) conducted a longitudinal study of 272 children ages 11 to
15. They tested a structural model of the social cognitive variables influencing children’s career
goals and paths. Results showed self-referent, socioeconomic, familial, and academic influences
were causally interrelated in their effect on children’s career trajectories. This study also
provided evidence that parental self-efficacy in supporting children in their educational
achievement and parents’ aspirations for children’s educational and career attainment promoted
children’s efficacy to aspire and achieve their educational and career aspirations. An important
finding in the study was that children’s academic efficacy had a meaningful effect on children’s
judgment of their occupational efficacy (Bandura et al., 2001).
Multon et al. (1991) conducted a meta-analysis of the relationship between self-efficacy
beliefs and academic performance and persistence and yielded findings supporting Bandura’s
(1977) assertions. The analysis of 39 studies revealed self-efficacy was significantly positively
correlated with academic performance and persistence across many studies, situations, and
subjects. Particularly salient was the finding that students’ self-efficacy beliefs accounted for
14% of the variance in academic performance and 12% in academic persistence. Furthermore,
self-efficacy had a more significant influence on academic performance and persistence in low-
achieving students than in students with normative performance. Noting the more substantial
impact of self-efficacy beliefs in low-achieving students highlighted its utility in improving
outcomes for students who require additional academic support (Multon et al., 1991).
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Further supporting Bandura’s (1977) assertions was a quantitative study by Lent et al.
(1986) that evaluated self-efficacy beliefs’ role in student grades, educational and vocational
choices, and persistence. The sample of 105 undergraduates in science and engineering fields
revealed self-efficacy beliefs contributed to grades, persistence, and career options considered by
students. Reid (2013) also found academic self-efficacy was correlated positively with Black
male college students’ grade point averages. Notwithstanding the significant findings regarding
self-efficacy’s predictive capacity on performance and persistence, researchers cautioned against
looking at self-efficacy in isolation. Other variables, including individual differences,
intelligence, personality, task experience, and other contextual circumstances, have predictive
properties on academic achievement (Hackett et al., 1992) and work performance (Judge et al.,
2007).
Personal Agency ’s Influence on Academic and Career Development
Lent et al. (1994) embraced the utility of Bandura’s SCT in career and academic
applications. They contributed to the literature by formulating a derivative of SCT called social
cognitive career theory (SCCT). Central to this theory is the importance of human agency in
career development. Additionally, SCCT offers understanding of the reciprocal interactions of
developing and espousing career and academic interests, enacting career and academic choices,
and achieving academic and career performance outcomes (Lent et al., 1994). The SCCT
framework acknowledges the interrelatedness of academic and career development, behaviors,
and outcomes and specifies cognitive processes significantly mediate the influence of learning
experiences on career behavior. Lent et al. (1994) presented 12 propositions fundamental to
understanding the tenants of SCCT, as presented here:
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• One’s academic or career interests are a direct reflection of one’s self-efficacy beliefs
and expectations of outcomes.
• One’s self-efficacy beliefs moderate the relationship between career interests and
related career abilities.
• One’s self-efficacy beliefs, directly and indirectly, affect choice goals and actions.
• One’s expectations of outcomes, directly and indirectly, affect choice goals and
actions.
• One’s aspirations to enter and develop choice goals for a career or academic field are
congruent with one’s areas of interest.
• One is likely to enter a career or academic pursuit that aligns with clearly defined
choice goals as long as one is committed to the goal and the declaration of the goal is
contiguous to the time of the point of entry.
• Interests indirectly influence choice goals and subsequently affect entry
behaviors/actions for a career or academic pursuit.
• Self-efficacy beliefs influence performance goals and subsequently, directly and
indirectly, influence career and academic performance. Outcome expectations affect
goals and subsequently have an indirect influence on performance.
• Ability influences self-efficacy beliefs, which directly and indirectly influence career
and academic performance.
• One’s experiences with educational and occupational activities and the subsequent
related psychological and physiological reactions, social persuasions, vicarious
learning, and performance achievement amalgamate and foster self-efficacy beliefs.
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• One’s educational and occupational experiences directly and vicariously construct
one’s outcome expectations.
• One’s self-efficacy beliefs, when performance is closely tied to outcomes, lead to
outcome expectations.
Further, Brown and Lent (1996) demonstrated the practical application of SCCT in career choice
counseling and emphasized the influence of self-efficacy and perceived barriers to career entry,
advancement, and success on one’s career choice. Career counselors who assist clients with
addressing the limitations connected to self-efficacy, outcome expectations, and perceived career
barriers may facilitate a widening of career choices for clients (Brown & Lent, 1996).
Lindley’s (2005) survey of 223 college students found students’ highest career-related
self-efficacy scores corresponded with their career choice and outcome expectations. Male
participants also reported high efficacy beliefs supported the coping strategies needed to face
barriers related to educational and career development opportunities. Likewise, Byars-Winston et
al. (2010) used SCCT to survey 223 science and engineering students and found academic self-
efficacy was related directly to outcome expectations. Science or engineering students with
positive self-efficacy in their studies and positive anticipations of outcomes resulting from
science or engineering studies were more likely to pursue associated academic interests and
goals.
Kantamneni et al. (2018) used SCCT to study Asian American career development in
relation to cultural factors and perceived career barriers. Findings indicated participants’
internalization of Asian American stereotypes and ethnic identity predicted self-efficacy, a
significant predictor of interest in preferred/favored Asian American occupations. Results
demonstrated the value of social and identity factors in understanding career choices.
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Motivation and Achievement
The current study incorporated two theories of motivation, including SCT and EVT.
While sharing core similarities, distinctive qualities characterize and distinguish SCT from EVT
(Bandura & Locke, 2003). SCT addresses motivation through outcome expectations for
prospective behaviors, which inhibit or disinhibit behaviors. Bandura (2012) highlighted that
active choice and persistence of behaviors are motivated by tangible, social, and affective costs
and benefits. Additionally, positive or negative self-evaluations of reactions to behaviors
incentivize or disincentivize behaviors. There are demonstrated implications of values assigned
to goals and subsequent outcomes in informing decisions to pursue the aligned behaviors.
Bandura et al. (2001) postulated outcome expectations might be tangible or intangible. Outcome
expectations range from financial rewards and burdensome demands to social implications
regarding social status, costs, or benefits related to a specific job. Additionally, self-evaluative
outcomes include pride, satisfaction or shame, and self-devaluation associated with job tasks.
SCT posits people weigh the cost and benefits of a career path to determine alignment with
personal values (Bandura et al., 2001).
In EVT, expectations for performance outcomes stimulate motivation, depending on the
value placed on the respective outcomes. In contrast, SCT focuses on self-efficacy beliefs as
significant contributors to motivation and sustained efforts to complete a task (Bandura & Locke,
2003). Task value from EVT provides further insight into the factors contributing to active
choice and persistence in pursuing educational and career achievement.
Eccles and Wigfield (2002) provided an overview of the four major tenants of task value:
attainment value, intrinsic value, utility value, and cost. The four facets are described here:
46

• attainment value is characterized by the level of importance an individual assigns to
completing a task well;
• intrinsic value reflects the level of enjoyment and interest that an individual has
related to a subject or completing a task;
• utility value refers to the degree to which completing a task is relevant and applicable
to present and future goals or activities; and
• cost represents negative affect, experiences, lost opportunities, and expended effort
resulting from participating in a specific task.
Understanding the influence of values, expectancies, and associated costs on learning motivation,
behavior, and affective outcomes is important for future research (Dietrich et al., 2019; Eccles &
Wigfield, 2020; Wigfield & Cambria, 2010).
Empirical research in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM)
education has shown task value contributes positively to persistence behaviors in students’
academic pursuits (Andersen & Ward, 2014; Ball et al., 2016). Expectancy for success also was
demonstrated as an important dimension in predicting students’ motivation for STEM education
(Ball et al., 2016). This research highlighted the temporal significance of expectancies and task
values and showed these beliefs form during early childhood. This finding demonstrated
interventions focused on nurturing expectancies for success and subjective task values related to
STEM learning yielded academic motivation for students to pursue STEM education (Ball et al.,
2016).
Durik et al. (2006) showed the importance of task values and ability beliefs in predicting
active choice, behaviors, and outcomes related to high school literacy achievement and related
future career aspirations. Additionally, cost value regarding learning achievement motivation
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was demonstrated to have significant implications. Consequently, there is a call for research on
interventions that can reduce actual or perceived costs to change affect and achievement in
academic contexts (Conley, 2012).
Particularly salient to the POP in the current research paper is a study by Murphy et al.
(2020) that analyzed the influence of stereotype expectations on Black American men’s
motivation to pursue education, specifically concerning their prior incarceration status. The study
found although both previously and never-incarcerated men held positive attitudes toward
education, negative stereotypes regarding intellect associated with previous incarceration
adversely influenced BM’s motivation and utility value to pursue education. This finding
demonstrated the importance of focusing on at-risk BBM pertaining to the POP and calls
explicitly for identity-based interventions to circumvent the prejudice and stereotypes hindering
BM’s motivation to pursue education.
Similar to Murphy et al.’s (2020) findings, a literature review yielded BM contended with
the juxtaposition of positive attitudes toward education and low motivation for behaviors
associated with educational achievement. The contrasting attitudes and motivations are based on
the low perceived utility value resulting from a social context where significant discrepancies
exist between one’s educational attainment and access to suitable and rewarding career
opportunities (Mickelson, 1990). The attitude-achievement paradox is salient in Black
adolescents of low socioeconomic status and signals the need for interventions addressing the
social conditions contributing to actual or perceived barriers to employment success for BM with
the requisite educational attainment.
Qualitative research conducted in the United States on the intersection of race, gender,
and prison education related to expectations for employment after incarceration found
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expectations and values influenced active choice and persistence in educational opportunities for
BM (Case & Fasenfest, 2004). Responses from BM focus group participants indicated vocational
skills training was more valuable for attaining a trade job after incarceration. In contrast, a
college education was less practical because felony records were considered a barrier to
employment in professional jobs. Utility value is particularly important for this POP, as a lack
thereof can hinder active choice and persistence in educational attainment. Staples’s (2008) CRT
research on BM recommended educators explore the value proposition of literacy by centering
the social versus the academic function. Demonstrating the utility of educational attainment for
income generation or other important outcomes for BBM may influence motivation and change
the attributed value of academic pursuits.
Conclusion
In the Person Influences section of the literature review, the person component of the
model of triadic reciprocal causation was discussed to provide a perspective on how BBM are
influenced by and influence their environments and behaviors through personal attributes. The
theories of intersectionality, internalized racism, self-efficacy, personal agency, and motivation
were particularly important. In the following section, literature on behavioral influences, the final
component of triadic reciprocity, is reviewed.
Reciprocal Determinism: Behavioral Influences
The Behavioral Influences literature review section completes the triadic reciprocity
model. A literature review on the topics of masculinity, educational attainment, career
attainment, work, and entrepreneurship was conducted. The literature presented in this section
contributes to an understanding of how personal and environmental factors contribute to and are
influenced by the demonstrated behaviors of BBM.
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Performing Masculinity
Ethnographic studies of Afro-Caribbean masculinity highlight the value of virility and
sexual promiscuity as defining characteristics of true masculinity (Bethel, 2008; Wilson, 1969).
Masculinity is equated historically to premarital and extramarital sexual relations, providing
sexual satisfaction to women, and a reputation of masculinity honored and respected by society.
Further to Wilson’s (1969) findings on respect, reputation, and masculinity in BM, Adams
(2007) conducted a qualitative study of 21 Black American men from low-income communities.
Approximately 50% of participants were convicted felons. Participants in this study described
their socialization regarding the concepts of respect and reputation. The following characteristics
were associated with respectability: demonstrating constraint, honoring principles of traditional
manhood, self-control, adherence to rules and regulations, acquisition of skills, and minimizing
the need to be overtly assertive or expressive. Conversely, reputation was characterized by
prioritizing physical strength, agency, and dominant assertiveness, sometimes at the expense of
better judgment, reflecting a street culture (Adams, 2007). The research indicated men chose
behaviors associated with respect and reputation to adapt to the prevailing social conditions and,
in some instances, as a survival mechanism.
Adams (2007) further described the absence or lack of social support, opportunities for
intellectual development, psychological safety, and physical security for BM of low
socioeconomic status relegated them to reputational masculinity. Reputational masculinity was a
maladaptive but necessary protection mechanism for BM in impoverished communities. Staples
(2008) highlighted the popular portrayal of the Black man “as criminally-minded, ignorant,
hyper-sexed individuals with little regard for community, family, or self-improvement” (p. 383).
In the context of the Bahamas, young males have departed from the educational route for
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financial means. Education was deemed soft and unappealing for the masculine young man and
served as a barrier to young BBM who needed to work and earn money to support their
predominantly single-mother households financially (Bennett, 2014).
In addition, Harris et al. (1994) studied dominant norms of masculinity in Black
American men using a quantitative survey and found, as BM entered adulthood, they held the
same masculinity ideals as WM; however, these views changed as BM aged. Lower income BM
focused on providing for a family and valued financial security and control. On the other hand,
middle-class WM had the option to select more affective, less stereotypical expressions of
masculinity due to the lack of threats to their survival (Harris et al., 1994). Regarding choice in
performing masculinity, intersectional research on BM evaluated how BM choose to endorse or
resist racial and gender stereotypes (Rogers & Way, 2016). Qualitative interviews of identity
development in 21 Black adolescent males revealed BM were more likely to resist racial
stereotypes than gender, demonstrating the importance of masculinity in the composition of
Black male identity. This finding also indicated the benefit of disassociating from racial
stereotypes as it offered social benefits; consequently, disassociating with masculinity had more
negative social implications.
The cultural festival of Junkanoo, rooted in African ancestry and slavery, is particularly
salient to the concept of masculinity in the Bahamas. Junkanoo was first celebrated by enslaved
people and then emancipated Black Bahamians as a sacred space, free of White control during
the Christmas season. Bethel (2008) portrayed the importance of the Junkanoo festival to the
Bahamian national identity and the conceptualization of Black masculinity. Junkanoo shacks are
physical spaces where BBM prepare for the festival by designing costumes and planning year-
long for the epic cultural festival, a sanctuary to perform masculinity with respite from society’s
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pressures. Junkanoo forms a part of the fabric of the Bahamian identity; given that it is a
historically masculine enterprise, it can be inferred that the Bahamian identity is still
substantially masculine (Bethel, 2008).
Young Bahamian men are described to be socialized very differently from women. As
Bethel (2008) wrote, “Appropriate activities for a man include hanging out with the boys,
developing the street smarts required to stay alive in the city, bedding women and boasting about
his prowess, both sexual and physical” (p. 77). Existing as a man in the Bahamas is difficult.
Normative heterosexual masculine behavior prevails, and any behavior seen as the contrary is
deemed soft and feminine, akin to homosexual behavior, which is admonished and shunned. The
connotation of softness is linked to “pacifism, whiteness, and women” (Bethel, 2008, p. 77).
According to Bethel (2008), activities not considered masculine include emotional expression,
social climbing, and academic achievement. The enculturation of men in this manner subjects
them to precarious conditions where they are monitored consistently and expected to assert the
toughness of masculinity norms or face persecution and ridicule. As an artistic form of resistance
in response to slavery, the Junkanoo festival provides an escape for BBM to explore and revel in
their artistic and emotional expressivity without being vulnerable to assaults on their masculinity.
The Bahamian society has constructed rigid confines within which Bahamian men are expected
to perform masculinity.
Educational Attainment
Wright (2011) conducted qualitative interviews with five African American male
teenagers and found a healthy racial–ethnic identity contributed to academic success in the
context of a supportive school environment. Noguera (2003) signaled the need for a more
comprehensive understanding of the structural and cultural phenomena that influence Black
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boys’ experiences in school and the construction of their identities. This understanding may
support the development of mechanisms to positively influence Black boys’ attitudes and
behaviors with academic achievement.
Caribbean scholars submitted a 2003 report to the International Institute for Higher
Education in Latin America and the Caribbean (IESALC), which analyzed gender participation
rates in higher education of Anglophone Caribbean people; the study signaled the need for future
research on male participation in higher education (Chipman-Johnson & Vanderpool, 2003). The
report discussed a widening gender gap, with women achieving higher levels of tertiary
education in Anglophone Caribbean countries. Males had lower enrollment and graduation rates,
and Chipman-Johnson and Vanderpool (2003) stressed the need to evaluate the causal factors
contributing to this condition. They recommended quantitative and qualitative studies be
conducted to gain insight into personal and socioeconomic factors disincentivizing higher
education for males. It is postulated that the opportunity for financial gain exists for men in the
Bahamas through formal and informal work and entrepreneurial opportunities that do not require
an advanced degree (Chipman-Johnson & Vanderpool, 2003). Understanding the reasons for the
lack of pursuing higher educational opportunities for men in the Bahamas is essential to
understanding the problem under study.
Bahamian scholars have lamented the growing concern about the educational
performance of high school students for more than a decade. The title of the work by Collie-
Patterson (2008), “The National Average Is D: Who Is to Blame?” painted a perturbing picture
of the country’s educational performance on the national examination, the Bahamas General
Certificate of Secondary Education (BGCSE). A quantitative survey of 1,036 students and 52
teachers revealed significant biopsychosocial student factors explaining 60% of the reason
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behind Bahamian students’ low mathematics achievement, with an average grade of E+ on the
BGCSE, including socioeconomic status, attitude toward school, parental involvement, and the
student’s prior ability. Teacher characteristics were also considered, including education
background, teaching experience, and professional development. The study’s findings suggested
Bahamian parents do not involve themselves in their children’s educational process sufficiently,
thus contributing to the low national average. The research indicated less than 50% of Bahamian
parents attended PTA meetings. Very few parents sought assistance for their children when they
could not help them with schoolwork. Furthermore, Bahamian students contributed significantly
to low achievement due to a lack of engagement in the learning process, signaled by reported
poor study habits, time completing homework, and attitude toward school. Finally, although
teacher factors contributed 8% of the reasoning behind students’ math achievement, teachers
lacked parental support and institutional infrastructure, and they faced significant hindrances in
conducting their work (Collie-Patterson, 2008).
Minnis et al. (2008) studied the Bahamian challenge of male under-achievement at the
primary school level in the public school system in NP, Bahamas. The scholars conducted a
mixed-methods study of 108 boys and 24 teachers to evaluate the interplay of parental
involvement, socioeconomic conditions, male student perceptions, school structure, and teaching
styles. At the primary school level, Bahamian boys maintained positive attitudes toward school
and educational attainment and stated having support and encouragement from families
regarding their educational achievement. Students’ views of parental involvement did not align
with teachers’ perceptions. Predominantly female teachers were concerned about absentee
fathers and the lack of paternal love and support for male students; additionally, there was a lack
of focus on homework support. Teachers also demonstrated significant concerns with boy
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students’ learning attitudes, motivation, and reading skills. The aforementioned factors
contributed to LEA for Bahamian boys. There was a call for future research on factors
influencing the discrepancy between potential and actual male achievement at multiple
developmental stages (Minnis et al., 2008).
Considering the prevalence of female teachers in the Bahamas, lack of access to male
models is highlighted in global research on challenges with academic achievement experienced
by Black boys. Callender (2018) discussed the superhero metaphor used to describe the widely
held expectation that Black male teachers will lead to higher achievement outcomes, increased
aspirations, and lowered exclusion rates for Black boys. The superhero metaphor also speaks to
the importance of environmental factors in improving educational outcomes for Black boys.
Further research on academic achievement in Black adolescents revealed the importance of
educational attainment, academic achievement, and employment for upward social mobility
during the transition to adulthood (Hardaway & McLoyd, 2008). The review demonstrated the
negative impact of race and class on the social mobility of low-income Black adolescents and
recommended increased parental involvement and access to social capital to facilitate upward
mobility.
Black male students were believed stereotypically to have lower academic achievement
and lower engagement with schoolwork, and they are accosted consistently with stereotypes
negatively associating them with low academic abilities (Hudley & Graham, 2001). Research on
stereotypes of achievement among adolescents offered a fundamental consideration for the
intersection of gender and race and subsequent stereotypes and behaviors demonstrated by
subordinate groups. Research indicated academic achievement, motivation, and success are
symbolic of the dominant, White society; therefore, to preserve their cultural identity, students
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may reject behaviors demonstrating they strive to achieve in school settings (Hudley & Graham,
2001). Research also demonstrated the importance of educational attainment and the need to
address barriers hindering the social mobility of BBM.
Careers Versus Making Money
An additional analysis of the prisoner population of Her Majesty’s Prison also signaled
LEA contributed to the socioeconomic predicament leading to criminal behaviors in the
Bahamas. Research demonstrated theft was the most predominant crime committed in the
Bahamas. The occurrence typically stemmed from Bahamians lacking the legal means to attain
the desired lifestyle (Dames & Smith, 2019; Thomas, 2019). Several demographic and
socioeconomic characteristics were associated with prisoners convicted of theft: 70% of
convicted thieves were from NP, 54.5% came from single-parent homes, and 22.1% failed to
complete high school. Dames and Smith (2019) further suggested the socioeconomic conditions
of convicted thieves, specifically LEA, restricted legal income due to a lack of legitimate
employment opportunities. Affluence and prosperity were viewed as more attainable for BBM,
who participated in illicit actions, which motivated BBM’s behaviors aligned with criminality
(Bennett, 2014). Bennett (2014) also highlighted the incongruence between the lack of humanity
associated with BBM in the Bahamian judicial system; BBM’s desire for respectability,
influence, and wealth; and the general lack of competencies for BBM to attain wealth through
legal measures.
Findings on theft resonated with studies on prisoners who committed murder in the
Bahamian prison system, indicating those who committed murder were young men who did not
complete high school, were under the influence of alcohol or drugs, were armed with weaponry,
and found themselves in high-stress situations reflecting a lack of soft skill development (Bethel
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et al., 2019). The study reported educational deficiencies resulting from not completing high
school and a lack of anger management, problem solving, and social skills contributed to the
circumstances of the most violent offenders. Unexpectedly, those who committed murder were
likely to be gainfully and satisfactorily employed at the time of the murder, indicative of
advantageous economic conditions (Bethel et al., 2019).
The contributing socioeconomic, educational, and societal factors identified in the study
of Her Majesty’s Prison demonstrated the vulnerabilities of BBM and provided mitigating
factors that, if addressed, may improve outcomes for BBM. The review of the literature has
revealed a growing concern in the Bahamian society, requiring further investigation into the
experience of BBM.
Entrepreneurship as Resistance
BBM are responding to the BLM with resistance to structural injustices. My lived
experience as a professional human resources recruiter has given me anecdotal evidence that
BBM, given the intersection of hypermasculinity and injustice, seek entrepreneurship to resist
commodified labor. The path to and process of entrepreneurship has been demonstrated to be
influenced by the intersection of race, class, and gender (Harvey, 2005). However, the challenge
BBM faced was made salient in the works of Gold (2016), who highlighted disadvantages,
including economic capital, LEA, lack of experience, and lack of social capital impeded Black
entrepreneurs from successful endeavors. The lack of familial wealth is endemic to the African
diaspora, given the history of slavery that inhibited the attainment of financial capital.
Furthermore, similar to the United States, the Bahamas is plagued with oppressive mechanisms
hindering the advancement of Black entrepreneurs.
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Nevertheless, the motivation for entrepreneurship is a means to confront inequality that
provides hope, autonomy, and a pathway to financial security (Harvey Wingfield & Taylor,
2016). Entrepreneurship was also signified in response to race-related career barriers in the labor
force. Harvey Wingfield and Taylor (2016) found the collective of identity, social factors, and
discrimination contributed to the decision to pursue entrepreneurship for Black entrepreneurs.
Entrepreneurship connotes the hopes and values of BBM, who act in their interest to seek social
justice through their labor choices.
Conclusion
The behavioral component of the triadic reciprocity was evaluated in this final section.
An analysis of the literature demonstrated how the behavioral manifestations of BBM influenced
and were influenced by personal and environmental factors. The core behavioral manifestations
discussed included BBM’s performance of masculinity, educational attainment, career
attainment, and work and entrepreneurial undertakings.
Conceptual Framework
The conceptual framework in Figure 1 demonstrates the interconnectivity of BBM’s
personal, environmental, and behavioral factors related to their employment experience in the
BLM. Framing the study’s theoretical framework is SCT, which stipulates learning is a product
of the reciprocated interactions between the person, environment, and behavior; furthermore, it
incorporates the concepts of self-efficacy and agency, which are key in analyzing the motivations
and determinants of the POP (Bandura, 2001).
Although the experience of BBM in the BLM can be evaluated from multiple
perspectives, SCT has advantages and provides a means to analyze the contributing factors
concerning how BBM learn. SCT encompasses a triad of reciprocity, entailing the
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interconnectivity of person, behavior, and environment in learning. Using this theory enrichens
the understanding of circumstances related to BBM’s educational and employment experience. It
supports the exploration of BBM’s social and cultural influences and the experiences or factors
inhibiting or disinhibiting the behaviors required for high educational and career attainment.
Critical Theory
The conceptual framework uses critical theories as the macrosystem, encompassing the
triadic reciprocity. Critical theories are depicted by the box around the model in Figure 1, labeled
racialized macrosystem. The macrosystem within which BBM experience the BLM is informed
by theories including CRT, Afropessimisim, anti-Black racism, and Afrofuturism. The box
around the model is needed to highlight the force anti-Black racism exerts on all facets of the
triadic reciprocity. It is also essential to highlight the study’s critical axiology fundamental to the
research’s intent.

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Figure 1
Conceptual Framework

Note. Figure 1 visually depicts the conceptual framework based on Bandura’s (1989) model of
triadic reciprocal causation. The model is grounded in critical theory and shows the interactions
of person, behavior, and environmental factors concerning BBM’s experience in the BLM.
Black Bahamian Men ’s Employment
Experiences in the Bahamian Labor
Market

Environmental
Factors

Bahamian Culture
Slavery and Colonialism
Socioeconomic Factors
Residential Factors
White Hegemony
Patriarchy & Masculinity
Racism & Discrimination
Employment Conditions
Health Conditions

Behavioral Factors

Masculinity Performance

Education Attainment

Career Attainment

Means of Financial Gain

Entrepreneurship

Person Factors

Critical Race Theory
- Intersectionality

Internalized Racism

Social Cognitive Theory
- Self-Efficacy

Social Cognitive Career
Theory
- Personal Agency

Motivation Theories
- Social Cognitive
Theory
- Expectancy Value
Theory

Racialized Macrosystem
Critical Race Theory | Afropessimisim and Antiblack Racism | Afrofuturism
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As a part of the conceptual framework, critical theory is centered on honoring and
valuing BBM’s perspective and calling out the oppressive systems that have hindered progress
unjustly. According to Tuck and Yang (2012), “A theory of change refers to a belief or
perspective about how a situation can be adjusted, corrected, or improved” (p. 10). It is desired to
advocate for change with BBM, using methods that preserve their dignity and well-being. Tuck
and Yang (2014) highlighted research in the social sciences damages marginalized groups due to
practices that dehumanize the oppressed and reinforce power systems. The current study turned
the lens on BBM and focused on the social and institutional mechanisms of oppression,
including the educational system, workplace, and postcolonial society in the Bahamas. The
desired change involves BBM’s collaboration in the research process and the creation of ways to
confront systems of power and challenge the conditions of their marginalization.
Centering BBM using a critical theoretical approach is appropriate as it is presumed
BBM are best suited to highlight their challenges and needs; therefore, they can advocate for
change on their own behalf. This methodology was also encouraged by Davis and Smalls (2021),
who emphasized the need for researchers to conduct collaborative research that does not attempt
to “speak for” but rather “act with” participants. The current research was also guided by the
belief that if educational institutions and organizations in the BLM knew the factors motivating
or hindering BBM’s attainment in education or employment, they would make the requisite
adjustments to ensure the success of BBM and the organization.
Model of Triadic Reciprocity
The interconnectivity of the categories depicted by the internal boxes in the framework
aligns with SCT (Bandura, 1989). Additionally, the bidirectional arrow in each box signals the
interrelatedness of the components within the triadic reciprocity’s person, environmental, and
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behavioral categories. The bidirectional arrows within and between each category also
demonstrate each variable’s influence within each component and upon the complete system.
The conceptual framework provides a visual representation of the core relationships guiding the
exploration of the concepts in the current study. The components within the model of triadic
reciprocity are explained in the following sections.
Environment
CRT encompasses the components of masculinity, patriarchy, racism, and discrimination
in the environmental component of the model. Although masculinity and maleness are privileged
in a patriarchal society like the Bahamas, the intersection of race and gender results in the
oppression of BBM (Guy, 2014) due to systems of power established historically by slavery.
CRT permits a deeper understanding of BBM in their interactions in the Bahamian society.
Understanding the formative conditions that produced subjugation due to race and class is
essential to addressing the social injustices that result in inequality (Bhambra & Holmwood,
2018). The environment component of the conceptual framework includes the cultural setting of
the Bahamas, the history of colonialism and slavery, socioeconomic and residential factors, the
culture of patriarchy, systemic and institutional injustice, discrimination, Black masculinity,
adverse health outcomes, and the workplace experience for BBM.
Person
BBM’s intersectionality has a reciprocal influence on all other key categories in the
framework, including other dimensions of the personal, environmental, and behavioral factors
and BBM’s employment experience. The intersection of BBM’s salient identities, including
gender and race, results in BBM experiencing oppression, which other identities could
compound. The person component of this framework reviews intersectionality, internalized
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racism, self-efficacy, personal agency, and motivation. The interplay of person on behaviors is
significant in the impact of motivation on education and career attainment behaviors. Core facets
of the person component are expanded upon below:
• Intersectionality, a tenant of CRT, provides a framework to analyze social inequality.
Social inequality is a product of multiple power structures in society, founded on its
history, politics, and culture, which can privilege or dominate people depending on
their multiple identities (Cole, 2009; Cooper, 2017).
• Self-efficacy is a metacognitive process from SCT leading to one’s judgment of their
capacity to think sufficiently or act in ways that lead to attainment of anticipated
outcomes. It symbolizes the belief that one has within oneself to control internal and
external factors needed to produce the desired outcomes. The lack of this belief in
oneself impedes active choice, mental effort, and persistence in completing the
required behaviors (Bandura, 2001).
• Motivation was operationalized using SCT and EVT. SCT addresses motivation
through outcome expectations for prospective behaviors, which inhibit or disinhibit
behaviors (Bandura, 2012). Expectancy value theory asserts motivation is a product
of the relationships between an individual’s subjective value of a task, which affects
active choice, and expectations of success in relation to the task, which affects mental
effort and persistence in executing the task (Wigfield & Eccles, 2000).
Behavior
The behavioral component of triadic reciprocity is comprised of four key concepts. The
performance of masculinity and behaviors associated with educational and career achievement,
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work, and entrepreneurship are significant to this conceptual framework. Educational and career
attainment are evaluated as vital contributing factors to the employment experience of BBM.
Conclusion
The conceptual framework presented in Figure 1 is an amalgamation of key literature
contributing to understanding and examining BBM’s experience in the BLM and related
influences on career and educational attainment. The study’s macrosystem encompasses critical
theories, and, within this system, the interrelated influences of environment, person, and
behavior are presented using the SCT model of triadic reciprocity.
Summary
The literature reviewed in this chapter encompassed fundamental theories contributing to
the study’s axiology and theoretical approach, including CRT, Afropessimisim, and
Afrofuturism. SCT was used as the theoretical framework and encapsulated the critical concepts
related to understanding the problem of practice, including environmental, person, and
behavioral factors. Finally, the conceptual framework visually displayed the triadic reciprocity
and interplay of the variables that influenced and are influenced by BBM’s experience in the
BLM. The literature review was pivotal in grounding the study in extant research, which will
provide an anchor upon which an understanding of BBM’s experience in the BLM may be
constructed further.

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Chapter Three: Methodology
Chapter 3 describes the qualitative methodological approach to addressing the study’s
research questions. The following sections outline the research design, including the data
sources, participants, data collection procedures and logistics, data analysis, and measures to
ensure the study is credible, trustworthy, and ethical. The purpose of the study was to explore
Black Bahamian men’s (BBM) social, psychological, educational, and career experiences
leading to low educational attainment (LEA) and disengagement with career achievement. The
following research questions guided the qualitative study:
1. How do Black Bahamian men describe their employment experiences in the
Bahamian labor market?
2. How do those experiences, combined with the interactions between Black Bahamian
men’s personal, behavioral, social, and environmental factors motivate or impede
their educational attainment and career achievement?
Qualitative Research Design
The qualitative study used semistructured interviews to gain knowledge about BBM
participants’ employment experience in the Bahamian labor market (BLM). A qualitative
approach enabled an in-depth exploration of the phenomena, including participants’ personal,
environmental, and behavioral factors that interact with and influence achievement in education
and work. Participants’ responses to the research questions described their firsthand experiences
to facilitate knowledge production regarding BBM’s experience in the BLM, specifically
concerning what motivates or impedes educational and career achievement.
The decision to use a qualitative research design was guided by the following properties
specified by Creswell and Creswell (2018). First, the research data analysis was inductive,
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generating knowledge and deductive by confirming the themes identified and information
learned. Secondly, the research was conducted in a natural setting to observe participants in their
context, contrary to quantitative research, which typically is executed in more controlled
experimental settings. Thirdly, in qualitative research, the researcher participates as a key
instrument in the research process. The researcher reflects on individual positionality and
perspectives, which supports the trustworthiness of the research and informs the research design
and findings. Further, the researcher’s participation influences how the research emerges and
changes during the process to incorporate added information and perspectives.
The transformative worldview influenced the study’s methodology, which aligns with the
study’s critical race theory (CRT) framework. The transformational worldview prioritizes the
need to confront systems of power, advocate for marginalized populations, and work in the
political sphere to reform and restructure systems of oppression (Creswell & Creswell, 2018).
The transformative paradigm gives voice to BBM participants by involving them in sense
making and problem solving, thus empowering them to resist oppression and enhance their
conditions (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). In alignment with this worldview, Creswell and
Creswell (2018) highlighted the importance of participants’ knowledge and understanding in
creating meaning and informing the study. Finally, qualitative research is intended to provide a
holistic understanding of the problem being studied.
The study’s qualitative design also was influenced by phenomenological studies, which,
according to Merriam and Tisdell (2016), are studies of lived experiences or the essence of a
shared experience. The study’s data represent the lived experiences of BBM in the BLM, and the
results provide direction for future research. Understanding BBM’s experiences provide meaning
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and support for the documented LEA levels and subsequent employment outcomes and
experiences of BBM in the BLM.
Honoring Participant Dignity in Research
The study’s research methodology sought to honor the intentions of Afrofuturism, which
influenced the study’s axiology. Research methods based on Afrofuturism answer Tuck’s (2009)
call for a moratorium on research centered on deficits or damage and affords the opportunity to
understand participants’ perspectives of hope and desire. A desire framework in the research
methodology epistemologically diverges from damage-based research, requiring methodologies
that elicit responses that consciously and authentically represent the Black masculine experience.
Like Tuck (2009), as the researcher from the community under study, my integrity and identity
demand resistance and refusal to participate in standard damage-centered research, which
presents a narrative prejudicially representing BBM as damaged.
Social science research prolifically exploits narratives congruent with maintaining and
enforcing structures of oppression. The current study’s research methodology elicited participant
data and rhetoric signaling their self-determination and aspirations, which were salient in the
findings. The axiology of the research coincides with CRT scholarship and added texture to
understanding the experiences and motivations of BBM. As a Black Bahamian researcher, I
intended to theorize the world by honoring Black and cultural traditions without being filtered by
non-Black or “White supremacist exclusionary epistemologies” (Davis & Smalls, 2021, p. 227)
sustaining White dominance.
The interview questions were designed to answer the study’s research questions,
including:
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1. How do Black Bahamian men describe their employment experiences in the
Bahamian labor market?
2. How do those experiences, combined with the interactions between Black Bahamian
men’s personal, behavioral, social, and environmental factors motivate or impede
their educational attainment and career achievement?
The following strategies from Staples (2008) were used during the semistructured interviews to
encourage participant engagement in the counternarrative process.
• Positive reinforcement through words of affirmation, validation, and reassurance of
responses;
• Fostering respect and a culture of honor for participants’ lived experiences and
vulnerability in the interviews, suspending judgment;
• Accepting participants’ natural vernacular, dialect, and expression, including the use
of passionate and expletive language, affording authentic expression of voice in
interviews; and
• Using a desire framework and positioning questions to solicit participants’ hopes,
dreams, and aspirations.
Data Sources: Interviews and Demographic Survey
Data were collected during 20 semistructured, face-to-face and virtual qualitative
interviews and a short 18-item demographic survey. I used an interview guide for more
structured questions and still allowed for a conversational strategy using what Patton (2002)
called a combined strategy of interviewing. Data collection took place over 1 month. The one-
on-one interviews ranged from 30 minutes to 2 hours, with an average length of 1 hour and 11
minutes.
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Semistructured qualitative interviews were deemed most suitable to garner the needed
participant responses regarding the research questions. Merriam and Tisdell (2016) described
semistructured interviews as appropriate for providing the researcher with flexibility in asking
questions and using probes to explore the phenomenon being studied in a responsive manner that
adjusts to the interview context. Semistructured interviews are not as rigid as structured
interviews and allow the researcher to explore participant perspectives by posing questions in a
way that best serves the flow of the interview. Semistructured interviews were also fitting due to
the anticipation that several participants required facilitative restatements of the questions to
ensure accurate interpretations (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The following sections detail the
study’s interview protocol, demographics survey, participant sampling and recruitment methods,
data collection measures, data analysis processes, and the measures undertaken to ensure the
study’s credibility, trustworthiness, and ethicality.
Instrumentation: Interview Protocol
The 33 interview questions and prompts were developed using the five types of questions
from Patton’s (2002) recommendations, including questions addressing behaviors and
experiences, opinions and values, feelings and emotions, knowledge, and background (i.e., the
interviewees’ identity, social influences, and career and educational experiences and attainment;
see Appendix A). Questions were varied and aimed to elicit responses addressing the past,
present, and future, providing a rich, thick description of BBM’s experiences in the BLM. The
table in Appendix A provides the interview questions and subsequent alignment with the
research questions, theories, and an explanation of the type of questions used based on Patton’s
categorization.
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The interview questions addressed the interconnectivity of BBM’s personal,
environmental, and behavioral factors related to their employment experiences in the BLM.
Questions were designed to address the theories and concepts represented in the study’s
conceptual framework. The following sections detail the concepts addressed by the interview
questions.
Racialized Macrosystem
Questions in the interview protocol addressed the racialized macrosystem within which
triadic reciprocity exists. The interview questions related to the racialized macrosystem
addressed theories including CRT, Afropessimisim, anti-Black racism, and Afrofuturism. These
questions analyzed the influence of anti-Black racism on all facets of the triadic reciprocity.
Triadic Reciprocity: Environment
The interview protocol and demographic survey questions addressed the environmental
component of triadic reciprocity. The questions addressed socioeconomic and residential factors,
the culture of patriarchy, systemic and institutional injustice, discrimination, Black masculinity,
adverse health outcomes, and the workplace experience for BBM.
Triadic Reciprocity: Person
Questions in the interview protocol addressed BBM’s intersectionality, which has a
reciprocal influence on all the other key categories in the framework. Questions in the person
component addressed gender and race, internalized racism, self-efficacy, personal agency, and
motivation.
Triadic Reciprocity: Behavior
The behavioral component of triadic reciprocity is comprised of four key concepts. The
performance of masculinity and behaviors associated with educational and career achievement,
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work, and entrepreneurship are significant to this conceptual framework. Educational and career
attainment are evaluated as vital contributing factors to the description of the employment
experience of BBM.
A review of the interview questions in Appendix A revealed each question contributes to
answering the research questions. The interview questions were not designed solely to focus on
one specific aspect of the study but overlapped and integrated the key concepts to reflect the
dynamic codependent relationships of the concepts in the study’s conceptual framework. The
interview protocol (see Appendix B) supported the semistructured interview format and included
a bank of 33 questions and relevant prompts used during the interviews. Although there is no
ideal number of questions, Creswell and Creswell (2018) emphasized the importance of using an
interview protocol to stay organized, including the introduction to the study, the questions, the
question prompts, spaces to record data, and concluding remarks. Therefore, the components
mentioned were implemented in the design of the interview protocol for the study.
Instrumentation: Demographics Survey
After completing the interview, participants were asked to complete a short demographic
survey (see Appendix C). The survey consisted of 18 items to gather data on participants’
socioeconomic details, educational attainment, career attainment, and identity. The survey was
administered using the online survey platform, Qualtrics. Data collected from the survey helped
to contextualize participants’ interview responses, further adding to the detailed description of
BBM’s experience in the BLM. Participants were instructed to complete the survey after the
interview to minimize the influence of the survey on the interview process.
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Participants
The study incorporated purposeful sampling, which involved selecting participants I
anticipated would provide the requisite insight and value in answering the study’s research
questions (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Twenty participants completed the qualitative interview,
and 15 participants proceeded to complete the demographic survey. Creswell and Creswell
(2018) recommend 3 to 10 participants in a qualitative study to assist with data saturation, which
occurs when gathering additional data from new participants fails to reveal new insight or
knowledge related to the themes under study. Having 20 interview participants provided a
meaningful representation of BBM, allowing for the development of a rich, thick description of
the essence of being a BBM in the BLM (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Participants were all Black
Bahamian adult males between the ages of 18 and 65 in the BLM who were either employed or
seeking employment. No participant was employed actively with the organization where I
worked.
Participant Criterion
Efforts were made to ensure diversity in participant demographics, including age, marital
status, employment status, level of education, residential area, prior schools, and employment
experience. The following demographic criteria, highlighted by Thomas (2019) as correlational
to imprisonment, were considered in participant selection. Thomas identified a spatial
concentration of prior schools and residential areas in central and northeastern New Providence
(NP), with a high concentration of persons entering the Bahamian prison system. Of particular
note were the densely populated, low-income constituencies in NP, including Bains and Grants
Town, Englerston, Carmichael, Mt. Moriah, Fort Charlotte, and Marathon. The research also
asserted senior public high schools in NP, including CC Sweeting, RM Bailey, and Government
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High School, were listed frequently as prior schools for prisoners (Thomas, 2019). Given the
demonstrated relationship between low socioeconomic conditions, including low household
income, population density in the specified residential areas, and the prior schools of prisoners,
these criteria were considered during participant selection.
Recruitment Strategy
After receiving the University of Southern California’s Institutional Review Board (USC
IRB) approval, a call for participants was posted on my social media channels (Facebook,
LinkedIn, and WhatsApp). The call invited prospective Bahamian adult male participants
interested in participating in research on the Bahamian work experience to contact me for more
information (see Appendix D for the recruitment communication). When individuals responded,
they received an informational email with the study’s information sheet (see Appendix E).
The informational email and its contents described the study and what participation
would entail. Prospective participants were advised they would be asked to participate in a 1-
hour interview in person or via Zoom. They were also advised that during the interview, they
would be asked to provide permission to audio record. Finally, they were advised that after the
interview, they would be asked to complete a short demographic survey and receive
compensation of $25 as a gesture of appreciation for their participation in the study. Participants
were required to provide preliminary information about their prior schools and employment
status to assist in purposefully selecting the desired demographic qualities as discussed in the
Participants section. Individuals who met the criteria were scheduled for an interview and were
sent the Informed Consent Form (see Appendix F) in the calendar invitation.
In the Informed Consent Form and information sheet, participants were provided with
information on my role as the researcher, the purpose of the study, the expectations of their
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involvement, and the measures undertaken to ensure their privacy and confidentiality. Finally,
they were encouraged to ask questions via email so they could give informed consent
comfortably on the day of the interview. The sampling method and recruitment strategy were
intended to support the transferability of the study by other researchers and the study’s
credibility.
Research Participants ’ Profiles
Purposeful sampling was used as a part of the research methodology to gain insight from
participants selected for their capacity to provide meaningful insight into the complexity of the
phenomenon under study and the study’s research questions (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Twenty
BBM, ages 21 to 62, completed qualitative interviews, and 15 participants responded to the
demographic survey. Creswell and Creswell (2018) recommended 3 to 10 participants in a
qualitative study to assist with data saturation; thus, having 20 participants is a positive indicator
that this study gathered a girth of data to answer the research questions. The current section
provides an analysis of participants’ demographic data to contextualize the qualitative data
abstracted from the semistructured interview as presented in Chapter 4.
Data were coded to ensure participants’ confidentiality. Names were dissociated from the
responses during the data recordings and coding. Aliases and pseudonyms were selected by
participants and used during interviews to protect participant confidentiality in voice recordings.
As an additional measure, I assigned a new pseudonym for all participants. In honor of the BBM
participants and the dominant theme of a protector identity, I selected the military phonetic
alphabet codes as pseudonyms.
In the participant selection process, I ensured diversity in demographics, including age,
marital status, employment status, level of education, residential area, prior schools, and
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employment experience. All participants were Black Bahamian males. The topic of colorism and
fair skin was discussed in the interviews, and only one participant identified as “mixed” in the
demographic survey. Age data provided by participants included four men between the ages of
20–29, three men ages 30–39, six men ages 40–49, and two men ages 60–65. Participants
represented a diverse group of BBM, with representation from residential areas experiencing low
socioeconomic conditions, including low household income and population density. There was
also variation in participants’ prior schools, which were classified as public or private to protect
participants’ anonymity. Public or private school classification was necessary to contextualize
forthcoming qualitative data presented in the current chapter and Chapter 4. Table 1 includes
demographic data regarding participants’ residential areas and prior schools from the
demographic survey and qualitative interviews.

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Table 1
Participant Demographics: Prior Schools and Residential Area
Pseudonym Residential constituency
Primary
school
Junior high High school
Alfa Yamacraw Public Public Public
Bravo Mount Moriah Private Private Private
Charlie Tall Pines Public Public Public
Delta – Private Private Private
Echo Pinewood Public Public Public
Foxtrot Bains Town and Grants
Town
Private Private Private
Golf – Private Private Public
India Carmichael Private Private Private
Kilo Southern Shores Public Public Private
Lima Free Town Public Public Public
Mike Centreville Private Private Public
Oscar Other Public Public Public
Papa Killarney Public Public Public
Quebec Saint Anne's Private Private Private
Romeo Carmichael Public Public Private
Sierra – Public Public Public
Tango – Private Private Private
Victor Marathon Public Public Public
Whiskey – Public Public Public
Zulu – Private Private Private

Note. A dash is used to signify data were not reported or obtained.

Demographic information was obtained from participants to provide contextual data
regarding the educational attainment and employment/professional positionality of participants.
Table 2 provides participants’ educational and employment attainment data.

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Table 2
Participant Demographics: Employment and Educational Attainment
Pseudonym Educational attainment Employment
status
Industry Work role
Alfa Some high
school/professional
certificate
Entrepreneur Construction Proprietor
Bravo Professional certificate Entrepreneur Maritime and
landscaping
Proprietor
Charlie Master’s degree Entrepreneur Consulting Proprietor
Delta Bachelor’s degree Employed Financial
services
Professional
Echo High school diploma Unemployed
Foxtrot Master’s degree Employed Healthcare Executive
Golf Bachelor’s degree Employed Hospitality Management
India High school diploma Employed Beverage Management
Kilo High school diploma Employed Maritime Entry level
Lima 1 year of college Employed Technology Management
Mike High school diploma Employed Technology Technical
specialist
Oscar High school diploma Entrepreneur Construction Proprietor
Papa 1 year of college Entrepreneur Hospitality Proprietor
Quebec 3 years of college Entrepreneur Athletics Proprietor
Romeo Bachelor’s degree Retired Armed forces
Sierra High school diploma Employed Public service Technical
specialist
Tango Bachelor’s degree Employed Education Administrator
Victor High school diploma Employed Beverage Management
Whiskey Master’s degree Employed Legal Professional
Zulu Master’s degree Employed Hospitality Executive

Note. A blank space is used when the response is not applicable.

Table 2 shows 35% of participants are high school graduates, 20% completed a
bachelor’s degree, 20% completed a master’s degree, 10% completed professional certifications,
and 15% completed some years in college. Further, 60% of participants were employed actively,
30% were entrepreneurs, and 10% were unemployed. No participant was employed actively with
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the organization where I worked at the time of this study. As shown in Table 2, participants
represented a wide range of industries, and their work roles varied from entry level to executive.
Table 3 presents participants’ marital status and dependents to further contextualize the findings.

Table 3
Participant Demographics: Marital Status and Dependents
Pseudonym Marital status Children/dependents
Alfa Divorced 2
Bravo Single 0
Charlie Married 2
Delta – –
Echo Single 0
Foxtrot Married 2
Golf – –
India Married 0
Kilo Single 0
Lima Married 1
Mike Divorced 3
Oscar Single 2
Papa Married 4
Quebec Single 0
Romeo Married 2
Sierra – –
Tango – –
Victor Married 0
Whiskey – –
Zulu – –

Note. A dash is used to signify data were not reported or obtained.

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Data Collection Procedures and Logistics
The study’s qualitative data from interviews detailing participants’ conditions and
perspectives count as data (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Before collecting data, I received
approval to conduct the study from USC IRB. Participants were given the option of a face-to-
face or a virtual interview using a password-encrypted Zoom meeting. The option of a virtual
interview became necessary due to COVID-19 pandemic restrictions and because participants
expressed a preference or need to do a virtual interview. Of the 20 candidates, one person opted
for an in-person interview at the interview site. The in-person interview was conducted in a
private office at Katalyst Inc. in Nassau, Bahamas.
At the commencement of the interviews, all participants were reminded of key points
from the information sheet regarding confidentiality and the study’s purpose. Participants were
invited to ask questions to support their capacity to provide informed consent to participate in the
study. After answering all the participant’s questions, I thanked the participant and asked for
permission to record the interview. All participants consented to the interview recording. Data
were recorded using an interview protocol and memorandum (see Appendix B) to take notes for
each question. Two voice recorders were used for all interviews, and written notes were taken to
minimize data loss during the collection process (Creswell & Creswell, 2018).
During the interview, participants were asked questions and prompts from the interview
protocol (see Appendix B). Participants were asked open-ended questions and encouraged to
share stories, historical information, and experiences. Given the semistructured nature of the
interview, additional related questions were asked. Some questions were omitted as needed to
allow for a conversational interview and to gain an in-depth understanding of the participant’s
response to a topic. After the interview, participants were thanked for their time and advised of
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the steps for completing their demographic surveys and collecting their compensation. They also
were reminded to contact me if they had any questions. Participants had complete discretion in
ending or continuing an interview. During and immediately after each interview, I documented
salient points and reflections that emerged, specifically concerning the study’s research questions
and conceptual framework.
After completing the interview, participants were asked to complete a short demographic
survey (see Appendix C), which was used to understand further participants in the context of the
qualitative data. Participants were instructed to complete the survey after the interview to
minimize its influence on the interview. An electronic link to complete the demographic survey
was provided to all participants. Fifteen of 20 participants completed the demographic survey
using the encrypted Qualtrics survey software.
Informed Consent and Confidentiality
Before the interview, participants received an informed consent form (see Appendix F)
with details about the study’s objectives. The informed consent form detailed the measures taken
to ensure the information provided in interviews was kept confidential, always protecting
participant identity. At the start of the interview, participants were reminded of the study’s
purpose and efforts taken to ensure confidentiality. Assurances were made advising participants’
real names would not be shared with anyone and would only be known to the researcher. Further,
I stated when I would use direct quotes in the report, I would use a pseudonym or another name.
Participants were advised any detail leading to their identification would be removed. Names
were dissociated from responses during data recordings and coding. Aliases and pseudonyms
were selected and used to shield the identities of persons and places.
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All electronic or hard-copy data were protected via electronic password protection, or
stored in a locked cabinet, only accessible by the researcher. Before the interview, I sought
permission to record the session. Participants were encouraged to ask questions, take a break if
needed, voice concerns, or stop the interview at any time during this process without penalty
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Data Analysis
The data for this study included interview notes taken during the interview, analytic
reflection memos created immediately after interviews, interview transcripts, and demographic
survey responses. The data analysis process began during interviews with participants. The
analysis was documented in the interview memorandum as my thoughts, reflections, inquiries,
and interpretations of participant responses during the interviews. Before the formal data analysis
process, I read all interview notes and transcripts in totality, as a detailed review supported my
familiarity with the content and enabled a more fluid identification of patterns and themes.
Participant interview data were transcribed using the encrypted and password-protected
Sonix automated transcription software. Data were coded and analyzed using qualitative
software designed to employ grounded theory, ATLAS.ti Windows (Version 22.1.5.0).
Grounded theory is inductive and involves new theories arising from data and being supported
by data (Gibbs, 2018). The thematic analysis process entailed the following steps, as guided by
Braun and Clarke (2006).
As the initial step, I established familiarity with the data by reading the transcribed
content, listening to the audio recordings, and taking notes about key ideas. I then created the
initial codes using line-by-line open coding (Gibbs, 2018). These original codes were assigned to
quotes and used to build core themes that emerged in the data. All initial and subsequently
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modified codes were defined and registered in a codebook (Gibbs, 2018). The codebook and
code definitions supported the systematic and consistent use of codes.
Following the initial code development, axial coding was used to group quotes and codes
into meaningful, refined, and interconnected themes (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Themes and
subthemes then were created and reviewed in relation to the research questions and conceptual
framework, thus creating a thematic map for the data analysis. This phase was inductive, and the
analysis supported the emergence of categories (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Then, constant
comparisons were used to identify distinctive features of coded data to assist with meaningful
differentiation of codes, enabling a more systematic approach to refining the themes.
As the study progressed and data saturation was achieved, the coding process became
deductive, and data were categorized to support the established themes that emerged (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016). A critique of the rationale behind the thematic map was conducted continuously
using reflexive practice to analyze the validity of the data representation. The data were
consistently analyzed and refined as I generated the final distinctive and coherent themes and
subthemes to create a holistic understanding of the complete narrative, followed by the final
naming and defining of themes. Finally, data were consolidated into salient qualitative units,
themes, and analyses as presented in Chapter 4 using a rich, thick, and descriptive report that
depicts the story of the phenomenon under study.
Chapter 4 presents the four Level 1 themes that emerged: Black Bahamian Male Identity
and Person Factors, Employment and Earning, Perspectives on Education, and Social and
Environmental Factors. Two additional levels of subthemes were required to categorize quotes
for more prevalent concepts. All themes and subthemes used for the qualitative coding presented
in the data analysis are summarized and presented in Chapter 4 in Tables 4, 6, 9, and 10.
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After assigning all relevant quotes/data units to the respective themes and subthemes, a
quantitative approach was employed, where relevant, to measure the frequency of ideas,
highlighting the concept’s significance across and within participants. The volume of similar
quotes and reports contributed to meaning making and was analyzed as an essential component
when making inferences about the specific theme.
As Braun and Clarke (2006) indicated, the process of qualitative data coding was not
linear but rather recursive. It was flexible and reflective, requiring my active participation in
meaning making and allowing for course corrections. Additionally, it was a fluid process, where
I returned to previous steps to describe the data and maximize analytics cogently. Demographic
survey data were also reviewed within the context of the qualitative data. Trends that emerged
are discussed to contextualize the qualitative data in Chapter 4. As the principal researcher and
data collector, I analyzed data in many iterations, starting during the data collection process to
the generation of the final qualitative report. By being intimate with the data, I had the
opportunity to create meaningful categories that supported the development of a rich, thick
description and analysis presented in Chapter 4 of BBM’s experience in the BLM.
Credibility and Trustworthiness
I took several steps to maximize the credibility and trustworthiness of the study. In
qualitative research, validity is demonstrated when findings are considered accurate from the
researcher’s, participants’, and readers’ perspectives (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Therefore, the
research design incorporated the following reliability and validity strategies/procedures to ensure
the findings were considered accurate and consistent. The findings report in Chapter 4 provides a
rich, thick description to give the readers an in-depth, reflexive understanding of the context and
phenomenon. The rich, thick description also supports the transferability of findings to another
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context, as readers would have sufficient information to make an informed decision on the
appropriateness of transferring the research findings (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
As part of qualitative research’s credibility and trustworthiness requirements, I used
reflexivity to clarify biases and reflect on potential biases during the research process.
Confidential hardcopy researcher memos were used to document my reflections and thoughts to
make any biases salient and to challenge biases. I also used mechanically recorded data,
transcribed to verbatim data, which was important because audio-recorded interviews protect the
integrity of what participants shared and are veritable reflections of the data.
Ethical Considerations
In alignment with the need for qualitative research to be executed with ethics and
integrity, the following steps were integrated into the study’s methodology, designed to adhere to
the institutional review board’s (IRB) requirements (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). The following
considerations and measures were undertaken to facilitate the credibility and trustworthiness of
the research findings (Creswell & Creswell, 2018).
Informed Consent
The study’s participants were adult males in the BLM who were not members of a
vulnerable population. The University of Southern California Office for the Protection of
Research Subjects (n.d.) specifies vulnerable populations include individuals susceptible to
coercion or undue influence. Children, individuals with impaired decision-making capacity, and
prisoners were excluded from participating in the study. Although the study included persons of
low socioeconomic status and persons with low levels of educational attainment, these BBM
were not considered vulnerable in the context of the Bahamas, a developing nation. Persons
deemed fit for employment in the general labor market (i.e., working-class BBM) were permitted
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to participate. Persons employed by the organization that employs me (Katalyst Inc.) were
excluded from participation.
These stipulations were important to ensure all participants could give informed consent
to participate in the study. Prior to commencement of the study, participants were given an
informed consent form and information sheet. The information sheet form provided the
following details: my identity and contact information as the principal researcher; the purpose of
the study; any potential benefits, consequences, and risks of participating in the study; and a
description of the interview in which participants would partake during the study. Participants
also were advised they could terminate their participation voluntarily at any time during the
study. Further, they were permitted to ask me questions for clarity before starting the study.
Confidentiality
The informed consent form provided participants with the measures taken to ensure
anonymity and confidentiality. Names were dissociated from responses during data recordings
and coding. Aliases and pseudonyms were selected by participants and used to shield the
identities of persons and places. All hardcopy and electronic data were coded, analyzed, and
stored using electronic password encryption and/or in a locked cabinet only accessible by the
researcher.
Compensation/Incentives
Participation in the study was voluntary. As a token of appreciation for participating in
the interview, participants were offered a gift card valued at $25 for Katalyst Inc., a family
entertainment center in the Bahamas. This value is large enough to be considered an incentive
but not enough to coerce participation. The study respects BBM as partners in the research
process, and all efforts were made to ensure the best interests of BBM were maintained.
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Power Dynamics
There are significant power dynamics that influenced my participation as a researcher. As
a practicing HR executive in the Bahamas, I have the authority to enact policies and procedures
in my organization that may affect BBM’s access to resources to improve their employment
experience within my organization. Given my positionality in the BLM, I considered power
dynamics to ensure the ethics and integrity of the research. As the principal researcher
responsible for data collection, I ensured no participant was employed by the organization that
employs me. This action step ensured I did not place participants in a position where they may
feel coerced due to the power dynamics. As an additional step, I dressed casually and met in a
comfortable setting to level the power dynamics for the interviewees. I placed participants and
their comfort at the center of importance, supporting authentic data collection.
IRB Process
The IRB process and approval are essential as they provide parameters for conducting
ethical research. I completed the requisite IRB training, specifically the CITI certification for
Human Research, Social-Behavioral Human Subjects. After applying for IRB approval, I made
the requisite changes to the study’s instrument to satisfy the IRB requirements. The research
process commenced after receiving USC IRB approval. All procedures were conducted in
compliance with IRB protocols.
Underlying Ethics
In support of the ethical considerations of the study, it is important to make salient the
underlying and associated principles, benefits, perspectives, and consequences related to the
study’s participants, methodology, and findings. The values framing this study involve equity
and anticolonialism. Additional values include the need for me to prioritize the dignity of BBM.
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Although I will gain from my research, I endeavor not to promote my power or the power of the
dominant groups; the objective is to recognize BBM’s power and use the research to improve
their lives (Tuck & Yang, 2014).
Whose Interests Are Served and Who May Be Harmed?
The research will benefit and serve the interests of BBM, the field of HR, organizations
in the BLM, me as the researcher, and educational institutions in the Bahamas. The research
process and findings may also harm all the aforementioned bodies. Additionally, it must be noted
that the concept of who is served, who benefits, and who may be harmed by the study is viewed
from my perspective as the researcher.
Findings of the study will be shared with participants electronically. Further, findings will
be shared with the local HR association, the Bahamas Ministries of Labor and Education, local
civic organizations, colleges and universities, religious groups, and professional and academic
conferences. The intention of sharing the research results is to increase the probability that the
knowledge gained benefits BBM’s employment experiences in the Bahamas and improves the
understanding of BBM for all the research stakeholders.
The Researcher
As the researcher, I was solely responsible for the study’s design, data collection, and
analysis. In the context of this research study, it is necessary to specify my positionality,
highlighting the salient identities influencing my credibility and interpretation of the problem.
Cooper (2017) stated each person has intersecting social identities resulting in privilege and
oppression. I am cognizant my privilege exists in the context of the Bahamas because I am a
light-colored-skin complexion, middle-class, young-adult, able-bodied, heterosexual, and
cisgender Bahamian woman domiciling in the Bahamas. My educational attainment and
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privilege afford a vantage point; however, this privilege may have impaired my comprehension
of contributing factors leading to conditions experienced by BBM in the BLM. I acknowledge
the neutrality of my assessment of interviewee responses may be impaired, as I am a participant
in the social constructs, racial structures, and labor force under investigation.
Furthermore, as a Bahamian woman, I am an insider and outsider in this study. My
insider status is because of my shared cultural experiences with participants of this study. The
insider status also was reinforced because my father was a BBM with LEA, which inhibited his
career advancement in the armed forces. I had a front-line seat to observe the emotional and
financial burden caused by lack of a high school diploma. The experience of loving my father,
who experienced hardships as he endeavored to thrive through employment and entrepreneurial
undertakings while lacking the necessary resources and competencies, contributed to the
personal significance of this study.
Furthermore, understanding my daddy’s identity and his desire to express masculinity
made it challenging to watch him suffer from low self-esteem, sadness, and feelings of defeat.
Finally, my father died at age 55 due to a health condition that could have been managed with
proper medical support. These emotionally charged personal circumstances influenced the
study’s conceptual framework and guided the study’s methods and axiology.
My outsider status results from factors resulting in my privilege. I have considered the
possibility that participants may have been less inclined to discuss their experiences in the BLM
with me due to my positionality, as they may be more comfortable with a Bahamian male. Great
thought was given to this potential challenge in research. I took great precautions to center the
needs of my participants and involve them in the research process so the research would be
credible and trustworthy. I may have been unaware of other biases; however, the salient
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identities and experiences referenced suggest potential research strengths and weaknesses. To
counter these challenges with my positionality, I used a tool Merriam and Tisdell (2016)
presented, where I focused on participants’ importance in the study. I trusted participants’
opinions and responses were valuable to the study, irrespective of how I felt about them.
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Chapter Four: Research Findings
Chapter 4 presents the research findings obtained by the study’s qualitative
methodological approach. The study examined Black Bahamian men’s (BBM) social,
psychological, educational, and career experiences leading to low educational attainment (LEA)
and disengagement with career achievement. The findings represent BBM’s lived experiences
and provide answers to the following research questions:
1. How do Black Bahamian men describe their employment experiences in the
Bahamian labor market?
2. How do those experiences, combined with the interactions between Black Bahamian
men’s personal, behavioral, social, and environmental factors motivate or impede
their educational attainment and career achievement?
This chapter addresses the findings generated from a thematic analysis of interview and
demographic survey data. Data were categorized and analyzed in four core Level 1 themes and
subsequent subthemes. Level 1 themes include Black Bahamian Male Identity and Person
Factors, Employment and Earning, Perspectives on Education, and Social and Environmental
Factors. Table 4 categorizes the Level 1 and 2 subthemes discussed in this chapter.

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Table 4

Categorization of Level 1 Themes and Level 2 Subthemes
Level 1 themes
Black Bahamian
male identity and
person factors
Employment and
earning
Perspectives on
education
Social and
environmental factors
Level 2 subthemes
Description of self Earning as a priority Value for education Socioeconomic factors

Black identity and
influence
Job qualifications
and competencies
Academic
performance and
experience

The Bahamian cultural
setting
Comfort with
phenotypic
presentation
Challenges with
securing
employment

Social supports
Black masculinity Precarious working
conditions

Bahamian females’
educational
attainment

Mental health and
support
Masculine identity in
the workplace

Recommendations to
improve education

Afrofuturistic ideals Contradiction of
male privilege and
women's career
success

Self-efficacy and
agency: learning
behaviors and
goals

Race and ethnic
inequity at work

Self-efficacy and
agency: earning
behaviors and
goals

Entrepreneurship as
resistance

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Chapter 4 details the conceptual framework guiding the presentation of the findings.
Further, it provides the results section, organized into the following topics that address the
research questions, including centering BBM participants, description of the employment
experience, understanding motivations and impediments to education and career attainment, and
social and environmental factors. Finally, I discuss the findings related to the extant literature
and the study’s conceptual framework. A modification of the original conceptual framework will
be offered to support a more substantial alignment with the findings. The following section
provides the conceptual framework guiding the presentation and analysis of the findings.
Conceptual Framework Guiding the Findings
The study’s findings are presented and delineated using the essence and structure of the
conceptual framework presented in Chapter 2 (see Figure 1). The study’s conceptual framework
graphically represents the interconnectivity of BBM’s personal, environmental, and behavioral
factors interacting with BBM’s employment experiences in the BLM. The framework also shows
BBM’s employment experiences in the BLM, conflated with the personal, behavioral, and
environmental factors, exist within a racialized macrosystem informed by critical theories
including CRT, Afropessimisim, and anti-Black racism.
The findings are presented with strict observance of the inherent principles of critical
theories. Participants are regarded as subject-matter experts and collaborators in meaning
making. Further, the methodology used to communicate BBM’s counternarratives and
perspectives related to the research questions seeks to honor the study’s critical axiology
centered on preserving participant dignity and confronting systems of power and oppression.
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Results
The study explored BBM’s social, psychological, educational, and career experiences
leading to LEA and disengagement with career achievement. The qualitative data analysis
unearthed four Level 1 themes grounded in the data. The four themes include Black Bahamian
Male Identity and Person Factors, Employment and Earning, Perspectives on Education, and
Social and Environmental Factors. The following sections provide rich and thick descriptions of
BBM’s counternarratives to understand the phenomenon under study. Data are presented
interconnectedly and respond to the first research question by providing BBM’s descriptions of
their employment experiences in the BLM. The second research question is addressed by
analyzing the qualitative data related to BBM’s person, behavioral, and environmental factors.
The following section centers on participants and provides findings related to the first
core theme, Black Bahamian Male Identity and Person Factors. The Level 2 subthemes that
emerged include description of self, Black identity and influence, comfort with phenotypic
presentation, Black masculinity, mental health and support, and Afrofuturistic ideals. Level 2
subthemes were further categorized into Level 3 subthemes and are presented in the following
section.
Centering Black Bahamian Men Participants
Participants were introspective and provided meaningful data on what it means to be
BBM. The findings presented in this section encapsulate participants’ depictions of their
identities and personal factors representing the Level 1 theme, Black Bahamian Male Identity
and Person Factors. The subthemes that emerged include description of self, Black identity and
influence, comfort with phenotypic presentation, Black masculinity, mental health and support,
and Afrofuturistic ideals. Table 5 shows the delineation of the core theme and subthemes that
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emerged from participants’ data. Understanding how participants conceptualize their existence
and identity supports a greater appreciation for how person factors interact with and influence
career behaviors and educational attainment.

Table 5
Coding for Theme 1: Black Bahamian Male Identity and Person Factors
Level 1: Theme 1: Black Bahamian male identity and person factors
Level 2 subthemes Level 3 subthemes
Description of self

–
Black identity and influence

–
Comfort with phenotypic presentation

–
Black masculinity Masculine and male identity
Masculinity rules

Mental health and support Mental health and emotional disposition
Help for health needs

Afrofuturistic ideals Legacy making
Self-efficacy and agency–impact and legacy

Note. A dash is used to signify there is no correlating Level 3 subtheme.

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Description of Self
At the commencement of the interviews, building rapport with participants was
paramount. The first question asked participants to provide a description of their identity and a
definition of who they are. Participants described themselves with references to their personality,
profession, and purpose, enhancing what is known about participants and providing context for
the behaviors and experiences detailed in the chapter. Table 6 highlights participants’ self-
concepts and expressions of their essence and values.

Table 6

Participant Self-Descriptions From Interviews
Pseudonym Personal descriptors
Alfa “I’m a young man . . . trying to secure a brighter future for my family and, of course, myself.”
Bravo “Energetic . . . fun, lovable, caring”
Charlie “I describe myself as very energetic, very outgoing . . . I am an extrovert. I’m very, very engaging. I love people
. . . I also appreciate learning . . . I’m very detailed, very methodical . . . I am a compilation of somebody who
is passionate and results-oriented, and at the same time, I just love the process of building others, which I
believe is my purpose, and I enjoy serving that.”
Delta “I’m a very open-minded individual,” “I’m very self-aware,” and “once everybody’s happy, I’m happy.”
Echo “I have a . . . renaissance quality to me, you know, I could connect with people from different backgrounds and
a little, can’t say cocky, but a little confident, but also insecure, “introspective,” “eclectic free spirit,”
“pushing against the grain.”
Foxtrot “A scientist at heart, someone whose focus is overly on end results, a lot of times to his detriment.”
Golf “An individual that is very easygoing, that is very direct . . . he loves people, and that said, also is a very
introverted extrovert.”
India “A very complex individual . . . a very caring person. I can be very stubborn at times and not very interesting,”
and “I like to be a leader, not a follower. I don’t like to follow trends. I don’t like to do things that other
people do just because they do it. I like to think for myself.”
Kilo “God-fearing, community active, stubborn and ambitious.”
Lima “Pushing to maximize [my] potential [and] trying to create a life I do not need to take a vacation from”
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Pseudonym Personal descriptors
Mike “Fun loving, devoted father, devoted husband, man of God, full of life, full of energy, compassion, caring”
Oscar “Hard-working”
Papa “I guess my task is . . . to dig up and unearth the purpose and the fulfillment of others.”
Romeo “An island boy”, “I consider myself a sponge. I try to absorb as much as I can wherever I go and whatever
environment I go into . . . I like to be a thermostat and not a thermometer. Thermometers just record the
temperature of the room. But I want to be an instrument of change . . . as the thermostat does. So, I like to be
impactful.”
Sierra “I would describe myself as an open-minded individual. I do hold some conservative what you would consider
conservative thinking. But I’m mostly about living my life instead of just surviving it and enjoying the life
that I have.”
Tango “I am a young Bahamian black man. I’m an educator by profession. And I am also a musician. I love working
with at-risk kids . . . I do a lot of things, always busy.”
Victor “Reserved, cautious, introvert.”
Whiskey “Young millennial . . . consider myself to be a young professional.”
Zulu “A free thinker . . . a combination of many things. He is a phoenix. He is an explorer. He is an advocate. And he
is aware of himself and his place . . . a citizen of the world.”
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Black Identity and Influence
The predominant message from participants was that the Black identity served as a
compass for Black origins, a source of pride and resilience, and an emblem of hope. When asked
to describe the influence being Black has had on his experience in life, Papa proudly shared:
Challenging and rewarding. If someone fear me so much as a Black person, I have to
seek why they fear me so much. Rather than me being afraid of myself and not wanting
to show that I am Black . . . in my strength, in my voice and my stance, in my direction,
in my creativity, my ingenuity, all of those things. And the why. The reason why it’s
rewarding also is because if you really do look around. When I say I, I mean Black. I am
the most sought-after material in the world. . . . You can’t build without me. You can’t
live without me. You can’t grow without me. You can’t evolve without me. You can’t
discover without me. You just need me. You are lost without your identity, and because
you can’t find yours, you damage that of [those] who know their identity. That is the life
of being Black. You are sure, there is no grey areas with us. There’s a sure strength. If oil
don’t teach you the importance of Black, if darkness don’t teach you the importance of
Black, if sports don’t teach you the importance of Black, if wheels don’t teach you the
importance of Black, if fashion doesn’t teach you the importance of Black, what will?
Delta, Echo, Lima, and Whiskey also highlighted their pride in being Black. Lima stated, “I’m
proud to be Black. I’m Black and proud of my ancestors.” Delta and Bravo also stated they were
proud of the muscular physique and strength associated with being Black. Bravo stated, “I am
proud to be Black. I’d say that. I think we are stronger than the Whites.” India also spoke with
pride about Black people overcoming adversity and thriving.
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Although there was primarily positive sentiment regarding the Black identity, Echo
expressed concern about the Black condition. Echo conveyed he did not wish to “be a statistic.”
He further expanded and stated this fear drives his behavior. Echo said he feels pressured
“wanting to not be a failure as a Black man. That’s kinda my fear, going to prison or abusing or
hurting somebody. That’s kinda what influence me as far as being . . . on the straight and
narrow.” When asked about the influence Blackness had on his experience in life, Tango stated:
History is what got us here, and it’s probably what’s going to move us forward. Being
Black is more than just a color. It’s about our struggles, what we had to go through to get
to where we are now. And it shows us how unbreakable we are, how we could go from
being slaves to being in charge. I think it is who we are, and especially in the Bahamas,
it’s very possible to be Black and be successful.
Another concept that emerged was the level of understanding or knowledge about the
Black identity. Golf emphasized the importance of knowing one’s history and ancestry. Bravo,
Delta, Quebec, and Mike admitted to not having a great deal of understanding and information
about Black history and their African ancestry, yet they still honor, respect, and are proud of
their Blackness.
Alfa expounded on the divisiveness in the diaspora and the need for African descendants
to form a oneness. Alfa extrapolated that the teachings and influence of western White
hegemony are a root cause of the lack of unity and lack of Blacks’ grounding in historical
accuracy. He stated:
They call Nelson Mandela a terrorist before they make him a president. You know, and
so we got to be careful of all of the news with the western world teachers. We have to
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accept that they have the powers . . . so they help us [diaspora countries] fight amongst
ourselves, you know . . . but then we got to realize, we all Africans.
Alfa then elaborated on the need for diaspora countries to be united as Africans in a “mental
sense.” He emphasized there is a need for African people to “know who we are” and to recognize
that diaspora countries are “plantations” but that Africa is the actual country of ancestry.
In contrast, Romeo singularly addressed the divisive nature of highlighting racial
distinctions. He also acknowledged there are Bahamians with African and European ancestry.
Romeo stated, “I try not to look at it like that because . . . I will be traveling a road that I don’t
want others to go either because it’s divisive. It tends to divide and . . . my grandfather . . . was a
white Irish.” Romeo, Carlton, Quebec, and Alfa acknowledged their mixed ancestry, which holds
true for many Bahamians, regardless of complexion. Romeo stated, “So for me to say, speak
against White or Black; it would be disingenuous.” Like Romeo, Charlie highlighted the
significance of individual capacity over race as an important influence in life. Charlie stated, “[It]
is really not about my color. It really isn’t. It’s about my own particular belief. And my own
personal ability, my own personal ownership of myself and understanding how to build worth.”
Finally, Zulu provided a profound: response in his explanation of how the Black identity
influences his life experience. Zulu stated:
It certainly compelled me to be very conscious. My Blackness that you see has driven
everything from my belief system to my ambition, my drive, my connection to my living
relatives, to my ancestors. It [has] certainly driven my spirituality. I understand the
plantation, the ways of the plantation, and I understand how we got there. And I
understand how we are leaving there. We’re not quite free yet. But this Blackness is a
story onto itself.
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In this section, participants discussed that the Black identity influenced their pride and
positive self-image. There was a strong theme of participants not having a deep understanding of
their ancestry, but even without historical accuracy, what they knew of the history of Africa and
Black royalty inspired them. Although some participants cautioned about the divisive nature of
racial categories, there was a strong call for deeper consciousness and connectedness as a part of
the African diaspora.
Comfort With Phenotypic Presentation
When asked about their desires to make changes to their physical appearance, no
participant expressed a current desire to change any part of them that was a phenotypically Black
characteristic. Echo stated, “I like being the dark shade,” and Delta stated, “I know how we just
naturally build to, like Black people, you’re much more muscular and much more muscular
structure than Caucasian men. Black women are much more shapely and stuff like that.” Papa
also indicated his discontent with his narrower features and preferred his features be “a little
thicker.” Quebec was the only participant to reveal a preference for Whiteness when he was
younger. Quebec stated:
But I know when I was really young, I wanted to be White. I wanted to be White so bad.
I mean, I didn’t dress White, but. I liked the White people’s hair. It wasn’t their skin tone.
It was the hair. I liked how their hair used to fall. I didn’t care about their skin color, but I
liked how their hair used to fall. So, I like, I wanted that so bad, but I’m happy with my
hair.
These findings demonstrate a level of comfort with Black physical traits, which contributes to
understanding participants’ levels of self-acceptance.
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Black Masculinity
The following sections cover the intersection of Blackness and masculinity. Participant
responses to questions addressing how their life experiences were influenced by their maleness
are reviewed. The analysis identified masculine and male identity is rooted in a leader, head, and
provider role. The role of leader and provider influences participants’ drive to prioritize earning
behaviors. Participants also revealed masculinity rules governing their outward expression of
behaviors and emotions. Having to avoid emotions, along with the burdens of masculinity
contests, turf wars, and assertions of physical dominance, are discussed to provide insight into
the authority and imposition of Black masculinity.
Masculine and Male Identity
Four tenants reigned true in India, Lima, and Mike’s definition of maleness and
masculinity, including provider, head, leader, and legacy builders. Lima stated, “I’m a man, and .
. . we are meant to be the head. We were put here to lead from a biblical standpoint.” Regarding
legacy building, Mike said, “I feel as if any mother or father should always leave an inheritance
for their children’s children. So, if we don’t do that, there’s no sense of living. So, it’s really
about the future. It’s for generations to come.” Delta also defined his masculinity around being a
leader. He stated, “[The] importance of me being a male is to be an example of that to other
males.”
The provider role of Bahamian males drove earning behaviors and was highlighted as a
source of stress for participants. Golf and India expressed the burden of being a strong male
provider. India stated, “Life, in general, is not easy, especially nowadays in society. There’s a lot
of mental burden that men carry, and it’s like, so much pressure is put on you to become
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successful very fast.” India vividly portrayed the need for men to earn and be successful as a part
of the masculine identity. He stated:
There’s almost an instant burden to become successful. And you need to be an
entrepreneur, or you need to be making a certain amount of money. You need to be able
to find a wife. Like there’s just so much being thrown in your direction. You don’t have
no car. You need to find a house. So, you’re trying to figure out how I can make money
to do all of these things without doing something illegal. Do it fast enough before I hit a
certain age, all while not going insane.
The statement above highlights the precarious conditions faced by Bahamian men who consider
illegal measures to gain capital. The statement also highlights that earning and financial standing
are axioms of masculinity. Alfa and Quebec also highlighted the weight of responsibility as a
man and a provider.
India bemoaned the way men are used and discarded in society. He stated, “It’s very
difficult as a man because when people hire you like they care nothing about you as a person,
especially corporations, they only care about what they can get from you until they can replace
you.” India also expressed disadvantages associated with masculinity in the Bahamas. He stated:
I can’t really think of any advantages. The disadvantages are that many people will
assume that all of us are a threat, especially like if you’re out in a group or if you’re out.
Let’s say you go to a bar for a drink. You know, all the other men may see you as a
challenge. And this is where the whole being strong and masculine thing comes into play
because, for some reason, this guy thinks my existence is a threat to him, and I’m just
trying to live my life.
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Papa provided a distinction between being a male and a man and stated a man is
accountable and responsible for facilitating the role of the head by doing “what it takes,” whereas
a male does not care. With regard to his masculine identity, Echo was introspective and stated, “I
don’t know if I grasp it or take it seriously enough or. Make that effort to establish my presence
or my manhood.” Even with this disconnect, Echo identified that based on a biblical foundation,
being a man is associated with taking the lead and providing mentorship.
Sierra brought up the dichotomy of masculine earning and feminine learning. He
indicated education does not fit the masculine ideology, which is more centered on being the
man and providing as the head of the household. Of great interest to this study is that Tango and
Sierra also stated academics are seen as “soft.” Sierra elaborated by stating educational pursuits
may detract from earning behaviors central to the masculine identity. Whiskey provided
additional insight by stating, “I think there is a pressure for men to make money as opposed as
opposed to spend money. . . . So, someone who’s off to school spending money is not making
money.” He further stated this is why men may find it more beneficial to develop a skill that can
lead to earning once they leave high school than to pursue academic undertakings.
In this section, I covered the weight of masculinity and male identity. Ninety-five percent
of participants identified with the dominant masculine ideology of leader and provider. This
ideology was stated by Christian participants as taught in the Bible and core to the masculine
identity. Nevertheless, participants identified being a head and provider leads to pressure to
prioritize earning behaviors, sometimes at the expense of legality and education. Data also were
presented about challenges and threatening stereotypes associated with masculinity. Being a man
is a core part of participants’ identity, influencing their social, educational, employment, or
business experiences.
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Masculinity Rules
This section reviews the complexity of the expression of masculinity rules. Participants
were vulnerable in explaining their concerns about how society expects masculinity to be
demonstrated. Five themes of concern are discussed, including men needing to be emotionless
providers, participation in masculinity contests, the subjugation of women, the influence of
colorism, and the physicality of maleness.
Manly Providers. Masculinity rules hinder participants’ authentic expression of
emotions. India demonstrated the linkage between Black Bahamian masculinity rules, emotions,
and slavery. He stated the tumultuous past of enduring the struggles of slavery has resulted in
men “having to be stone-faced, emotionless beings that exude strength and stability without
showing any emotion or regret for any of our actions.” Echo also expanded on the types of
behaviors and emotions deemed inappropriate for Bahamian males. He stated, “In this society,
you have to watch how you act, and I can’t be goofy and silly and say something . . . somethings
you can’t say as a Black man in the 40s.” Quebec’s position aligned with Tango, who
highlighted the rule that “man ain’t supposed to cry, men supposed to protect.”
Whiskey also explained the social pressures of being a strong, emotionless protector and
provider. He detailed Bahamian men are “taught that showing emotion is a sign of weakness . . .
be the protector and provider . . . and if you are seen to be weak, then your family is seen to be
weak, and they are seen to be vulnerable.” These behavioral requirements and emotional
suppression foster an inauthentic public “persona.” The provider role also explains the need for
men to earn and have money. Zulu said, “We like money in our pockets. . . . We feel kind of
strangely empty without money . . . and we like to take care of our ladies . . . take care of our
moms. There’s something about a man having the financial autonomy.” The provider role places
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men who lack freedom of self-expression into a vulnerable condition and affects their sense of
worth and value. Quebec stated, “If you don’t have a job, you ain’t you a nobody. You nothing.
If you, you know, frustrated or sad about some financial situation, about whatever the case may
be, you know, you look down upon.”
India also elaborated that, as a culture, there was a total disregard for men’s feelings and
that masculinity rules were damaging. India stated, “[It] in itself has caused me a lot of emotional
and mental damage. Because society, if you ask me, doesn’t care about men’s mental health.”
India’s references encapsulated what Echo also said. India was very passionate about this
subject, and the following excerpt delves into the problematic juxtaposition of masculinity and
emotions for BBM. India asserted:
Growing up, it was always taught that, you know, you’re a boy. You boys don’t cry . . .
you have to be tough. You have to be strong. Even when you don’t want to be strong,
even when you don’t, when you don’t feel your best, you have to be the pillar, or else
everything will crumble. And even when you feel like you need to give up or if you’re
not good enough or not, you have to pretend that you’re strong. You have to you have to
be strong. There’s no ifs, ands, or buts about it. And if you’re not strong, then you’re not
a man. So, it becomes, well, what if I’m depressed? . . . I could have lost my mother. I
could have lost my grandmother. My wife could be cheating on me. It could be a number
of things. And it’s just, suck it up. . . . Be like, no, that’s not the answer to the mental
issue that I have. You know what I mean? So, it’s, it’s just rough. It’s something that I’m
still struggling with, even at this age. I’m only now recently being able to kind of voice
my emotions and my feelings and just try to get into to what I actually feel and how
things make me feel and just be able to express myself without complaining.
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Compounding the infliction of masculinity rules is many participants lacking support for
emotional needs. Echo stated:
Personally, in Bahamian society, you feel you can’t be emotional as you want. Cry as you
want, get frustrated. . . . Sometimes with life and internal issues and frustrations, I feel
like I want to blow up. You know, you always get frustrated, but you feel you don’t have
an avenue to go to somebody to talk to. In the back of your mind, you say if you go to a
counselor, that’s soft or weird. That kind of affects me not being able to. I express
myself, but I’m grateful for my brother, who I’m able to . . . talk with . . . really open up
with . . . we talk about just about everything. So, it’s a unique dynamic.
Echo and his brother’s relationship signals resistance to the prescribed emotional void for BBM.
Bravo also stated he was in tune with his emotions and was taught emotional expressions were
normal. Participants’ consciousness and challenges with the negative implications of emotional
suppression indicate a desire to be authentic in their self and emotional expression. Alfa blatantly
expressed his concerns about boys and men disavowing their emotions and communicating their
feelings. Alfa stated, “That’s why they’d be so violent and so egotistic . . . [because] as a child,
you have this loss of language,” which leads to boys and men being incapable of self-expression.
Further, the detrimental implications of emotional suppression affect participants’ social
interactions
Masculinity Contests. There also were discussions about turf wars and altercations
resulting from societal masculinity contests. These contests strained participants who faced
violence and unsafe interactions and dealt with the backlash in their social lives. India stated he
avoids nightlife and large social interactions to protect himself. He indicated backing down from
an altercation is detrimental and “makes you less than a man.” He indicated preferring small
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intimate settings to “feel safe, physically and mentally.” Delta also discussed masculinity
contests when male adolescents with “hormones running” start dating. He indicated boys are
subjected to bullying and masculinity tests concerning their love interests, causing fear and
“pressure” that distracts them from focusing in school settings.
Subjugating Women. Delta and India discussed the masculinity rules of being the head
and a provider, and they voiced not subscribing to the masculinity rules taught in Bahamian
society. India expanded on how his childhood experiences witnessing masculinity rules made
him want something different in his marriage. He stated, “I try to make things equal and fair so
she doesn’t feel, for lack of a better word, useless in a relationship.” India felt masculinity rules
subjugated women to a condition where they cooked and cleaned, and their input was “null and
void.” Papa explained his mother wanted him to learn to cook, clean, and be independent. She
wanted him to be well rounded and function without a wife if he decided not to marry.
Colorism and Masculinity. Quebec provided an alternative perspective, indicating how
masculinity may be classified further by grooming and dress codes. He also delved into the
intersection of colorism, masculinity, and sexuality. He said, “As a light skin person, if I wear
something too tight . . . like too tight pants type of stuff, I’m considered either gay or feminine.
But if a dark skin person has the same thing, they’re considered stylish.” Quebec’s experience
demonstrates the complexity of masculinity and how the degree of darkness in your complexion
impacts how you are perceived as a male.
Physicality of Masculinity. Masculine rules also predicate a certain level of physicality
and demonstrations of strength for participants. Quebec spoke about instances where masculine
rules and machismo forced BBM to behave in specific ways. Quebec discussed chivalry, opening
doors, and lifting things for women. He elaborated, “You normally have to give up a certain type
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of lifestyle to be a man in this society. And I think that’s why a lot of times men go into physical
labor or are dragged into physical labor because that is where they’re always called.” Toughness
is a core component of masculinity rules. As Quebec indicated, “You don’t want to look weak in
front of another guy.” Kilo also intimated that he was taught to express his emotions as a child;
however, in the transition to manhood he was taught to “toughen up, walk straight and firming
up your back” to meet the physical presentation of masculinity.
Mental Health and Support
In the previous section, I discussed how masculinity rules influenced participants’
expressions of emotions. This section discusses participants’ mental health and emotional
disposition. I then discuss the resources participants have to seek help for mental or physical
health needs.
Mental Health and Emotional Disposition
Participant interviews revealed a subdued nature of expressing emotional woes. The
masculinity rules that snuff out emotion also left participants ill equipped to verbalize their
emotional challenges. Echo revealed he dealt with anxiety and had emotional “highs and lows.”
Echo also dealt with a lack of emotional safety in some of his jobs, where he faced ridicule from
colleagues and a supervisor. Echo described a low point in his life where he felt “dehumanized”
when a supervisor tried inappropriately to address concerns about his mental health.
Echo’s unemployment status and his observation of injustice in the community are also a
cause of distress for him. He stated it has caused “serious depression.” His depression leads to
him neglecting himself and isolating himself. Similarly, Foxtrot discussed having “textbook
depression,” which he referred to as “funks.”
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India also discussed mental distress resulting from unsafe conditions at his job. India
explained it is “emotionally and mentally draining to always have to look over your back and
always have to wonder if somebody’s going to be waiting for me when I leave.” With regard to
help seeking for mental health needs, India stated:
Looking for help in itself is considered a sign of weakness. And so even just trying to
find the help is just basically admitting that you’re not strong enough. And so, you know,
with men, it’s just like going to the doctor. You don’t want to go to the doctor because we
are supposed to be strong enough not to need to go to that doctor. So that falls into the
same category. We’re not going to admit that.
Quebec indicated masculinity rules prevent him from seeking help when things are going
“rough.” Expressing feelings leads to a devaluation of a man. As a result, Quebec said, “You
really have to find your own corner at times and just be with yourself. A lot of deep breaths, a lot
of quietness, silence.” Sierra also discussed how life’s pressure would negatively affect his
emotional state. He expressed, “I could count two times that it really… let’s say, the pressures of
life really brought tears to my eyes.” Zulu also spoke of needing to remind himself he was
“worthy” and dealing with self-doubt associated with his Black identity. Sierra indicated he
turned to prayer to overcome his dark times. He stated, “The serenity prayer that my mom
always taught. She taught us that prayer. So, I would usually recite that.”
Alfa provided a very poignant explanation of the intersectionality of mental health,
communication, and violence for Black men. His explanation addressed many social ills that
plagued society and demonstrated the root cause is society’s neglect of men’s mental health. Alfa
stated, “Men particularly have mental issues . . . which we don’t like to address . . . but it’s real,
you know, and what happens is that if it’s not addressed, it becomes violent.” Alfa then
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elaborated on the cost of emotional prohibition and the lack of capacity to communicate
emotions. The lack of communication skills causes violence against the people men love.
Without developed verbal communication, men and boys cannot reason and talk through
problems, and it is why Alfa stated “[there is] a lot of violence inside the schools.” He
highlighted the imperative of communication skills “to get a job . . . to get a good, healthy
relationship” and for developing mental capacity.
Alfa’s personal story about mental health and emotional aggression is significant as he
was the only participant to reveal a history of incarceration he said stemmed from his challenges
with anger. Alfa was adamant about his wish for his story to be shared to help better the
Bahamian society. At 17, Alfa was incarcerated for 15 charges related to assault. His anger as a
teenager led him to violent outbursts, demonstrating the importance of centering BBMs’ mental
health and support for emotional distress. With rehabilitation and mentorship, Alfa turned his life
around and now dedicates himself to supporting and developing young Bahamian men. Although
not a dominant theme across all participants, emotional well-being and mental health were
significant challenges with a disparate impact on some.
Help for Health Needs
Participants were generally aware of ways to access care for mental or physical health
needs. Golf was impressed by his company’s health care offerings, including a program where he
could access telehealth for mental health needs. However, due to masculinity rules, participants
avoided traditional sources of care and only sought professional support in dire cases. Alfa
highlighted the “stigma” associated with mental health challenges in society. Data revealed a
general discomfort with seeking counseling for mental health needs; as such, participants relied
on prayer, family, and friends to take them through difficult periods with their mental health.
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Echo credited his brother, and India had his wife for mental health support. Foxtrot
acknowledged receiving help from friends in the medical community, and Zulu credited his
community of friends who had psychological training. Sierra was grateful for close associates to
whom he could speak if needed.
Mike discussed his decision to pursue more formal support to address his mental health
needs and acknowledged the importance of having someone to talk to one on one. Whiskey
discussed his positive experience with formal therapy and stated:
Yes. So, I’ve done therapy before. And once again, I think it’s still a stigma, even though
people would generally say . . . if you need help, you need to say it. I think there is still a
stigma attached to especially men who go to therapy because it’s seen as a sign of
weakness. It’s also seen as you being unstable. And if you are unstable, how can you be
in charge of a home? If you’re unstable, how can you be in charge at a workplace? When
ultimately, it should be seen as a norm to simply just have somebody to talk to and being
able to just hear in a nonjudgmental environment, just have certain things out loud so you
can be able to make a decision as to your next steps . . .
Whiskey wants men to understand “it’s really okay just to seek help.” He also spoke on his
perspectives on increasing suicide rates among Bahamian men, stating, “I think that’s why the
suicide rate . . . it’s higher in men than it is in women because of that pressure.” Even Delta, who
previously worked in the wellness space, admitted to rarely prioritizing his mental health.
Quebec signaled the need to do more for men’s mental health “not like an overdose because then
you make weak men . . . I feel that it needs to be a space maybe for guys to let out their thoughts
and their feelings. I guess that’s where women normally come in.”
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The conditions of participants’ emotional turmoil and lack of professional care for health
needs demonstrate their vulnerability to precarious social and work conditions. Participants
revealed negative emotional dispositions and a lack of coping and communications skills to
handle emotional stress have detrimental effects on participants’ social interactions. Participants
called for more safe spaces for men, removing the stigma for mental health care, and a culture
shift to acknowledge men are whole human beings with a right to have their feelings validated,
respected, and supported.
Afrofuturistic Ideals
Interviewees’ counternarratives referenced Afrofuturistic ideals of constructing a future
for the Bahamas that reckons with the systemic bounds of racism. Two themes of significance
immerged, including legacy making and self-efficacy and agency—impact and legacy.
Participants discussed their hopes and plans to build and further the advancement of the
Bahamian society.
Legacy Making
Sixty-five percent of participants specified the importance of leaving a legacy as a part of
their life’s work. Mike, Delta, Lima, Oscar, and Whiskey emphasized the key role family plays
in establishing one’s legacy. They discussed putting measures in place to ensure the prosperity of
their families. Delta, Charlie, India, Lima, Alfa, Echo, Papa, Romeo, Zulu, Tango, Whiskey, and
Sierra focused on leaving a legacy through positive contributions to community and nation
development. Romeo and Sierra determined their mission was to leave a positive workplace
footprint. Romeo declared, “While I’m living, I always want to pass on . . . to others,” which
included providing formal training in his units of the armed forces. Whiskey also discussed
providing his professional services to marginalized communities to remove barriers to access to
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legal representation. Finally, Delta, Lima, Papa, Tango, Alfa, and Zulu aspired to leave a legacy
of educating, inspiring, transforming, and uplifting children, men, and the community. Lima
expressed his desire to be an example and inspiration for Bahamian men by showing that with
“hard work, dedication, and perseverance,” even someone who “came from nothing” could rise
to the top.
Self-Efficacy and Agency: Impact and Legacy
Thirty percent of participants emphasized their perceptions of agency and efficacy to
establish a meaningful change in creating a positive future for the Bahamas. Echo, Tango, Zulu,
and Charlie indicated they were making strides and were confident in their capacity to make an
impact. Mike and Papa expressed a strong belief in themselves and in their capacity to achieve
their aspirations and community-driven goals. It is important to highlight participants’ cognition
of their capacity to affect positive change for themselves and in the Bahamian society. Given that
self-efficacy is situation specific, future sections of this chapter provide findings detailing
participants’ self-efficacy related to earning and education.
Conclusion
Participants’ identity and person factors were presented to identify the circumstances
influencing earning and learning behaviors. The findings demonstrated participants generally
have self-confidence, agency, and pride in Blackness. Participants also demonstrated a concreate
understanding of the masculinity rules required to navigate as male constituents of Bahamian
society. Participants expressed concern regarding a lack of support for mental health; yet, they
had a sense of hope and belief that they could create a legacy of transforming and supporting the
development of the Bahamas.
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Description of Employment Experience
RQ1: How Do Black Bahamian Men Describe Their Employment Experiences in the
Bahamian Labor Market?
Understanding participants’ employment experiences is pivotal in addressing RQ1.
Employment and earning is a core Level 1 theme that emerged in the qualitative interviews.
Participants’ descriptions addressed subthemes including earning as a priority, job qualifications
and competencies, barriers and hindrances in employment, perspectives on work experiences,
masculine identity in the workplace, race and ethnic inequity at work, self-efficacy and agency:
earning behaviors and goals, and entrepreneurship as resistance. Table 7 shows the
categorization of the subthemes relevant to employment and earning.

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Table 7
Coding for Theme 2: Employment and Earning
Level 1: Theme 2: Employment and earning
Level 2 subthemes Level 3 subthemes
Earning as a priority

–
Job qualifications and competencies

Importance of education for jobs
Importance of trade schools
Value of soft skills
Alignment between education and career
interests
Lack of job qualifications
Regret due to lack of educational
attainment

Challenges with securing employment

–
Precarious working conditions

–
Masculine identity in the workplace

–
Contradiction of male privilege and women’s
career success

–
Race and ethnic inequity at work Slavery vernacular and references
Internalized racism
Foreign superiority
Overt discrimination experienced at work

Self-efficacy and agency: Earning behaviors and
goals

–
Entrepreneurship as resistance –

Note. A dash is used to signify there is no correlating Level 3 subtheme.

Earning as a Priority
Earning as a priority was a subtheme that emerged in 55% of participant interviews. The
significant finding was that participants were required to prioritize earning behaviors through
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employment and entrepreneurship over educational undertakings due to financial needs and
socioeconomic conditions. Lima, Delta, Whiskey, Golf, Bravo, Tango, Sierra, Romeo, Alfa, and
Charlie expressed earning behaviors and financial status are core to Bahamian men’s masculine
identity. Lima conveyed, “The main thing was to finish high school and get a job and work a job
for the rest of your life.” Delta attributed the need for earning to the predicament of single-parent
homes in the Bahamas and the requirement for young men to assist mothers who struggle to meet
financial needs. Whiskey and Romeo identified the dilemma of young men being pressured to
establish independence and financial autonomy. They shared female children are not subject to
the same pressures. Whiskey suggested this pressure to earn leads young BBM to participate in
black market activities because they often lack the education and competencies to earn through
legitimate means. Whiskey stated:
If you can find another way, you will find another way. So, and maybe that’s the reason
why a lot of these people go into crime and stuff, too, because the push is really on
making money, not on getting an education, and then letting that education help you
make money.
Earning opportunities not requiring a formal education are sought by BBM. Golf indicated men
pursue jobs in the hospitality industry, where entry-level jobs provide reasonable compensation
through tips and gratuities. Golf explained, in some instances, education does not provide
incremental earning value, thus men forgo the expenditure of time and resources to pursue
education to support upward mobility.
Entry into employment was often not a product of methodical planning but rather an
action of financial necessity guided by ease, speed, and social capital. Participants, including
Alfa, Charlie, and Bravo, discussed their entry into the workplace as minors doing odd jobs to
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support themselves. Zulu, Lima, and Mike’s entry into the workplace was due to networking
opportunities and social capital.
After realizing he was not going to college, India’s mother was the impetus for his entry
into the workplace. She supported his job search and provided direction based on his known
interests. The disadvantage of prioritizing earning was identified by Bravo, who expressed many
men do not follow their career passions due to the need to earn. This issue was evident in Echo’s
portrayal of his tumultuous journey of work experiences across industries. Bravo said, “Most
men aren’t doing what they actually want to do in their career life.” Finally, Whisky, Zulu,
Sierra, Tango, Bravo, Mike, and Delta advised of their endeavors to create multiple streams of
income through jobs and side businesses to meet financial needs and goals.
As an additional perspective, participants identified formal tertiary education as a luxury.
Whiskey shared his education was a significant investment; he obtained student loans and
sacrificed to afford his education. He indicated many men do not find the benefit or need to
undertake the same financial expenditure. Whiskey explained, “Instead of trying to achieve some
goal of going off to school, spending years of money, they try to see how quickly . . . [they
could] transition into the workplace.” Golf reaffirmed this stance: “More men get plunged into
the world of work . . . rather than saying, hey, listen, the next level needs to be school.” Golf
spoke of the importance of sports scholarships offering young men, who would otherwise be
unable, the opportunity to attend school. Earning as a priority is a substantial theme supporting a
deeper understanding of participants’ behaviors in the BLM and education attainment.
Job Qualifications and Competencies
Job qualifications and competencies is a predominant subtheme in participants’
descriptions of their employment experiences. The current section covers six aligned Level 3
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subthemes: importance of education for jobs, importance of trade schools, value of soft skills,
alignment between education and career interests, lack of job qualifications, and regret due to
lack of educational attainment. These themes demonstrate the interconnectivity of the behavioral
factors of educational attainment and career attainment and demonstrate participants’ cognitions
and perspectives on job qualifications and competencies. Fourteen participants responded to
demographic survey questions addressing future educational and career goals. Table 8 provides
insight into participants’ perspectives on alignment between their education goals and careers.

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Table 8
Perspectives on Relationships Between Future Education and Careers
Pseudonym What are your educational
goals?
Is your job related to
your career goals?
Do you have the
necessary education to
achieve your career
goals?
Bravo “Always researching for new
projects.”
“Some of it.” “Yes”
Charlie “Complete a master’s of
counselling and a Doctorate
in Divinity.”
“Yes” “Yes”
Echo “To learn from people in
society (mentors, bible
educators, social media
educators/influencers),
reading various things that
interests me.”
“No connection” “No”
Foxtrot “:-) None, really.” “I think so—utilizing
skills acquired to
make a change in
society”
“Yes”
India “Go to college in the future if
possible.”
“Yes” “Yes”
Kilo “Go back to school to get my
Master’s”
“Somewhat” “Yes”
Lima “Professional certification in
current role”
“Yes” “Yes”
Mike “To get a law degree and a
doctorate degree”
“In some ways” “Not at the moment,
but I will fix that”
Oscar “To have a degree” “Yes” “Not yet”
Papa “To go all the way to my
doctoral degree”
“Yes” “Yes”
Quebec “I would like to have enough
knowledge about a topic to
write a well-respected book
about it.”
“Yes” “Yes”
Victor “Obtain several IT
certifications”
“Yes” “Not yet”
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Importance of Education for Jobs
Generally, participants indicated they understood the importance of education for job
opportunities. The perceived value of education often increased as participants got older and
became more aware of its value. Echo stated, “If you’re not educated, have a degree, or a super
strong work history . . . there’s not many options for you.” Lima also advised learning is critical
for career mobility; it was vital he maintained jobs in environments prioritizing “opportunities
for progress, promotion, and continuous learning.”
Romeo shared his education level and certifications opened doors for him to achieve the
highest possible advancement in his career. He also indicated he was afforded opportunities for
continuous learning in the armed forces. Sierra also credited the public service for “upgrading
classes . . . for you to advance or be promoted or to be reclassified into another classification.”
The public service also assists employees in pursuing BGCSE examinations, which are often
entry-level job qualifications. Sierra took advantage of this offering as he did not complete his
examinations in high school. He stated, “I want to advance myself in the public service. And for
me to advance, like I stated, I will have to have these minimal qualifications.”
Papa was pursuing a degree because he saw the need for credentials for workplace
advancement. Being credentialed is considered an advantage for some participants who were
actively trying to close educational gaps to improve their upward mobility. Golf experienced
growth in his career he attributed to his education. Nevertheless, India explained, as an employer,
he had “come to the realization that education does not make a great employee. Work ethic . . .
makes a great employee.”
Education also was valued by entrepreneurs like Whiskey and Oscar, whose credentials
affected their capacity to do business. Oscar stated, “By having a degree, you basically make
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yourself more valuable.” Oscar’s lack of a degree affected his entrepreneurial undertakings
because some projects with companies expect a degree, regardless of how good his work is.
Oscar declared, “Although I own my business . . . they still try to downgrade me because I don’t
have a degree.”
Importance of Trade Schools
Participants discussed the benefit of trade schools for enhancing BBM’s earning
potential. Alfa, Echo, Charlie, Lima, India, Sierra, and Whiskey discussed the economic
importance of trades for men and desired more emphasis and access to trade schools or programs
for young males to learn a skill that can help them to be financially self-sufficient. India
expressed high schools should offer more trade courses to give men “something to fall back on.”
Trades allow for a “side hustle” irrespective of employment status.
Bravo indicated for those who knew their goal was to work in a trade, trade schools save
time compared to degree programs and allow students to hone in on their interests. Bravo stated:
I just didn’t want to waste no time because I didn’t want to be like people who in school
for 8 years. And then when they come out, they got to make that money back for 8 years.
They lost. I went to school for a year, and I was out. I got all my certifications and was
just as big as anybody [in the same field].
In support of Bravo’s emphasis on decreasing the time spent in learning institutions, Papa
advocated for trades and trade schools. Concerning BBM’s motivations, Papa shared:
They want the shortest version of how to, even if not get an education, how they could
survive. And so, some of them are just looking at how they could better themselves to get
out of the state and the situation where they’re at. And so, they’re looking for the quickest
and easiest way out. And so, like I would say, if you could revamp the educational
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system and be talking about theory and practical, where some of them are more hands-on.
And some of them may not be academically sound as others, but just give them the basics
to what they need, whether it be a trade or computer or in other areas, and just give them
the basic, I would say, subjects and allow them to grow from there. It will help to aid
them in being successful. And like I alluded to earlier, not giving them the 13, 14, 15
subjects that they know they do not need for a particular area that they seek.
Participants identified learning a trade was a gateway to significant earnings. Trades are more
technical and hands-on, which may align better with the masculine identity in contrast to softer
skills.
Value of Soft Skills
Participants Zulu and Whiskey described soft skills as a competitive advantage and a
valuable competency for professional Bahamian men. India presented the cultural stereotype that
men are “not good for office jobs.” Further, Delta believed, generally, young men are not
provided with social development for soft skills like problem solving, which impedes their job
performance.
Alfa also conveyed communication skills are sorely lacking in BBM. Delta expressed
some BBM lack “common courtesies,” “soft skills,” and “formal work” decorum affecting their
suitability in the workplace. Romeo also found having women in the workplace supports an
increased level of organizational professionalism. Participants’ responses revealed BBM should
do more to develop soft skills to improve their career prospects.
Alignment Between Education and Career Interests
Given that participants prioritized earning behaviors, education interests were not aligned
significantly with career interests. Sixty percent of participants, including Alfa, Charlie, Delta,
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Whiskey, Bravo, Foxtrot, Romeo, Golf, Zulu, Quebec, Papa, and Tango, discussed their
experiences pursuing higher education opportunities and certifications to support their careers of
choice. Whiskey, Charlie, Bravo, Delta, Oscar, and India were interested in the subject matter
aligned with their career choice. In contrast, others pursued education after exposure to the career
to further their career mobility options. Oscar’s interests in arts and crafts in high school
motivated him to pursue construction. Bravo fell in love with boats as a young child, India’s
passion for math helped to support his banking career, and Whiskey was interested in the law.
Echo, Lima, Mike, and Quebec expressed that their educational interests did not align
with their career interests or work history. Lima did not pursue his interests in science and math
when finding a job, and Mike got into his technical profession through networking. An important
theme among participants was that gainful employment and earning behaviors preceded and
outweighed educational interests. The findings also demonstrated that although interest in a
subject is important, participants were motivated to pursue educational opportunities when they
saw the alignment with earning opportunities.
Lack of Job Qualifications
A lack of job qualifications was a pain point for participants who discussed the inability
to secure a job or stunted career growth. Echo highlighted three job experiences as a security
officer, forklift operator, and caretaker, where he was hired but not qualified for the work. Echo
indicated he was not provided adequate job training to be successful in the roles and the lack of
qualifications and capacity to do the job, specifically performing CPR as a caretaker, was a
source of stress for him. Papa experienced challenges with advancement in the workplace due to
a lack of “higher learning or credentials.”
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In Romeo’s experience in the armed forces, he indicated males were more likely than
females to be rejected for job opportunities due to a lack of academic prerequisites. Conversely,
females typically met the academic requirements but were likely to be rejected because there was
not adequate room or duties for females. He stated, in the 1980s, when he entered the armed
forces, men held more academic credentials than they do now. Romeo explained, “Back then,
those of us who joined, we were top of our classes, many of us joined at the top of our classes,
and we did extremely well in high school.” Romeo spoke about his organization being required
to offer continued education so staff could achieve basic high school educational requirements
for advancement. He stated, in the past, “Many of [the men] . . . had the requisite academic
qualifications fresh out of high school.”
Victor discussed how many men in the labor market lack the basic computer skills
needed to function, despite the availability of many free courses. He intimated that many males
do not take the initiative to learn or achieve the qualifications needed to succeed on a job.
Sierra also pointed out he did not feel many men had adequate preparation to be successful in
their careers. Alfa emphasized a lack of education relegates many persons to “the domestic
work,” which makes little money given that “the minimum wage in our country is very low.”
Adding depth, Bravo was exasperated by how many jobs ask for experience as a qualification but
how hard it is to get experience if no one takes a chance on giving you a job. Ultimately, Charlie
advocated for the importance of being credentialed and getting good work experience when
preparing for careers. He stated both education and experience are essential to meeting the
qualifications for many jobs.
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Regret Due to Lack of Educational Attainment
Regret due to lack of education emerged in 30% of participant interviews. Echo and
Sierra regretted not having attained more education during high school, given their current
challenges with employment and advancement. India also did not go to college as he planned in
high school due to a lack of financial support. He stated not going to college had a significant
impact and changed the course of his life. After realizing he would go into the workforce
immediately, he reflected and stated, “Okay, wow, I really should have paid more attention in
school,” which would have helped increase his chances for scholarships so he could go to
college.
Victor’s lack of credentials caused him to suffer from “imposter syndrome.” He stated,
“Because I know . . . I shouldn’t be here. I don’t have a degree. I don’t have any kind of
certification.” He also admitted having “some regrets . . . [thinking he] probably could have been
a bit further.” Mike and Kilo also expressed regret for the lack of priority placed on education.
When asked to rate his value for education, Kilo stated he did not care back in high school;
however, after entering the job market, he wished he was more focused on school. Kilo stated
not having his education pushes him to want to pursue a degree. He proclaimed, “I got to go get
it. . . . That’s my everyday goal, honestly.”
Challenges With Securing Employment
Securing employment was the first hurdle participants experienced navigating the
workforce. Between the ages of 19 to 29, Echo experienced a 10-year employment gap, only
working for 5 months in the entire period. Now in his 40s, he still struggles with unemployment.
He stated, “[If] you’re not educated, have a degree or a super strong work history . . . there’s not
many options for you” outside of “fast food” and “security.” Echo also spoke of his concern with
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the financial requirements of job searches for entry-level positions. Businesses often request a
clean criminal record satisfied by a government-issued police certificate and a passport photo.
Additionally, reference letters are hard to obtain for persons with minimal experience.
Oscar elaborated that some businesses hire women without all necessary documentation;
however, “for a male, the first thing they probably ask you for is a police record to make sure
that you have you don’t have any bad criminal records.” Given the costs associated with police
records, passport photos, and passports, organizations impose a financial barrier applicants may
be unable to overcome without income.
Echo, Oscar, and Alfa further bemoaned the low compensation associated with entry-
level, minimum-wage jobs. With the minimum wage in the Bahamas at $210 per week, before
government deductions, there is little motivation to work in physically demanding positions. An
additional barrier discussed was lack of transportation, which Echo described as an impediment
to the job search and affected where he decided to work. Given the low compensation conditions,
risks, and physicality of jobs often available to men with no certifications, deciding to incur an
expense daily to get to work was a significant barrier.
Further, India discussed securing employment can be difficult for some BBM because
“people will judge you by your appearance and not what you’re capable of.” Finally, Golf faced
a period of unemployment during the COVID-19 pandemic and struggled with accepting
positions for which he was overqualified. Participants discussed challenges with financial
barriers, low compensation, lack of transportation, disparate treatment, and lack of suitable job
options as barriers to employment.
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Precarious Working Conditions
Participants discussed situations that compromised their feelings of safety and comfort on
the job. Kilo and India discussed the financial duties associated with their jobs exposed them to
safety risks. India stated:
I was somebody that did not want to be caught by a robber. Let’s just say that. It was very
emotionally and mentally draining to always have to look over your back and always
have to wonder if somebody’s going to be waiting for me when I leave or, you know, I
just want to get home safe to my family.
Echo also expressed fear and anxiety over the dangers of working in security and facing a “life
or death situation.” He conveyed sadness and concern with the “lack of pay” associated with jobs
that have such high risks and physicality.
The physical element of manual labor also exposed participants to bodily harm. Echo
experienced physical ailments due to manual warehouse labor; he complained, “Your body kind
of wears down. I also was mentally drained working there.” Eventually, he left the job due to the
toll on his body. Finally, Bravo shared he was physically assaulted by a foreign colleague who
was his superior at work. Bravo was asked to do a task he was not trained to do, and when he
protested, the person grabbed him physically. He stated, “I told him I said, no . . . don’t put your
hands on me.” The complexity of being a lower ranking Black man in the White-dominated
maritime world exposed Bravo to hazing, mistreatment, and masculinity contests. Participants
discussed their experiences with precarious working conditions that threatened their health, well-
being, and safety.
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Masculine Identity in the Workplace
Participants unanimously declared there are tangible and intangible advantages to being a
male in the workplace. A primary advantage is experienced by male applicants who receive
preferential treatment and consideration in the hiring process. Male-dominated work
environments were discussed by Echo, Romeo, Mike, Bravo, and Victor, who stated security,
construction, warehousing, armed forces, and maritime are male-centric. Echo identified the
presence of “machismo” in male-dominated work environments. Further, Romeo admitted to
unintended glass ceilings prohibiting women from participating equitably due to the nature of
work in the armed forces. Finally, Victor and Bravo described men as more respected in
positions of authority in industries like warehousing and maritime. India and Delta indicated
being male provides an advantage for promotion and growth opportunities.
Zulu explained that, in some instances, an unqualified man might be hired and favored
more than a female. India, Quebec, Kilo, and Bravo indicated their masculine identity and
dominant behaviors helped them command respect and authority in the workplace. Quebec
stated:
I feel a lot of men are taught to speak up and speak with authority and be lively in the
way you communicate. I find that tends to give them an edge when it comes to
establishing themselves in a career. So, they tend to speak with more confidence and
move with more confidence where even when they lack in maybe terms of certain
educational points, that confidence in the way they approach it makes you more confident
in them of their ability to start to do well in whatever job you’re giving them, which I
guess will help them in their career.
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Candidates Zulu, Delta, and Whiskey discussed perceptions of and experiences with
female hiring managers demonstrating a preference to select men for open positions. Delta also
implied female leaders were more likely to pursue male candidates to avoid the “emotional
friction” associated with women. He felt men were viewed as more “logical.” Whiskey indicated
professional men are a rare commodity. With respect to the advantages of being a male, Whiskey
shared:
I believe that I’m better off . . . and I can only go based on a stigma. Even in the
workplace, women have a certain stigma. If a woman was to have a breakdown in a
workplace, for example, that can be too emotional. If a man has a breakdown in the
workplace, they may be considered to be passionate . . . people may not . . . admit it
directly, but there’s a lot more that a woman has to go through because of that initial
stigma, just generally based on the fact that they’re a woman and so they’re not given an
equal shot at things. I also am grateful because it is, especially in the legal profession, it’s
much easier to continue to develop your career as a man and create a balance of having a
family and having a career.
Golf stated, and Zulu agreed, the “old boys club” still exists. He said, “You know, women have
been kept out of the all-boys club for years. And we now in this country . . . we just started the
conversation maybe 2 years ago about [gender] equality.” Golf also admitted to an instance when
he was paid more than a woman with similar duties and credentials. Golf explained:
I am almost 100% sure that she was told that I was being paid more because I was a male.
And that was almost at that time, even 10 years ago. That stuff was politically correct and
accepted . . . we’ve had that inequality for a long time.
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The cultural advantage of masculinity is implied in Sierra’s precept, “It is said that men,
once they are focused, make a better work person.” India explained men might be perceived to
be more valuable because:
We tend to be willing to sacrifice literally ourselves, our time, and mental health to get
what we need in life, and usually, that benefits the company. So, I’m willing to spend an
extra 4 hours a day just so I can make an extra $60, so I can carry my wife to dinner. And
the company sees that as a plus. So, they like, you know what, I want to keep that guy.
We need to keep him. Let’s keep him happy.
Of the 12 participants eligible to respond to the survey question addressing the number of hours
worked each week, 11 participants reported working more than 40 hours. Sixty-four percent of
these participants said they worked between 50 to 100 hours per week. This finding supports
India’s assertion that men are prepared to exert themselves for their jobs.
Despite participants’ confidence in masculine advantages in the workplace, Alfa
cautioned about a budding mentality in Bahamian society. The cognizance of women’s rights
and inequality is emerging in society. Alfa asserted although women may increase in value due
to equality measures, society must not trivialize or devalue the importance of men’s physicality
and masculine values in the workplace. Alfa stated, “We as a nation must not devalue our him.”
Contradiction of Male Privilege and Women ’s Career Success
Despite the clear advantages of being a male in the Bahamian workforce, participants
referenced Bahamian women’s success due to their educational attainment and motivations. Fifty
percent of participants, including Echo, Delta, Whiskey, Papa, Quebec, Bravo, Victor, Romeo,
Sierra, and Lima, stated women were leading the path in career attainment because they were
more focused on education and were generally more credentialed than BBM.
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India explained it is easier for women to get hired, even though they may be surpassed by
men who find it easier to “get up the ladder.” Papa, Whiskey, and Echo discussed female-
dominated professions like teaching and human resources. Moreover, from Tango’s experience
in education, most of the leaders and teachers are females. Sierra shared this experience in the
public service, where most leaders are females. Charlie deftly described the contradiction,
saying, “I think women have had a better opportunity for education, but they are still being
marginalized in the so-called man’s world, which is a primitive way of thinking.”
Race and Ethnic Inequity at Work
Participants’ responses to the Level 2 subtheme, race and ethnic inequity at work, delved
into the racialized macrosystem of the Bahamas, conditions of White dominance, remnants of
slavery, and experiences of workplace discrimination. Findings from four level 3 subthemes are
discussed, including slavery vernacular and references, internalized racism, foreign superiority,
and overt discrimination experienced at work.
Slavery Vernacular and References
When discussing the workplace, employment, or society, participants referenced slavery.
Eight participants provided salient expressions using verbiage spatially lodged in the plantation
past, demonstrating the stains of slavery on descendants of the enslaved. Table 9 provides
statements depicting slavery vernacular mentioned in eight participant interviews.

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Table 9
Participant Statements Including Slavery Vernacular
Pseudonym Statements with vernacular from slavery
Alfa “Jamaica is basically just the plantation”; “oppressors”
Charlie “You almost expected to be the slave”; “working for the massa”; “cracking
the whip”
Echo “A slave environment”; “Massa” [as a reference for a White employer];
“slave master”; “bondage by the system”
Golf “Be a slave to a job”; “we ball and chain ourselves”; “enslaves”
Kilo “I was being enslaved”; “I see you pull a whip out on them”; “pull out the
whip”
Papa “Slaves to the to the job”
Romeo “N-word”
Zulu “I understand the plantation, the ways of the plantation”; “enslaved”; “free”;
“captures”

Internalized Racism
Participants discussed the concept of internalized racism, which manifested socially and
in interpersonal workplace interactions. Lima identified that, in the Bahamas, Black people
participate in the degradation of other Black people, “putting each other down rather than
uplifting each other.” He attributed this circumstance to competition for limited resources and
opportunities, stating at the root, “it’s the way we are brought up as well too, and sometimes not
knowing any better.” Victor provided vivid depictions of his Black manager, who showed
disdain for him at work, which significantly differed from the treatment by the White owner of
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the company. Lima also explained White employers and business owners were often seen as
more supportive of Black people than Black leaders.
Charlie and Zulu discussed their experiences with a litany of toxic Black leaders in the
hospitality industry who dedicated themselves to stagnating the careers of Black people. Alfa
expanded, stating there is a common preference in society for White leaders due to the
oppressive nature of Black leaders. Alfa stated Black leaders fear competition and hinder striving
for Black professionals. He philosophized “hating ourselves” is endemic to our Black society,
leading to the “Black Crab Syndrome.”
The Black Crab Syndrome is used colloquially by Bahamian people and is a term in the
Black diaspora vernacular (Bolton, 2022). It references the condition of the crowding of Black
land crabs in the confines of a wired pen. The crabs cling to all surfaces and attempt to escape.
The syndrome manifests when the crabs pull others down as they attempt to escape the pen. In
this instance, the pen is a metaphor for an oppressive workplace or society, and the Black crabs
represent Black people. Climbing the wired walls of the pen necessitates an effort to fight the
system to elevate oneself. The greatest hindrance to one’s success is another Black crab pulling
you back down as you try to ascend. Alfa called for Black Bahamians to liberate themselves
from the mental strongholds of the anti-Black narrative.
Oscar demonstrated internalized racism and Afropessimistic sentiment in his statement,
“I believe being a White person is better than being a Black person.” He discussed the Bahamian
past with slavery and believed only White people had wealth. He stated, in the Bahamas, “racism
doesn’t really change from then [slavery]. Some places you do go, there are still practices in
slavery, racism.” Zulu recommended instilling “confidence and reinforcement” in Blackness to
counteract internalized racism. Zulu explained the cultural practice of welcoming a new baby.
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Babies get much attention, which wanes as they grow older. He stated the importance of
maintaining zeal and hope for Bahamian children to develop their self-esteem. Zulu discussed
the reinforcement should address the Black identity and phenotypic presentation. He said:
We’ve got to come to appreciate phenotype; men are bleaching [skin whitening] women
are bleaching to what end? And so, really, for parents to be super conscious of the fact
that we have to abandon the ways of the plantation, the ways that kept us thinking
inferior, dark is no less beautiful than light. It was what they did to keep us fighting, keep
systems on the plantation alive to this day, still in us. . . . It is a national Achilles heel.
Even more so than education.
This powerful statement about internalized racism in the community depicted the Bahamian
culture. Finally, Zulu stated Bahamian society must hold a higher level of confidence and belief
in itself as a collective. Zulu showed positive concepts in “the way we looked” and “being true to
ourselves” are needed to transcend the current state. Participants shared internalized racism was
an individual and collective phenomenon that had detrimental implications in the workplace and
on one’s self-concept.
Foreign Superiority
Fifty percent of participants, including Alfa, Bravo, India, Lima, Charlie, Zulu, Golf,
Whiskey, Oscar, and Romeo, discussed experiences where the concept of foreign superiority and
expatriate privilege was revealed in the workplace. Foreign superiority emerged as a separate
subtheme as participants revealed preferential treatment for foreign workers and expatriates’
participation in discrimination against Black employees. When discussing workplace privileges,
Lima indicated “White foreigners have more of [an] advantage than the Black local Bahamians .
. . more opportunities are provided to them rather than locals.” Lima and Oscar observed
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expatriate employees were more likely to be selected to work in the construction industry,
especially in positions of power. Whiskey also addressed the business and investment advantages
foreigners enjoy. He said White foreigners could easily start a business, invest, and get
advantageous concessions from the government.
Participants referenced the trust and value placed on foreign expertise. Charlie discussed
his perceptions about the value of foreign. He relayed:
In this country, you can hire somebody else of a different hue. And you will value every
single thing that they will say. You’ll be, you know, whatever fall off their lips you’re
prepared to pick up. And look at it as golden. Because you consider their worldview as
being so much more vast.
Zulu agreed this perception has seeped into Bahamian organizations. India’s experiences of
racism at work were typically with “foreign vendors.” India indicated:
It’s usually some sly remark or some kind of, them like trying to talk down to you. And,
you know, you can tell when somebody thinks that they are one-upping you or trying to
talk down to you. And sometimes, you have to be passionate, but most times, you have to
be professional, and you have to let it slide.
Additionally, Bravo and Zulu discussed experiences of being demeaned by expatriates in the
workplace. Expatriates’ degrading behaviors, like asking Zulu, a senior manager, to “make the
tea” or “fetch things,” resulted in Zulu feeling the need to posture and proclaim his worth. Zulu,
Mike, and Charlie discussed times when they were required to roll out the red carpet for an
expatriate employee who was not qualified to do the job.
Expatriates were often paid at a higher rate and provided a lucrative compensation and
benefits package, including housing and tuition for children. Zulu explained Black Bahamians
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are the enablers of foreign superiority. He said, “But we had to, quote-unquote, suffer the
competition just because of conditioning from those people who are in positions to effect change.
. . . And so, in many ways, being Black in this Black country works against you.” Alfa
summarized the challenge of foreign superiority and stated, as a country, we “got to stop
believing that foreign is better and start understanding that the power lies within us.”
Overt Discrimination Experienced at Work
Although most participants acknowledged an experience with a racially charged
workplace, five participants discussed blatant acts of discrimination experienced in the
workplace. Bravo’s experience of discrimination at work involved colleagues making “smart
remarks” or “smart jokes about [him] being Black.” He said, “So I got to do more work. Me
being Black, I got to do the dirty work, you know, stupid stuff like that.” He also experienced
physical assault from a foreign colleague, as was discussed earlier in the precarious working
conditions subtheme. When asked why he continues to work in such a racist and toxic
environment, Bravo stated he loves the work.
Victor also discussed being exposed to a White Bahamian’s racist remarks regarding a
Black Haitian. He referenced xenophobia and the White person trying to excuse the behavior
using a Haitian versus Bahamian ideology. Victor said, “I just think in their minds, that’s like a
separation. So. Okay, we look [like] good Black people.” Kilo shared his “tragic” experience of
discrimination by Black people. He exclaimed, “A Black man against a Black man? . . . That’s
just a drop in the bucket. I have many other stories of racism, especially in the work industry.”
Additionally, Kilo referenced a White employer who refused to talk directly to his Black
workers.
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Alfa shared an experience with a racist boss who was a catalyst for him starting his own
business. Alfa stated:
I tell them say thank you, but no thank you. I will not take disrespect. I mean, I’m a man,
and I, I believe our people suffered too much for us as Black people to just take anything.
We had to live with ourselves. And so, I decided to run my own business.
Participants discussed painful memories of overt discrimination at work. Discrimination is a
physical and emotional assault on participants who already experience precarious working
experiences.
Self-Efficacy and Agency: Earning Behaviors and Goals
All participants expressed self-efficacy and belief in their capacity to earn and achieve
their earning goals. Echo discussed his positive mindset to make incremental achievements to
progress toward his goal. India stated:
I believe I can. I believe I work hard enough for it. I believe I put forth enough effort. I
put forth enough time and commitment. And I have a wife who supports me and family
members that do so as well. And with that behind me, I don’t think there’s anything that
causes me to fear.
Although Victor highlighted the need for discipline and Sierra the need for focus, participants’
responses indicated a belief in self to accomplish their earning-related goals.
Entrepreneurship as Resistance
Participants’ responses regarding their perceptions of the value and importance of
entrepreneurship revealed although entrepreneurship for most was birthed out of necessity, it
signaled hope and supported Afrofuturistic ideals of positive change. This section analyzes
participants’ entrepreneurial undertakings and aspirations. Thirty percent of participants,
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including Alfa, Bravo, Charlie, Oscar, Papa, and Quebec, identified as entrepreneurs. Qualitative
data revealed participants pursued entrepreneurship to earn, have autonomy, and create a legacy.
Entrepreneurship was discovered to be an outcome of the personal, environmental, and
behavioral factors relegating men to needing to earn as a priority.
Lima advocated for people to have multiple income-producing options. Kilo, Foxtrot, and
Whiskey used their professional skills to supplement their income through entrepreneurship.
Lima expressed his desire to be an entrepreneur but indicated the COVID-19 pandemic had
released the sense of job security he once held. Kilo and Bravo also expressed feeling disposable
as an employee, eroding their level of job security. Conversely, Sierra, Victor, Whiskey, and
India indicated there is a risk with entrepreneurship because you lose the comfort, security, and
steady income of a job.
Golf desires to own a successful business and discussed his motivations, waning the
freedom of owning his own business, even though he may end up working harder. He said:
You know, when you work for yourself, you work harder. But, you know, I’ve never
been scared of hard work. I’ve always been a proponent of, you know, hey, the harder
you work, the more you make, you know . . . and thing about it is, you know, the harder
you work, you know, you play harder, you know, but you enjoy the fruits of your labor.
Victor shared this sentiment, and Mike discussed the sacrifice of personal time and energy to
own a business; nevertheless, he wants his businesses to leave an inheritance and legacy for his
son.
There are multiple benefits of entrepreneurship. Quebec, Echo, Charlie, Golf, India,
Bravo, Oscar, and Mike indicated it provides freedom, autonomy, and control over one’s time.
Charlie, Quebec, Echo, Golf, India, Bravo, Mike, Kilo, Oscar, Delta, and Echo indicated
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entrepreneurship provides the financial capital needed to support themselves and their families,
establish a legacy, leave a family inheritance, and support the future development of the country.
Sierra, Oscar, and Quebec called for more support, including skill development for
persons who wish to be entrepreneurs. Papa encourages BBM, who pursue business endeavors in
the black market, to apply their entrepreneurial skills to legal undertakings. He proclaimed:
Drug dealing is not considered a career. . . . But if you look at the life of some of them,
they are successful. They have homes, they have cars, they have other businesses. The
focus is where it is misguided. The same mindset, the same drive, the same tenacity, the
same leadership qualities that they possess in a different area could be in another area.
Quebec and India also discussed the importance of financial and social capital and support for
budding entrepreneurs to gain success. India indicated, “It’s a circus. It’s a jungle. Worth it? I’d
say so.” In conclusion, as a scholar and entrepreneur, Zulu provided a very poignant observation
of the adoption of entrepreneurship by BBM. He elaborated:
Things are changing a bit now, but traditionally men have found themselves working for
themselves. Unfortunately, in many instances, not fully capitalizing by way of profit. And
I have some of my best friends are self-employed, and they go from feast to famine. And
they were, you know, the whole “I don’t want to work for anybody. I can use my hands,”
sort of thing. Many of them are self-taught barbers, electricians, plumbers. I’m thinking
just about my circle now. You know, landscape, fellas. These are men who have
determined that the system has failed them. And so, they’re going to go out there now
and make their magic. And so, they buy an $8000 van from China/Japan, get it ship here,
go to [advertising signage company] and get their insignias neatly put on two coveralls.
Because I could fix cell phones, and I can, I can do your quick electrical work. I can even
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show up when your car is broken down on the side of the road and offer you roadside
assistance. I’m an all-in-one man. Here I am. Boom. Females tend to be more traditional
in their workplace entry. Find a job—kick ass at that job. Perhaps develop people in the
process if they’re well-intentioned and stick it out really for longevity. So, you know,
even with married couples, you find a woman has a full-time job at a reputable bank, and
the fella works for himself. She can keep the family finances afloat while he can do what
he loves. And every now and then, bring home this really huge cheque because he got a
good job, as it were. That’s, you know, that’s the Bahamian experience from my purview.
Conclusion
In the present section, participant data were used to address RQ1 by having participants
describe their employment experiences in the BLM. Responses categorized under Theme 2
demonstrated perspectives on the employment experience, including value systems, external
influences, masculinity in the workplace, and racial and ethnic discrimination. Data also
represented participants’ positive self-efficacy and agency and explored the differing perceptions
of entrepreneurship. The findings revealed participants navigate a dichotomy of privilege and
oppression due to their intersectional identity.
Understanding Motivations and Impediments to Education and Career Attainment
RQ2: How Do Those Experiences, Combined With the Interactions Between Black
Bahamian Men ’s Personal, Behavioral, Social, and Environmental Factors Motivate or
Impede Their Educational Attainment and Career Achievement?
In alignment with the study’s conceptual framework and SCT, findings in this section
address RQ2 and are presented per the factors of reciprocal determinism, including person,
behavior, and environment. In response to RQ1, the prior section provided in-depth findings on
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behavioral factors, including career attainment, entrepreneurship, and earning. Additionally, the
prior section addressed the person factors that covered the Level 1 theme: Black Bahamian Male
Identity and Person Factors. This section focuses on additional behavioral factors, including the
Level 1 themes, perspectives on education, and social and environmental factors. Table 10
provides the Level 2 and Level 3 subthemes categorized in Theme 3, perspectives on education.

Table 10
Coding for Theme 3: Perspectives on Education
Level 1: Theme 3: Perspectives on education
Level 2 subthemes Level 3 subthemes
Value for education

–
Academic performance and experience

Pride in academic experiences
Negative academic experiences
Social challenges during school

Social supports Parental and familial involvement and
support
Teacher behaviors and support

Bahamian females’ educational attainment

–
Recommendations to improve education

–
Self-efficacy and agency: Learning behaviors and
goals
–

Note. A dash is used to signify there is no correlating Level 3 subtheme.

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Value for Education
Participants discussed their perceived value for formal education. Prior sections in Theme
2, including earning as a priority and job qualifications and competencies, addressed
participants’ value for education in relation to their careers. This section discusses participants’
value for education when they were enrolled in school. Participants, including Mike, Papa,
Charlie, Zulu, Quebec, and Golf, expressed believing having an education is valuable. However,
Mike, Bravo, Echo, India, Golf, and Sierra expressed formal schooling was not a priority or
focus while enrolled as boys/young men. Mike and Bravo stated they felt school was a waste of
time. Mike stated, “We don’t even use half the stuff that we learned in school. So, at the time, we
didn’t feel that it was important. But now I do. I see the significance of it, the importance of it.”
Conversely, Whiskey and Tango identified viewing education as a way to a better life.
Tango stated:
It gave me a sense of fulfillment from a young age. I knew that education was the best
way to give me a better life. So that’s why I always went hard on education because I
always knew that it was. And I try to teach this to all of my students.
Charlie, Alfa, and Papa also advocated for the importance of education. Alfa considered
education a means for “economic emancipation” for the Black community. Charlie elaborated on
the importance of education. He stated:
I place a high premium on education now. . . . Prior to getting my first degree, I realized I
had a lot of opinions and a lot of voice about a whole lot of different things that I really
had no insight into. And once I recognized that, I said, wow, look how much people were
tolerating me and my ignorance. So, I place a high premium on education because I
realized that it opens up doors.
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Zulu and Bravo addressed the utility of education. They explained it is important for students to
understand the purpose of education and have an interest in the content and teaching strategies.
Zulu stated:
And so, I ask the basic question, why do I need to learn the periodic table? How will this
assist me in my interest as a boy? Well, I wanted to be a veterinarian at the time. Why do
I need to learn a periodic table? Someone, please tell me that. And if it didn’t make sense
to me, I just dismissed it.
Understanding the level of value of education for participants helps to inform their behaviors
related to educational achievement. Participants’ responses demonstrated the value of education
typically increased after participants understood its utility. Most participants did not demonstrate
intrinsic motivation for formal education.
Academic Performance and Experience
Qualitative data presented a tail of challenge and triumph. Participants shared experiences
related to success and failure in school, which influenced their sentiment regarding education,
but did not impede them from pursuing their goals. In this section, I address participants’ pride in
academic experiences, negative academic experiences, and social challenges during school.
Pride in Academic Experiences
Although the study points to the challenge of LEA for BBM, participants’ responses
represented success in academia. Although he struggled initially as a student, Zulu was proud of
his academic achievements during his graduate studies; moreover, Whiskey considered his
academic achievements one of his most significant accomplishments. Additionally, Mike,
Quebec, and Lima stated they were strong students, making them confident in their abilities and
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mindset toward education. Oscar was exceptionally talented in arts and crafts, leading him to
success as an entrepreneur.
It took failure, through repeating a grade, to help India to recognize his strong math
proficiency. On the other hand, Foxtrot skipped a grade due to his intellectual capacity. Finally,
Papa was excited to find success as an older student, even though an unsupportive father
tarnished his childhood learning experience. Participants’ wins provide positive insight and
represent BBM’s potential to succeed in their educational undertakings.
Negative Academic Experiences
Participants addressed their concerns about poor academic performance and negative
academic experiences. Echo, India, Sierra, Papa, Zulu, and Alfa discussed low academic
achievement and experiences of failure in school. India graduated after maintaining a D average.
Further, India was distraught, and Zulu “traumati[zed]” due to having to repeat a grade in school.
Zulu was under the impression he had a “learning disability” and endured two grade repeats
because he did not grasp learning during his primary school tenure in the private sector. Bravo,
Sierra, and Whiskey struggled with test anxiety and lacked accommodations to support this
challenge. Finally, Delta experienced a failing grade on a paper in university, which resulted in
incredible frustration. This failure had a lasting impression and was the “most memorable
moment” in Delta’s education, which he used to fuel his due diligence in his career. These
negative academic experiences had an emotional impact on participants, yet an observation of
participants’ educational goals and aspirations shows resilience and perseverance.
Social Challenges During School
Participant responses identified social challenges in schools concerning overcrowded
classrooms, bullying, turf wars, and distractions due to interest in girls. Echo did not like the
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social environment and overcrowded classrooms in the school, and it caused him emotional
distress and challenges with his self-esteem. Zulu was also “awkward socially” and faced
challenges with keeping up academically with his peers. Bravo expressed he was bullied, which
he had to overcome to stay focused in school. Aggressive behaviors from other boys were a
hindrance in the school environment. Alfa, Oscar, and Papa referenced turf wars and gang-
related activities stemming from residential areas and affecting boys due to their residence,
regardless of their gang affiliation. Alfa was unable to complete school due to the social
challenges, and although not gang-related, fighting and altercations negatively affected Kilo’s
focus in school. Behavioral issues and fights resulted in Kilo being placed in a specialty school
addressing behavioral challenges. Kilo and Sierra saw school as a social environment. Sierra
discussed a lack of focus due to interest in socializing, “being with friends [and] playing with
classmates.” Finally, Foxtrot discussed his desire to “show up for the girls” in primary schools.
Charlie addressed the social and residential factors of the Bahamian society and public
school children’s exposure to social ills, including violence, “drug culture,” and “highly
sexualized environments,” which rob children of their innocence, serve as distractions from
education, and affect their social development. Charlie stated, “We were almost ruined because
we were so exposed.” The social ecosystem schools operated within affected participants’ ability
to focus on learning and served as a barrier to educational attainment.
Social Supports
Social involvement and support were critical influences motivating or impeding
participants’ educational attainment. The following section discusses parental and familial
involvement and support to detail household and familial interactions influencing participants.
Finally, I address the integral role of teachers’ influence on participants’ educational attainment.
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Parental and Familial Involvement and Support
Participants’ reflections on parental and familial involvement and support demonstrated
their profound importance and influence on educational attainment. Parents and family served as
models and accountability instruments for participants in school. Quebec, Golf, Bravo, Tango,
and Zulu had the benefit of both parents pushing them toward educational attainment. On the
other hand, Alfa, Lima, India, Whiskey, and Mike identified their mothers as their primary
source of support in school. Echo discussed his mother’s general support for his education but
stated she nor his father pushed him to be successful in his educational pursuits. He stated, “She
didn’t push me into schooling and hold me to task for my bad grades.” Sierra had a similar
experience with his mother.
Although the dominant source of support was the mother, Oscar and Zulu shared their
fathers were very involved in their educational pursuits, were a source of encouragement, and
promoted the importance of educational attainment. Charlie’s stepfather’s interest in his
development helped him to understand his worth and capacity. Conversely, Mike and Alfa
discussed the anger and pain not having a father caused. It adversely impacted their behaviors
and motivation to pursue undertakings in education.
Papa’s father was an adversary to his educational attainment because he did not want
Papa to attend school. Papa discussed his parents’ divorce and the suffering his father caused:
If I went to school, I was beaten for going to school. So, it was a challenge at that point. It
didn’t give me the opportunity to graduate from high school because, I like I said, I didn’t
had the support that I think I should have had.
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Papa discussed how he would have to sneak out of the house and hide his schooling from his
father. Making matters worse, his father ridiculed him for his low educational performance but
refused to supply him with books and other essential supplies.
Ultimately, family values promoting the importance of learning provide support for
participants. Kilo, Golf, Delta, and Charlie discussed the importance of a village in helping boys
and men to stay focused in school. This support included siblings (Zulu) and spouses (Delta)
who served as positive models. Finally, Charlie advocated for the importance of extended family
and community in developing children and supporting education. He also acknowledged some of
his most influential family members who supported his education as a child were those who
lacked a high level of educational attainment. This finding shows no matter one’s attainment, one
can still motivate others. Tango explained:
My dad was not well-educated. He had dropped out of high school, but he did homework
with us. So, I’m sure he didn’t know a lot what was going on, but he could follow
instructions and tell us what to do. And I think a lot of times, especially in this
generation. We these parents. Aren’t doing that. They just go tell the kids you finish your
homework, okay? That they’re not sitting down with them, watching them. So, I think my
parents did a lot for my educational journey.
This explanation provides a vision of hope for the community to gather and support boys,
irrespective of personal educational attainment.
Teacher Behaviors and Support
Participants identified that teachers’ behaviors and support significantly contribute to a
more positive learning experience. Charlie and Kilo spoke of the “love” shown by teachers,
which supported them in overcoming social hindrances to education. Kilo also mentioned male
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teachers and administrators serve as father figures, filling a critical void in the lives of Black
boys. Foxtrot also had a strong relationship with his teacher, which positively influenced his
academic performance. Oscar also identified his teachers as a significant form of support. Both
Oscar and Charlie discussed financial and tangible support provided by teachers. Charlie’s
teacher provided a personally funded financial incentive for good grades. Oscar’s art teacher was
instrumental in his interest and achievement in arts and crafts, which was his gateway into
construction. She donated $1,500 to help him start his business. Alfa was also encouraged by his
secondary school administrator, who believed in him and gave him “hope,” despite Alfa’s
behavioral challenges. Alfa’s school administrator also allowed him to earn by letting him do
manual labor like house painting and cleaning yards. Teachers left an indelible positive impact
on participants’ lives. These examples signal the essential nature of positive teacher–student
relationships.
Bahamian Females ’ Educational Attainment
The consensus among participants was that girls took education more seriously and were
more focused than boys. Echo attributed this to women in society needing to be more
“responsible” and the fact that many women were single mothers who needed education to
facilitate earning. Women also are perceived by most participants, including Echo, Golf, Kilo,
Delta, Tango, Romeo, Quebec, Oscar, Victor, Sierra, and Lima, as more focused on education
and as having more educational attainment and advanced degrees than men. Echo and India
discussed that women are typically pushed into studying subjects like teaching and sciences.
Mike, Bravo, and Oscar perceived women to be smarter than men. Mike indicated women are
“naturally always the smart ones” and “push harder when it comes to schooling than men.”
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Finally, Bravo also believed “women [are] smarter than men.” Bravo said, “I feel like men are
made to work [and] women are made to figure things out, or I guess come up with a solution.”
Recommendations to Improve Education
Participant responses provided recommendations for improving education to achieve
better results for Black boys. Key findings included a need for smaller class sizes, inclusion of
life skills and money management in the curriculum, and resources for students who do not have
access. Golf, Kilo, Tango, Oscar, and Echo recommended smaller class sizes to give students
more individual attention. Bravo also emphasized the importance of a more individualized
teaching approach to meet students’ needs. Lima felt the public system was designed to “just
push people out of the education system” and sought the type of education environment provided
by private schools.
Alfa, India, Oscar, and Lima advocated for incorporating interpersonal skills, life skills,
and money management into the curriculum. Further, India and Lima called for more technical
and trade education in the school system. Papa and India also spoke of the importance of
diversifying education so students had more course options. Additionally, Mike expressed more
fun and inclusive school environments would support learning attainment.
Papa, Echo, Tango, and Delta highlighted the need for resources for children without
access to supplies to help them perform in school. These resources also include support for
learning accommodations recommended by Bravo and Whiskey, who faced test-related anxiety.
Golf spoke of the value of after-school programs, and Delta suggested after-school programs
help kids to have a more favorable environment to “stay out of harm’s way” and achieve school
goals. Quebec supported this by stating there is a need for more physical spaces for students to
study.
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Quebec and Zulu highlighted the need for more physical, “tactile,” “hands-on,” and
“kinesthetic” learning to help boys stay engaged in school. Tango also addressed alternative
learning styles with multiple modalities, which need to be prioritized in teaching methodologies.
Zulu was exasperated when he called out “antiquated curriculums,” which fail to meet students’
needs. Further, Oscar called for more sporting options to increase boys’ engagement and college
scholarship opportunities. Oscar also identified the need for better facilities to allow boys to
maintain proper hygiene when in school, including showers for physical education.
Finally, Foxtrot was unique in his contributions to recommendations. He discussed prior
research findings on the benefits of same-sex schools and how the absence of the other gender
may support boys’ attention to education. Foxtrot said, “Let’s take the boys away from the girls,
so ain’t nobody to show off to.” Foxtrot also called for more future-focused education and a “re-
engineering of the educational system” to support the competency needs of the future.
Self-Efficacy and Agency: Learning Behaviors and Goals
Half of participants explicitly expressed confidence and personal capacity to conduct
behaviors leading to educational attainment and achieving their educational goals. India, Mike,
Delta, Golf, Whiskey, Quebec, and Oscar proclaimed to have the necessary internal locus of
control, mechanisms, and drive to support learning. India stated, “I always had the ability to be a
good student”; Delta said, “I was confident in my ability to be a good student because I was
always self-aware”; and Whiskey indicated he was “confident” in his ability. The finding is
important given the POP emphasizes LEA for BBM. Participants’ general expression of self-
efficacy demonstrates the challenge with LEA is a complex external phenomenon and not a
generalized reflection of participants’ mindsets.
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Conclusion
In this section, I explored participants’ educational journeys and how person, behavioral,
and environmental factors influenced them. Participants revealed an understanding of the general
importance of education, even though its utility value was not always evident. In honor of the
study’s desire framework, participants discussed their dreams and aspirations related to
educational attainment and provided recommendations for improving education in the Bahamas.
Social and Environmental Factors
Facets of participants’ socioeconomic and residential factors were covered in the
Participant Demographic section, which detailed participants’ residential areas and prior schools.
The following section presents social and environmental factors, including socioeconomic
factors and the Bahamian cultural setting, which operate within the triadic reciprocity. Table 11
provides the core theme and the subthemes incorporated in this section.

Table 11
Coding for Theme 4: Social and Environmental Factors
Level 1: Theme 4: Social and environmental factors
Level 2 subthemes Level 3 subthemes
Socioeconomic factors
Parental dynamics
Financial challenges
Social capital and access to mentors

The Bahamian cultural setting
White hegemony
Segregation, colorism, and race-related issues
Description of Bahamian work ethics
Pessimism about future

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Socioeconomic Factors
The socioeconomic factors highlighted as most significant in participant interviews
include parental dynamics, financial challenges, social capital, and access to mentors. The data
detailing socioeconomic factors is supplementary to prior sections addressing social and
residential factors. These data are important to understanding the environment influencing their
educational and career pursuits.
Parental Dynamics
In this section, information is provided on participants’ parental dynamics. This
information includes family structure and parental education levels, and work history.
Participants’ family structures and parental education levels are important to contextualizing the
contributing factors to education and career achievement. Seven participants grew up in a single-
mother household, and 12 had both a mother and father in the home. Table 12 details information
concerning participants’ family structure, parental education, and jobs.

Table 12

Participant Demographics: Family Structure, Parental Education, and Jobs
Pseudonym Parenting Mother’s education Mother’s job Father’s education Father’s job
Alfa Mother Some schooling Janitor - -
Bravo Both 3 years of college Customer service rep. Graduated from high
school
Executive
Charlie Mother Graduated from high
school
Waitress manager Professional
certificate
Internal auditor
Delta Mother - - - -
Echo Mother Graduated from high
school
Caretaker Graduated from high
school
Lab tech. and taxi
driver
Foxtrot Both Graduated from high
school
Clerical worker Some junior high
school
Mechanic
Golf Both - - - -
India Both Graduated from high
school
Financial manager Graduated from high
school
Armed forces
Kilo Both Master’s degree Banker Professional
certificate
Captain
Lima Mother Graduated from high
school
Cook Did not attend school Retired
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Pseudonym Parenting Mother’s education Mother’s job Father’s education Father’s job
Mike Mother Doctorate degree Cosmologist Graduated from high
school
Electrical technician
Oscar Family member Some senior high
school
Housekeeper Completed junior
high school
Construction/ organic
farming
Papa Both Some primary school Retired Completed junior
high school
Armed forces
Quebec Both Master’s degree Technical specialist Graduated with a
bachelor’s degree
Executive
Romeo Both Some primary school Waitress Some primary school Contractor
Sierra Both – – – –
Tango Both – – – –
Victor Both Graduated from high
school
Homemaker
/seamstress
Professional
certificate
Licensed architect
Whiskey Mother – – – –
Zulu Both – – – –

Note. A dash is used to signify data were not reported or obtained.

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Financial Challenges
Financial challenges in participants’ households had a detrimental impact on their
learning and career attainment. India spoke about “financial barriers” to learning due to a lack of
access to computers and reliable transportation. He was also upended when he discovered his
family would not be able to afford college for him, even though it was always a part of his plan.
Further, parents’ financial sacrifices contributed to anxiety related to school performance for
India and Whiskey, who did not want their parents to waste money. Whiskey was concerned
because if he experienced a failure in law school, he could not afford to re-sit his law
examinations or stay in school. Finally, Delta experienced hardship while working and going to
school and also missed the social benefits of college due to his need to focus on finances.
Sierra explained “finances was always an issue” for his family. He said, “Sometimes the
bills weren’t paid on time [and] sometimes our light was out.” Financial challenges prevented his
mother from focusing on his schoolwork because finances were prioritized. In extreme cases,
Charlie and Bravo explained they were financially independent during their childhood, having to
supply their own needs. Charlie said, “My mother didn’t buy me anything from I was in grade
six. I paid for my own exams. I bought my own clothes, all of that stuff. That’s my reality.”
There was a unique instance of financial challenges serving as a barrier to employment
behaviors. Echo’s debt and the subsequent garnishing of his wages was “financial bondage” and
demotivated him from pursuing employment as he would often be left without anything.
Therefore, he relies on his brother and father for financial support as he navigates entrepreneurial
endeavors and job searches. Participants’ personal and familial financial challenges were
significant impediments to educational achievement. A lack of financial stability in households
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motivated a focus on earning for participants who needed to supplement parental financial
capacity.
Social Capital and Access to Mentors
Social capital and access to mentors encourage behaviors associated with earning and
learning for participants. Mike and Sierra spoke of the political nature of the Bahamas and the
fact that political capital and connections provide advantages and access to job opportunities in
the Bahamas. Mike stated, “If your family is not someone who has businesses, a politician or a
pastor or whatever have you. . . . You have to go extra hard.” Family members and mentors often
serve as gatekeepers for job opportunities, as expressed by Mike. Further, India, Charlie, and
Victor’s careers benefited from mentorship and guidance from a prior employer. Alfa also
received mentorship related to personal development, skill development, and entrepreneurship
and vouched for the importance of mentorship. Likewise, Quebec discussed being supported by
other entrepreneurs who offer inspiration and insight about entrepreneurship.
Whiskey benefited from career mentors who are “willing to sit down with [him] and
teach.” Whiskey elaborated on the importance of mentorship and stated:
And so, I think having a mentor in every aspect of what you do in life is important. And
so, I don’t think it’s possible to have one mentor, but it’s possible to have a mentor in
life, someone who’s helping you to become the man you should be. And you refer to that
person, usually like a father figure. . . . And I’ve tried to, as best as possible, develop a
good relationship with all my bosses so that they can understand instead of feeling
threatened by me. I just have to eventually get to where you are. But for now, I’m just
trying to learn what I can from me because you know more than me. And so that’s always
been a situation that I’ve gotten myself into.
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Golf and Whiskey stated social support from likeminded individuals assists with focusing
on career and educational goal attainment. Understanding the importance of mentorship and
social capital, Delta and Zulu stated there is a lack of mentorship in the Bahamas for BBM. Delta
called for more civic and community engagement to support BBM. Zulu also advocated for “a
higher visibility of brothers . . . who can mentor.” He stated there is a tendency for selfishness
and that BBM must pave the way for those following in their wake.
The Bahamian Cultural Setting
This section of the paper covers the Bahamian cultural setting. Participant data on the
Bahamian cultural setting revealed core themes of White hegemony; segregation, colorism, and
race-related issues; Bahamian work ethics; and pessimism about the future. In this section, I
delve into participants’ experiences to highlight mechanisms that interplay with educational
achievement and career attainment.
White Hegemony
Mike and Lima identified that, culturally, being White is beneficial and that “White
foreigners have more of [an] advantage than the Black local Bahamians.” Delta also spoke of the
generally understood social and business advantages of being White and the “disparity between
White people and Black people” in the Bahamas. Delta associated this practice with the idea that
White people are often decision makers or business owners in the Bahamas. He believes White
stakeholders function on the premise that a “[White employee] might be just much more socially
developed, much more soft skills, much more exposure” than a Black person. Delta stated this
leads to an “inferiority complex” for Black people. Golf also pointed out that many entities in the
Bahamas are led by White leadership, which affects who is hired and given opportunities.
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Victor expressed that, in the Bahamas, “White people still hold the power.” He spoke of
groups like the Greeks and other White families holding a monopoly Black Bahamians have
been unable to penetrate. This economic power maintains White hegemony and the stronghold
White people have in the Bahamian economy. Alfa explained Whites “created [the system] for
the benefit of them, not to us.” Participants’ perspectives revealed White dominance subjugates
Black Bahamians to subordinate status in the Bahamian economy.
Segregation, Colorism, and Race-Related Issues
Participant interviews revealed themes of spatial segregation, colorism, and overt
discrimination experienced. Delta provided a unique perspective on the power dynamics between
Whites and Blacks in the Bahamas, stating Black Bahamians in positions of power defer their
power to White Bahamians. As such, Black Bahamians are party to the racialized inequity in the
Bahamas. Whiskey spoke of the duality of racism occurring in the Bahamas. He said:
We [Black Bahamians] tend to have an issue with White people because we realize that
they are treating us differently, and it’s a disservice to us, which makes us inherently
racist, or understandably racist in some instances, but racist, nonetheless.
India described his observations of discrimination from White Bahamians on Long Island
toward Black Bahamians and foreign nationals. Echo discussed spatial segregation in the
Bahamas, referencing affluent locations like downtown and Cable Beach, which remind him of
“apartheid.” He also discussed the separatism of White elites from the Black majority. Echo also
discussed his discomfort and considerations of making White people uncomfortable due to his
presence. He stated he avoided predominantly White spaces to preserve his self-concept and to
avoid discomfort. When he was younger and in the presence of White Bahamians, Echo
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wondered “if something was wrong with [his] dark color” and feared being profiled by White
people.
Mike discussed his opinion that a Black man does not “get the chance that a White guy
would get even in the Bahamas.” He said this especially happens in hospitality, where frequently
Black employees are required to train and guide their White superiors. Charlie and Zulu had
similar experiences to Mike in hospitality. Because of previous experiences with being
stereotyped, Mike exerted energy to overcompensate by dressing in a suit to make himself seem
more professional at work, even when the dress code does not require it. Regarding behavioral
modifications, Echo discussed that many business owners of large companies in the Bahamas are
White “massas” whose presence results in employees auditing and modifying their authentic
expressions and behaviors in subjugation. Delta also discussed xenophobia and the practice of
giving non-Black foreign nationals preferential consideration and higher perceived value in the
financial industry.
India expressed having never been affected by racism in the Bahamas; however, he
mentioned experiences with colorism with Black Bahamians, stating:
There are some people that I have to deal with that are of lighter skin, and you do get that
sense of them feeling superior to you. And sometimes you have to kind of shut that down
and let them know you are no better than I am, and I’m no better than you are.
Like India, Zulu experienced working environments where colorism extended preferential
treatment to persons with a lighter complexion. Light-skin privilege frequently occurs in
hospitality environments, especially in guest-facing areas.
Bravo, Quebec, and Golf suggested their lighter skin complexion afforded them
privileges in the Bahamas. They acknowledged navigating the workplace and social interactions
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with a privilege that affords opportunities and has resulted in them being perceived as more
trustworthy and generally better than their darker-skinned colleagues or associates. Bravo stated
he was granted gifts, promotions, liberties, autonomy, and opportunities for extra earnings his
equally skilled darker colleagues were not afforded. He expressed this has caused conflict with
his peers in the past. Quebec also admitted to avoiding negative stereotypes about how he
dressed, given his lighter complexion. He explained:
Because with my skin tone color, I’m light skin, and so . . . I feel if I look unkempt, I can
get away with looking unkempt, better than a dark-skinned person. . . . So, if I come in
my tank top and my basketball shorts or whatever, to a point of view, somebody may say,
well, he might not be in bad company. He just may not know how to dress versus a dark-
skinned person dressed the same way, maybe even the same hairstyle would be
considered; he might be in some bad company type of situation.
These concepts are reinforced by Zulu, who expressed his disappointment in Bahamian people
using the caveat of “for a Black man” and “for a dark-skinned guy” when complimenting him on
his physical appearance.
Delta also spoke of White Bahamians using racial slurs without remorse or
consciousness. He said, “They so unaware.” Romeo also discussed use of the “N-word” loosely
across races in Bahamian colloquialism as a synonym for “man.” Sierra’s views were similar to
Alfa who discussed systemic challenges stemming from “colonial slavery,” which makes life
“very difficult for the Black man.” Sierra mentioned the occurrence of “unseen forces that limits
[him] as a Black man.” Although participants presented a bleak tale of racism and colorism in
the Bahamas, Victor identified that, with affluence, Black people have power, and that the
country is “tending toward class” versus race. Romeo ultimately advocated for Bahamians to do
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what is best for the country by looking “beyond race, beyond genders. Look beyond all the
things that divide us, you know? Look at our motto Forward, upward, onward, together.”
Description of Bahamian Work Ethics
There was consensus from Echo, Bravo, and Oscar regarding lackadaisical work ethics
rooted in the Bahamian culture. Echo spoke of “dysfunction and anger” and a “laidback drift”
expressed by Bahamian men with “juvenile energy,” which contributes to a lack of productivity
and job success. Mike also spoke about “mindsets” that are imperative in establishing good
ethics, irrespective of gender. Finally, Oscar shared Bravo’s sentiment that “everybody wants to
get paid, but nobody wants to work.” Oscar also alluded to the concept that poor Bahamian work
ethics is the rationale behind companies hiring foreign labor. He said Bahamian laborers are
“lazy” and “don’t really take anything serious.” Whereas foreigners work hard because “they
know they’re not from here, they know the reason why they’re here, they always give their all.”
These mindsets demonstrate a negative self-portrait and opinion of Bahamian work ethics, which
are important when contextualizing and analyzing organizational decisions and behaviors in the
BLM.
Pessimism About Future
Overall, pessimism was not a significant theme discussed in the interviews, as most
participants expressed hope for the future. Some participants did express concern that the
conditions for BBM are worsening. Golf called for agitation of the systems to improve
conditions for BBM. Echo expressed negative sentiment regarding the systems of power that
benefit from the oppression of BBM. He alluded to politics, education, and the church as
institutions that fail to promote positive identity and growth for BBM. He said the lack of
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progress is “depressing.” India and Mike also doubted the likelihood of short-term systemic
advancements and improvements for BBM in education and the workplace.
When asked about his opinions on the future improvements of education and employment
conditions and attainment for BBM, Victor stated, “It’s just getting worse and worse.” Mike
agreed with his position. Victor did not think stakeholder mindsets were geared toward
meaningful change. Oscar shared this sentiment related to BBM’s job prospects and success,
stating, “Things was better, day by day, things are getting worse.” Papa was weary and cautioned
against persons who are against positive change for BBM. He declared:
But as long as we have those who are shadowing these areas, and that carries a spirit of
oppression, because the spirit of Jezebel is still real, and we know that Jezebel only seeks
to destroy them that piss against a wall as the Bible states. And as long as that spirit of
oppression is in the male or the female, the Black man or the man himself will never be
able to achieve and to thrive in the areas to which [he has] been placed and to have
dominion over.
Notwithstanding the impediments, Mike stated, “Sometimes you have to go through a storm, and
storms don’t last.”
Conclusion
The Social and Environmental Factors section of the findings report reviewed themes that
emerged in participants’ interviews regarding their social environments. The core themes related
to participants’ socioeconomic factors include parental dynamics, financial challenges, social
capital, and access to mentors. The significant themes that emerged regarding the Bahamian
cultural setting include White hegemony, segregation, colorism, race-related issues, description
of Bahamian work ethics, and pessimism about the future. The data discussed provided
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perspective into the systemic and cultural components influencing participants’ career and
educational behaviors. The following section provides an analysis of significant findings from
participant interviews and demographic surveys.
Discussion
BBM participants used their voices to enlighten and inform the current study through
vivid counternarratives portraying their lived experiences in the BLM, educational spaces, and
the culture at large. The current section synthesizes what is known in extant literature with
findings of this study. This section also discusses modifications to the study’s conceptual
framework to incorporate the research findings. An analysis of significant findings involving the
racialized macrosystem and social factors, person factors, and earning and learning behaviors are
discussed.
Racialized Macrosystem and Social Factors
Findings related to both research questions demonstrated in alignment with the study’s
conceptual framework, Afropessimisim and Anti-Black racism are predominant themes in
Bahamian culture and the workplace. Participants discussed their experiences with White
hegemony, overt discrimination, and internalized racism. As Black men in a majority Black
country, participants’ stories revealed a painful narrative of disenfranchisement and subjugation,
codified in slavery vernacular. Responses reflected that plantation life transcends temporality,
vivid in how participants describe labor and the bondage of slavery as maintained by “massas,”
both White and Black. Anti-Black racism and systemic racism are embedded fixtures in the
Bahamian culture and, thus, the social environment participants navigate in their personal and
professional lives.
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Anti-Black racism informs the macrosystem of the Bahamas and exerts its force on the
facets of the triadic reciprocity. Further, although participants believed in their capacity for
change, their responses revealed doubt and pessimism in the systemic and institutional change
needed to enhance the conditions for BBM. Afrofuturism’s capacity to combat inequity and
signal hope in a promising future (Bould, 2007a) was evident in participants’ narratives about
leaving a legacy and enhancing the future of the Bahamas. These ideals were central to most
participants’ views of their purpose as a BBM. Afrofuturisitc ideals emerged as a person factor
of triadic reciprocity. Participants highlighted that notwithstanding the burden of oppressive
structures in their environments, they believed in their capacity to manifest positive change.
Participants maintained hope and aspirations for an enhanced future. There was little evidence of
Afrofuturism in the racialized macrosystem; therefore, it will be modified in the conceptual
framework. The study’s critical axiology provided a meaningful tool to collaborate with
participants to understand their experiences and is a defining characteristic of the research.
Person Factors
The person factors of the conceptual framework were analyzed with respect to the
existing literature and the study’s findings. Of significance to this discussion, concepts including
intersectional identity, health and well-being, internalized racism, and motivation for earning and
learning will be addressed. The findings represented that participants were cognizant of their
identity and actively constructed their paths toward obtaining their career and educational goals.
Intersectional Identity
The extant literature analyzed in Chapter 2 discussed intersectionality and how one
experiences privilege and oppression due to the intersection of multiple identities (Cole, 2009;
Cooper, 2017). Findings revealed a positive self-concept concerning participants’ gender and
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racial identity. Participants announced their pride in Blackness and preference for masculinity.
The findings supported the importance of intersectionality in understanding how participants
experience privilege as males in society and the workplace. Findings confirmed a patriarchal
culture where the “old boys club” reigned. Participants internalized the norms of masculine
dominance and used their male identity to their benefit in the workplace. Nevertheless,
participants discussed their vulnerability to violence and precarious working conditions due to
the masculine identity of males being the provider. They also discussed that the provider role
discourages efforts placed on learning behaviors while promoting earning as a priority.
Health and Wellbeing
Health was a marker of concern evaluated due to BBMs’ exposure to discrimination,
given their race and gender. The literature demonstrated the interaction of gender and race made
Black men vulnerable to discrimination, resulting in negative mental and physical health.
Participants discussed anxiety and stress related to unsafe working conditions. There was also a
discussion of physical injury and exposure to risk associated with the physicality of masculine
labor.
Findings revealed participants rarely accessed formal resources and support for
depression and mental health issues. Some participants relied on informal support like friends
and family for mental health needs. There was a general acknowledgment of access to health
resources in dire situations; however, seeking help contradicted masculinity rules and was
associated with shame. The stigma of mental health in the Bahamian society is compounded by
the need for Black men to portray themselves as strong providers. This issue immerged as a
component of all three factors of triadic reciprocity. Participants’ cognition of their health was
influenced by societal masculinity rules, which impacted their behaviors.
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Internalized Racism
The literature review identified internalized racism as a person factor of triadic
reciprocity. The existing literature demonstrated the internal inculcation of negative stereotypes
related to African heritage and Black identity has a negative impact on Black adults’ career
aspirations (Brown & Segrist, 2016). Ten percent of participants revealed discomfort with Black
phenotypic characteristics, yet it was not signified that this impacted their motivations and
pursuit of educational or career undertakings. Therefore, the study’s conceptual framework will
be modified to remove internalized racism as a person factor.
The findings did reveal participants’ experiences of racism due to Black leaders who
suffered from the Black Crab Syndrome. The discrimination demonstrated by Black leaders
toward Black participants supports the internalized racism literature. Given that findings revealed
Black leaders participated in the subjugation of participants, internalized racism will be moved to
the social factor of the conceptual framework.
Motivation for Earning and Learning
The prioritization of earning over learning left many participants in a competency deficit,
lacking the required soft skills and educational attainment to succeed in the workplace. This
finding was interpreted against the backdrop of the motivational factors of personal agency and
self-efficacy (Bandura, 2001), which suggests one’s self-belief for acting with intentionality to
achieve an objective informs their behaviors toward attaining the said objective. Participants
declared a high level of self-efficacy in their capacity to attain their educational, career, or future
goal pursuits. However, the resounding implication of the findings related to earning and
learning is that personal agency, or self-efficacy, held little importance in informing participants’
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academic behaviors. Participants’ efficacy does, however, explain their resilience and persistence
in pursuing their goals.
Participants’ motivations to achieve in learning or earning stemmed from the utility
value. As such, career and academic interest, as components of social cognitive career theory
(SCCT; Lent et al., 1994), did not emerge as significant motivational factors for participants. The
findings demonstrated neither academic nor career interests were relevant in promoting active
choice, mental effort, and persistence in completing the behaviors required for academic or
career goal attainment. Instead, it was the utility value that trumped interest. Given these
findings, the study’s conceptual framework was modified to remove the component of SCCT
from the person factors of triadic reciprocity. Self-efficacy was maintained in the conceptual
framework as it is core to SCT and provides insight into the mindset that approaches the
behaviors of earning and learning.
As discussed in Chapter 2, in EVT, the value placed on outcomes and the expectations
for performance outcomes dictate motivations. On the contrary, in SCT, self-efficacy contributes
to motivation for task behavior (Bandura & Locke, 2003). Results confirmed the significance of
the study’s operationalization of motivation using SCT and EVT to understand why participants
engaged in said behaviors. The findings represented participants as very utilitarian and pragmatic
in their approach to learning and earning. Specifically, two tenets of EVT, utility value and cost,
emerged as most prominent in informing participants’ earning and learning behaviors. Utility
value is the way completing a task relates to and aligns with present and future goals or
activities. In contrast, cost is the lost opportunity or negative effect of pursuing a task. Many
participants discussed earning behaviors had utility value as related to the objectives of
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autonomy and financial freedom prescribed by masculinity rules. Conversely, learning was seen
as a cost when not associated with earning.
A very concerning finding emerged when participants discussed their childhood
involvement in earning behaviors to supplement basic needs that their parent(s) could not
provide. Participants’ perceptions of learning as a cost changed as they were exposed to the
linkage between education and careers or entrepreneurship. This finding gives birth to the
significant implication of this study that identifies the need for BBM to learn about the linkage
between learning and earning earlier in their formative years to show the value of educational
attainment. Understanding the utility value of educational endeavors may support more focus on
education for boys and men who have been indoctrinated to earn as part of their male identity.
Earning and Learning Behaviors
A core purpose of the study was to understand participants’ experiences in the BLM and
how the triadic reciprocity influenced these experiences. The main finding of this study suggests
earning was a priority for participants. Earning was necessitated due to low socioeconomic
familial conditions, single-parent households, the masculine rule of being a provider, and
participants’ aspirations to generate wealth so they may leave a legacy for their families and
develop the nation. Participants discussed multiple approaches to earning, including employment
and entrepreneurship, and their entry into their respective fields.
The predominant finding was that participants pursued earning opportunities with high
success rates, a delineated path from entry to earning, and those made available through social
networks. As participants transitioned from educational spaces, they were more likely to pursue
employment or earning opportunities that allowed them to earn quickly. Additionally, it was rare
that participants pursued opportunities aligned with their interests. For participants who pursued
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higher education, there was precise alignment with the course of study and earnings. Further, as
the findings demonstrated, some participants only went to school after they realized the utility
value of education. These findings emphasize the importance of learning to achieve earning and
providing access to trade schools and education on business acumen for BBM. Furthermore,
social capital and support emerged as critical components of participants’ educational and
professional development.
Entrepreneurship was explored in the literature as BBMs’ resistance to oppressive social
structures. Participants revealed although the financial capital yielded from entrepreneurship was
needed to better their lives, pursuing entrepreneurship was not a form of active resistance. The
findings revealed entrepreneurship is a byproduct of the social conditions mandating earning for
BBM. Starting a business was typically described by participants as an opportunity to earn, a
means to an end. Entrepreneurial start-up activities typically involved low start-up and
equipment costs, no formal funding, and participants had to build their businesses from the
ground up using their limited resources.
Summary
Chapter 4 encapsulates the lived experiences of 20 Black Bahamian male participants in
the BLM. Participants were enthusiastic about sharing details about their experiences, and the
findings were grouped into four themes. The four themes include Black Bahamian male identity
and person factors, employment and earning, perspectives on education, and social and
environmental factors. The study’s findings necessitated adjustments to the study’s conceptual
framework. The modified conceptual framework is presented in Figure 2.
Through an analysis of participant data, it was evident that the interconnected
relationships between the constructs and theories depicted in the study’s conceptual framework
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effectively characterized and aligned with participants’ depiction of their lived experiences. The
alignment was demonstrated by participants’ responses, which discussed the influences and
impact of the factors of the triadic reciprocity within the racialized macrosystem. Additionally,
theories and concepts in the conceptual framework supported a meaningful interpretation of the
data. Modifications to the conceptual framework improved its capacity to represent the
phenomenon under study. The conceptual framework guided the research methodology and
provided clarity for addressing both the problem of practice and the study’s research questions.

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Figure 2

Modified Conceptual Framework

Note. Figure 2 visually depicts the modified conceptual framework incorporating the study’s
findings and data analysis. The framework is based on Bandura’s (1989) model of triadic
reciprocal causation and is grounded in critical theory.
Black Bahamian Men ’s Employment
Experiences in the Bahamian Labor
Market

Environmental
Factors

Bahamian Culture

Socioeconomic Factors

Residential Factors

Patriarchy & Masculinity

Racism & Discrimination
- Slavery &
Colonialism
- White Hegemony
- Internalized Racism

Employment Conditions

Social Capital & Supports

Behavioral Factors

Masculinity Performance

Education Attainment

Career Attainment

Means of Financial Gain

Entrepreneurship

Health Help-Seeking

Person Factors

Critical Race Theory
- Intersectionality

Afrofuturistic Ideals

Social Cognitive Theory
- Self-Efficacy

Motivation Theories
- Social Cognitive
Theory
- Expectancy Value
Theory

Health & Wellbeing
Racialized Macrosystem
Critical Race Theory | Afropessimisim and Antiblack Racism
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The findings demonstrated participants deftly navigated social structures in the Bahamas
to generate and realize a future aligned with their self-concepts of being strong, impactful
leaders, providers, and nation builders. Despite the prejudice they experienced due to their
intersectional identity, participants expressed confidence and an internal locus of control in their
efforts to achieve their personal, work, and educational goals. Further, social support was
instrumental to participants who relied on networking and social capital to support work,
educational, and health needs.
The study’s critical axiology provided a meaningful framework to analyze the research
questions, yielding great insight into the study’s problem of practice. The idea of earning being a
priority for participants helps to contextualize behaviors in careers, entrepreneurship, and
education. Given participants’ vulnerability to precarious work conditions, disparate conditions
in education, and the lack of support for mental health needs, it is important that meaningful
mechanisms are constructed to improve their circumstances in the workplace. Given their
exposure to vulnerability, society must not devalue masculine traits and skills in the workplace.
The final chapter discusses implications of this study and recommendations for practice.
Chapter 5 also provides the study’s limitations, delimitations, and assumptions. Finally,
concluding remarks and recommendations for future research are offered.

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Chapter Five: Impact and Recommendations
Chapter 5 addresses recommendations for practice related to the purpose of this study.
The purpose of the study was to explore Black Bahamian men’s (BBM) educational and
employment experiences and how the experiences impacted BBM’s education and careers.
Twenty semistructured qualitative interviews were conducted, and 15 responses to a
demographic survey were collected from BBM participants to answer the following research
questions:
1. How do Black Bahamian men describe their employment experiences in the
Bahamian labor market?
2. How do those experiences, combined with the interactions between Black Bahamian
men’s personal, behavioral, social, and environmental factors motivate or impede
their educational attainment and career achievement?
Participant responses describing their educational and employment experiences revealed
three core challenges impeding educational attainment and career achievement. The challenges
include BBM’s prioritization of earnings over education, their need for male support due to a
lack of paternal involvement, and their adverse experiences with racism and discrimination in the
workplace. The following sections address the impact of the research findings, recommendations
for practice, limitations, delimitations, and assumptions of the study, recommendations for future
research, and concluding remarks.
Impact
The contributions of this research have significant scholarly and practical implications.
The study sought to understand BBM participants’ experiences in the Bahamian labour market
(BLM), and the findings have implications for practice in the corporate, educational, and social
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spheres. Furthermore, analyzing the employment and educational systems within the framework
of triadic reciprocity within the Bahamian culture is significant to identify the motivations of
BBM. The current section will address the impact of this research.
The transformative worldview influenced the study’s methodology; therefore, a key
objective of the study is to use the findings to confront systems of power, advocate for BBM, and
work in the political sphere to influence positive change for BBM. Participants collaborated in
sense making and problem solving to improve their conditions and generated recommendations
that support the study’s impact. Given that the current research is a field study of HR in the
Bahamas, the impact and recommendations will focus on HR practices. Nevertheless, participant
findings also revealed significant implications for the field of education in the Bahamas, which is
identified as an opportunity for future research in the current chapter.
As depicted in Chapter 4, participants’ experiences exposed discriminatory environments
in the BLM and its complexities. An implication of this study is that it highlighted racialized
labor in the Bahamas and the distinction between White, foreign, and Black labor. Participant
findings demonstrated a propensity for expatriate workers to lack cultural sensitivity and
diversity awareness. Further, results showed the distinction between the experiences of BBM
versus males of other ethnicities in the Bahamas and females. The study provided insight into the
differentiation of labor based on intersecting identities.
Another significant impact of the study is that it provides information for BBM to
navigate career preparation and attainment. Findings of this study provide exposure to BBMs’
worldviews and show the possibilities for work and attainment for BBM. By showing the
possibilities, the study provides a roadmap for more diverse success with earning and learning
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behaviors for BBM. The study also highlights the significance of earning for the
conceptualization of the BBM.
Given the importance of earning for the Black Bahamian masculine identity, the working
lifespan for Bahamian men starts much earlier than for girls. Boys navigate labor markets and
know how to leverage their skills for earnings before leaving the school system. This reality
demonstrates why BBM may be less tolerant of minimum wage jobs due to their length of tenure
as a constituent of the BLM. Thus, when they leave school after having years of earning
experience, they seek the most expeditious means to increase their financial portfolios.
Methodically crafted careers are not the priority, given BBMs’ focus on earning,
surviving, and providing. Therefore, BBMs’ career development must start sooner because
graduation is too late for introductory career training. This study also showed the importance of
promoting the linkage between earning and learning for BBM so they would associate utility
value to the learning experience.
The findings highlight barriers to educational and career attainment and portray the
influences of racial and masculine rules and how they limit BBMs’ experience in education and
work. It supports awareness of the perceptions of safety for BBM challenged by masculinity
contests, precarious workplace conditions, and society. The study highlights how these matters
impact BBMs’ mental health. Mental health support emerged as a critical need for BBM in the
workplace and socially. The data supporting the identification of this need represents a lack of
social and organizational support for mental health. This information has significant impacts on
the field of HR in the Bahamas.
The findings represent BBM participants in the academic space, giving voice to their
experiences. Knowing their perspectives is invaluable in informing practice. Participants’
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Afrofuturisitic ideals also change the narrative of damage-centered research and show the agility
and agency BBM use to dream and aspire to a positive future. The findings of this paper offer a
critical perspective on earning and learning for BBM within the social stratifications of the
Bahamian society,
Lastly, a significant impact of the study is that it shines a glaring light on the
vulnerability of boys who are required to work. Parental and socioeconomic factors in Bahamian
households rob Black boys of their childhood. Child labor adversely impacts Bahamian boys,
who are seen as providers. Therefore, the study shows boys need more protection to enjoy the
benefits and social development of education. The current research helps to inform judgment and
perspectives on decisions BBM make regarding their education and work
Recommendations
The data analysis presented in Chapter 4 was used to identify recommendations that may
positively impact the conditions experienced by BBM in the workplace. Using counternarratives,
participants facilitated a deeper understanding of the issues faced in the workplace. The
recommendations in this section emerged from participant data and reflect participants’ espoused
needs and suggested methodologies for improvements in the work environment. The methods
proposed by participants have been incorporated in the four recommendations addressing the HR
field as presented next.
Recommendation 1: Provide Paid Work Experiences for Active BBM Students
Participants identified that young BBM prioritized earning over learning in their youth
and lacked an understanding of the alignment between education and job opportunities leading to
low job advancement, reduced job opportunities, and regret later in adulthood. Establishing
programs for students to work in paid internships, apprenticeships, and other paid employment
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arrangements improves their postgraduate outcomes and provides the needed finances and the
professional experience required for employment after graduation (Pitman et al., 2019). Further,
student exposure to the employer, employment conditions, and employer priorities facilitate
more informed decisions and matches after graduation, improving postgraduate employment
quality (Mason et al., 2009).
Mason et al. (2009) asserted HR departments should hire active students in suitable
positions and institute on-the-job training to close skills gaps for students, given skills related to
employability may be better taught in the workplace versus classrooms. The recommendation is
that Bahamian organizations provide paid work experiences for active BBM students in high
school and college. Paid work experiences should help to address students’ earning needs while
promoting their continuity of formal education.
Recommendation 2: Establish Culturally Relevant Mentorship and Networking Programs
to Build BBM ’s Social Capital
Participants stipulated social capital in the form of male mentors, family members, and
teachers provides necessary career guidance and support for BBM who are impacted negatively
by the lack of paternal involvement. Seibert et al. (2001) identified social capital, including
access to information, social resources, and career sponsorship, was positively correlated with
the career outcomes of career satisfaction, promotion opportunities, and salary. Recruiting
marginalized groups from educational and professional environments and succession planning is
necessary to increase their social capital, employability, and career mobility (Walter et al., 2017).
Cornileus (2013) advocated for culturally relevant mentorship to support Black men in the
United States. Research also demonstrated the importance of culturally competent career
counselors to help mitigate the impacts of racial discrimination, counsel students in their career
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aspirations, support career outcomes, and lead to more informed decision making regarding
education and jobs (Brown & Segrist, 2016).
The recommendation is that Bahamian HR practitioners establish culturally relevant
mentorship, networking, BBM sponsorship by leadership and senior management, and culturally
relevant networking groups to develop social capital and leadership competencies for BBM
employees. During the study’s interviews, participants recommended corporate sponsorship to
enhance the resources allocated for developing boys and young men. Organizations should
establish a talent pipeline by participating in the education and social development of boys in
primary school through high school graduation. Bahamian corporations can use different avenues
to build the social capital of BBM by investing in boys early using targeted developmental,
mentorship, and networking programs, including after-school programs, clubs, and social
campaigns to help boys learn the path to successful careers.
Recommendation 3: Audit and Establish Organizational Policies and Practices to Support
BBM Success
Participants reported organizational practices and environments facilitated the inequitable
treatment of BBM. Reported inequity impeded BBM’s selection for job opportunities, on-the-job
growth and development, career advancement, psychological safety in the workplace, and
authentic self-expression. There is a need to address bias and discrimination in HR practice.
A study of verified workplace discrimination claims for Black men in the United States
recommended organizations establish explicit company policies to govern organizational
practices and impede employer bias. In the claims, these biases were demonstrated by
subjectivity, discretionary sanctioning, and disparate treatment of Black men in hiring and
promotional practices, disciplinary action, and firing (Mong & Roscigno, 2009). There is a
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demonstrated need for objectivity, transparency, and accountability in HR practices to
strategically improve employability and career outcomes for BBM through recruitment and
selection, learning and development, grooming, and psychological safety.
Recruitment and Selection
A significant opportunity to change recruitment practices involves HR practitioners being
more open to selecting BBM who have previously been incarcerated. In the Bahamas, 42% of
the prison population are pre-trial or on remand (World Prison Brief, n.d.); subsequently, the
tendency to reject job applicants due to a history of incarceration disproportionally disadvantages
males, who constitute 97% of the Bahamian prison population (World Prison Brief, n.d.). An
awareness of and sensitivity to this social predicament should also be employed by HR
practitioners and management when BBM are hired. BBM are more vulnerable to being
unlawfully detained by police on suspicion of crimes, which may negatively affect job
absenteeism.
Research findings also addressed participants’ financial conditions that hindered job
search efforts. Many organizations request passport photos, a valid passport, and an official
police record to supplement job applications. The documents have costs, and socioeconomic
conditions may render job applicants unable to afford to apply for a job (passport photos, $10;
passport, $50; and a police record). I recommend employers remove financial barriers to job
applications. If the complete removal is not possible, costs associated with job applications
should be deferred until a job offer is imminent.
In my experience and based on participant interviews, a lack of reliable transportation
serves as a barrier for men seeking employment. Prescreening tools that eliminate job candidates
due to a lack of transportation may adversely impact BBM and should be only instituted when
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mandatory for job performance. I recommend organizations provide ride-sharing or company-
sponsored bussing or transportation. The business community should also advocate for more
reliable public transportation to address this barrier.
Learning and Development
Participants discussed the negative impact of lacking a high-school diploma or
certification as a barrier to securing employment and career mobility. Organizations should
remove arbitrary educational certificate and credential requirements that do not contribute to
employee success for entry-level jobs. Private-sector organizations are recommended to join the
public sector by supporting and motivating BBM’s completion of high-school diplomas and
certification examinations while the employee is engaged actively.
Furthermore, organizations could also benefit from partnering with higher education
institutions to design, teach, and assess courses for skills needed for employment (Mason et al.,
2009). Corporate training and education initiatives should demonstrate sensitivity to the
biopsychosocial influences and effects of racism on Black men (Guy, 2014). Training and
development are critical to the career mobility of BBM and must be a central focus for Bahamian
organizations.
Grooming
Further, my professional observations lead me to conclude that corporate grooming
policies in the Bahamas tend to favor Eurocentric standards related to hairstyles and facial hair
for men. Removal of facial hair/shaving also adversely exposes BBM to a painful and unsightly
skin condition that causes inflammation and scarring in 60% of men with curly hair (American
Osteopathic College of Dermatology, n.d.). Pseudofolliculitis barbae, also known as razor
bumps, is 100% avoided when the beard is unshaven. Additionally, a study of hair discrimination
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within Black communities by Mbilishaka et al. (2020) found natural Black hair texture resulted
in 42%, and Afrocentric hairstyles resulted in 24% of hair discrimination. Policies should be
modified to accept the expression of Blacks’ aesthetics. Based on my experiential knowledge, I
recommend organizations reconsider policies prohibiting nonoffensive tattoos, as this may
adversely impact BBM.
Psychological Safety
Participants discussed the need for more mental health support. Mental health can be
supported when organizations promote employee well-being and psychological safety
(Government of Canada, 2022). Canadian Centre for Occupational Health & Safety’s webpage,
Mental Health - How to Address and Support, promotes organizations fostering a
psychologically safe environment and provides an implementation strategy for the
Comprehensive Workplace Health and Safety Program. The program description is provided
below (Government of Canada, 2022):
One way to achieve a psychologically safe workplace is to create and implement a
Comprehensive Workplace Health and Safety (CWHS) Program. This program is a series
of strategies and related activities, initiatives and policies developed by the employer, in
consultation with employees, to continually improve or maintain the quality of working
life, health, and the well-being of the workforce. These activities are developed as part of
a continual improvement process to improve the work environment (physical,
psychosocial, organizational, economic), and to increase personal empowerment and
personal growth.
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The recommendation is that Bahamian organizations implement programs and initiatives, like
the CWHS Program, which address psychological safety, to support the mental well-being of
BBM.
Participants’ openness with their experiences supported meaning-making, which is
essential for identifying purposeful recommendations. Four recommendations were presented in
response to the research findings. The following section addresses limitations, delimitations, and
assumptions relevant to the current study.
Recommendation 4: Develop Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion Competencies and
Accountability Measures for Employees
Participants reported racism, colorism, and employers’ preference for foreign nationals
directly and negatively affected Bahamian males in the workplace, leading to negative sentiment,
lost opportunities, and adverse work outcomes. Developing diversity intelligence and
competency provides employees with the necessary capacity to work respectfully and effectively
with people of different backgrounds in the workplace (Avery & Thomas, 2004; Cheung et al.,
2016). Inclusion efforts that incorporate a shift in HR practices, organizational strategies, and
leadership involvement in building an inclusive culture diminish the challenges marginalized
groups experience in the workplace (Guillaume et al., 2017). The recommendation is to develop
diversity, equity, and inclusion competencies and accountability measures for employees in
Bahamian organizations. The new world Kirkpatrick model provides a framework to support the
implementation, execution, and evaluation of effective training programs (Kirkpatrick &
Kirkpatrick, 2016) and should be considered for developing DEI intelligence. The model should
be used to align organizational goals for creating inclusive environments with training to reduce
discrimination.
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Limitations, Delimitations, and Assumptions
The section below presents the current study’s limitations, delimitations, and
assumptions. Limitations are considerations, influences, or components of the study that fall
outside the researcher’s control (Lunenburg & Irby, 2007). There are intrinsic limitations to
conducting qualitative research. Qualitative research uses purposeful sampling and smaller
participant groups, rendering the findings nongeneralizable. Creswell and Creswell (2018)
recommend three to 10 participants in a qualitative study to support data saturation. Even though
the sample size of 20 is significant, the findings only apply to the current study’s participants.
Another limitation of the study is that participants self-selected to participate; therefore,
only the perspectives of those who wished to share were obtained. Data in the current study only
represent what participants selected to share. The reflexive researcher role inherent in qualitative
research is also a limitation exposing researcher bias in the current study’s design, execution, and
analysis. Researcher reflexivity was used to mitigate the unintended effects of bias.
Delimitations are facets of the research design and execution that fall within the
researcher’s scope of control (Lunenburg & Irby, 2007). I used delimitations to gain perspectives
of BBM in the BLM. I selected participants who resided in New Providence, the most populous
island in the Bahamas, where the country’s capital was located. A second delimitation was to
exclude vulnerable populations like Black Bahamian prisoners even though their risk factors, as
identified in Chapter 3 of the current study, would contribute to a deeper understanding of the
variables under study. A third delimitation was the selection of only BBM of working age in the
BLM as participant criteria. Due to their lived experiences, BBM can provide the most informed
responses to the research questions. The final delimitation affecting the scope of the research is
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integral to the research study design, including the conceptual framework informing the
approach, research questions, and data collection and analysis methods I selected.
Assumptions are concepts, propositions, and positions accepted and operationalized as
research conditions (Lunenburg & Irby, 2007). A fundamental assumption in the current study is
that participants were honest and authentic in their interview and survey responses. Additionally,
the Bahamian population is interwoven with and enrichened by the presence of other Black
diaspora nationalities, including Jamacia, Cuba, and Haiti. The assumption of authenticity and
honesty in participant responses also extends to the assumption that all participants were
Bahamian nationals. The current study also covered potentially difficult and embarrassing life
experiences. Participants may have preserved and protected their images or emotions by auditing
what was shared in the study. Finally, the study assumes participants were subject matter experts
on the topics under study. Thus, the research questions were worded to allow participants to
share their perspectives and anecdotal references to observations and opinions of other BBM to
enrichen the findings. The following section presents recommendations for future research.
Recommendations for Future Research
The current study employed a qualitative research methodology to identify how BBM
describe their employment experiences and how interactions between their personal, behavioral,
social, and environmental factors motivate or impede their educational attainment and career
achievement. Given the limitation of the current study’s results being specific to participants and
not generalizable, I recommend the current study’s research questions be addressed using
quantitative and mixed methods studies. A quantitative approach necessitates a larger sample
size allowing for results to be generalizable to the population. Additionally, to enable the
capacity for understanding the impact of BBM’s intersectionality and for comparative analytics,
185

I recommend Bahamian men of White or other races and ethnicities be studied using a mixed
method approach.
Future research with participant samples of more homogenous BBM participant groups
can also deepen an understanding of BBM’s experiences. I recommend demographic
characteristics like socioeconomic factors, education level, and career attainment be used to
narrow participant criteria for each study. A more segregated participant approach may support
findings that can pinpoint more precise factors contributing to BBM’s experiences. Conversely,
future research should expand the participant criteria to include BBM from other Bahamian
islands to understand the national conditions comprehensively.
It may prove advantageous for mixed methods research to be conducted on participant
groups representing additional stakeholders regarding BBM’s behaviors related to educational
attainment and career achievement. Given the field of HR is the stakeholder of interest in the
current study, research on Bahamian HR practitioners’ perspective of the conditions of
employment for BBM would provide key insight. Further organizational stakeholder
perspectives, including business owners and management, would provide depth in understanding
the context of BBM’s work experiences in the BLM. The three additional stakeholders may also
reveal an understanding of organizational capacity and motivation for building inclusive
environments in the Bahamian society.
Learning behaviors and experiences were fundamental concepts in the current study. I
recommend scholars in the education space delve into methods that may be implemented to
improve the learning experience for Black Bahamian boys and men. Mixed methods research
should be conducted to understand teacher and familial contributions and perspectives regarding
BBM and boys’ participation in education.
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It is also important that future inquiry addresses the challenges faced by BBM with
mental health support. The intersectional Black masculine identity compounds the cultural
stigma of mental health in the Bahamas. There is a need for research on the causes and impacts
of mental health challenges on BBM. Participants’ responses identified the urgency for more
robust and intentional efforts to support BBM’s mental health and well-being. Qualitative and
quantitative studies should be employed to identify the barriers to health help seeking and mental
health support. Future research on mental health for BBM should lead to more evidence-based
approaches for culturally acceptable ways to support BBM with health needs.
Finally, I recommend future research examines the occurrence and impact of internalized
racism in the African diaspora, specifically concerning employment. The resistance of academic
inquiry about the topic of internalized racism provides contemporary scholars with multiple
avenues to contribute to this topic. The concept of bias in HR practices is recurrently addressed
in the literature using the frameworks of institutionalized racism and personally mediated racism
(Jones, 2000). Addressing racism against BM through the vehicle of internalized adds to the
extant literature and may be deemed controversial, given the perverse neglect of the topic by the
social sciences (Pyke, 2010); nevertheless, this inquiry is substantiated and necessary.
Conclusion
The Bahamas is experiencing a Black male crisis. The dominant narrative in current
Bahamian mainstream news depicts BBM as contributors to and victims of social endemics,
including gang violence, crime and murder, low education and high unemployment, and poor
socioeconomic conditions (Darling, 2022a, 2022b, 2022c; Rolle, 2022; J. Russell, 2022; K.
Russell, 2022). In the current study, 20 Black Bahamian male participants described their
experience in the BLM and gave voice to their strength, potential, and hope for the future.
187

Findings demonstrated BBM are juxtaposed at the intersection of privilege and
oppression due to their intersectional identity of being males and Black in the Bahamas. They
traverse the permeable membrane of privilege and oppression where on one side, they enjoy the
benefits of the “old boys club,” patriarchy, and masculinity rules. Yet, due to their provider and
protector roles, they are vulnerable to violence and oppression. Participants indicated the bleak
reality: as a Bahamian male, they must provide and protect, but they must not ask for help. They
must work in jobs that cause mental and physical strain, but these jobs do not provide reasonable
protection and compensation for the risk. They must exude strength as leaders while accepting
the subjugation of White, foreign, and Black superiors.
Organizations must focus on inclusion and equitable outcomes for BBM in the
workplace. Results indicate Black leaders also are vulnerable to the Black Crab Syndrome and
participate in discrimination against BBM through the vehicle of internalized racism. The
occurrence of discrimination and internalized racism negatively influenced mental health
(Mouzon & McLean, 2017; Sosoo et al., 2020), aggressive behavior (Bryant, 2011), and career
achievement and outcomes (Briggs, 2018; Brown & Segrist, 2016) in Black men. These
circumstances indicate the importance of identifying its occurrence in the BLM.
Organizational practices can provide a counternarrative to discrimination against BBM in
the workplace. The theoretical lens of interest convergence, a tenant of CRT clarified by Quinn
and Grumbach (2015), postulates the racially oppressed may experience progression when their
interests merge with those of the dominant race. Corporations and society benefit by improving
the career outcomes for BBM. Investing in practices, including culturally relevant career
development and training to develop competencies, may combat organizations’ economic strain
resulting from employee skills gaps (Mason et al., 2009). Moreover, Payne and Huffman (2005)
188

found engaging in mentorship was positively related to organizational commitment and reduced
turnover by 38%.
The field of HR in the Bahamas is a crucial stakeholder in the problem BBM face in the
workplace. It is a moral and ethical responsibility for HR practitioners to examine organizations’
role in BBMs’ labor experience. HR must demonstrate cognition and understanding of BBMs’
positionality and how this impacts their job preparedness, motivations, and behaviors in the
workplace. Organizations must ensure they do not participate in the damage BBM experience in
the workplace by fostering a safe space for men to be whole beings, spaces that respect the
unique contributions and skills of BBM.
A focus on improving educational attainment for BBM in schools and workplaces is
important to reduce the educational and employment achievement gaps which emerged as
significant hindrances for participants. HR practitioners and organizations must recognize the
societal circumstances mandating Black boys earn and provide, pushing them into premature
employment. When boys focus on earning, they then neglect the learning opportunities provided
during formative years, resulting in a vicious cycle where men struggle to experience upward
mobility due to competency gaps. Findings of this study make it very salient that there must be
greater collaboration with employers and learning institutions to improve outcomes for BBM.
Participants indicate the current educational proposition for boys fails to demonstrate the
utility of formal education. There is a need for a more pragmatic approach to teaching boys. If
they are socialized to be providers, educational institutions and organizations must demonstrate a
clear linkage between earning and learning. Therefore, the utility value of education must be
abundantly clear when boys are still engaged and have the opportunity to harness the benefits of
189

the educational system. Early intervention will help to develop boys into men who enter the
workplace with the requisite soft skills and competencies to achieve their version of success.
Racism is a part of the Bahamian reality, and although it may not be consciously
addressed as a systemic issue, it is still seeped into society and into who people are. To address
the issue of racism and discrimination in the Bahamian workplaces, the HR field must be
cognizant that it is an issue. The value of this research is that participants’ experiences highlight
discrimination as a reality in the workplace, thus, adding to scholarship in the diaspora that
addresses the remnants of slavery and colonialism.
Disparate treatment and discrimination against Black Bahamian boys and men due to
their intersectional identity are damaging to their social, psychological, economic, and cultural
progression. Equity necessitates a confrontation with BBM’s person, behavioral and
environmental factors impeding them from fulfilling their massive potential. For men to succeed
in their provider roles through employment or entrepreneurship, they cannot forgo their
education or well-being.

190

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215

Appendix A: Interview Item Specifications
The interview questions used for this study directly address the research questions and
conceptual framework. Table A1 provides a detailed breakdown of the individual interview
questions and their alignment with the research questions and key theoretical concepts.
Research Questions
1. RQ1. How do Black Bahamian men describe their employment experiences in the
Bahamian labor market?
2. RQ2. How do those experiences, combined with the interactions between Black
Bahamian men’s personal, behavioral, social, and environmental factors motivate or
impede their educational attainment and career achievement?

Table A1
Interview Item Specifications
Q# Interview questions Probes RQ Conceptual framework topic Question type
(Patton)
Temporality
1 How would you describe
yourself? Who is (First
Name, Last Name)?
How would you
describe your
personal identity?
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism:
person influences:
intersectionality of Black
Bahamian men
Background Past; present
1 How would you describe
yourself? Who is (First
Name, Last Name)?
Tell me about your
educational
background
(primary,
secondary,
college).
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism:
behavioral influences:
educational attainment
Background Past
1 How would you describe
yourself? Who is (First
Name, Last Name)?
Tell me about your
work experience.
RQ1 Reciprocal determinism:
behavioral influences;
careers versus making
money
Background Past
2 How do you make a living
for yourself?
What methods do
you use to make
money?
Employment,
businesses, or
otherwise
RQ1
RQ2
Reciprocal determinism:
behavioral influences;
careers versus making
money
Behaviors and
experiences
Present
2 How do you make a living
for yourself?
What types of
business(es) do
you operate?
RQ1
RQ2
Reciprocal determinism:
behavioral influences;
entrepreneurship as
resistance
Behaviors and
experiences
Present
216

Q# Interview questions Probes RQ Conceptual framework topic Question type
(Patton)
Temporality
2 How do you make a living
for yourself?
Why did you
decide to become
an entrepreneur?
What is the most
positive thing
about owning a
business? What
is the most
difficult thing
about owning
your own
business? Are
you happy with
your decision?
RQ1
RQ2
Reciprocal determinism:
behavioral influences;
entrepreneurship as
resistance
Opinions and
values
Past; present
3 As it relates to your
educational background,
what were the major
highlights or memorable
experiences, both good and
bad?
What subjects did
you master in
school? Did that
influence your
career choices?
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism:
person influences;
personal agency’s
influence on academic
and career development
Opinions and
values
Past
3 As it relates to your
educational background,
what were the major
highlights or memorable
experiences, both good and
bad?
How did going to
school make you
feel? Did these
feelings influence
your motivation
to be in school?
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism:
person influences;
motivation and
achievement
Opinions and
values
Past
217

Q# Interview questions Probes RQ Conceptual framework topic Question type
(Patton)
Temporality
3 As it relates to your
educational background,
what were the major
highlights or memorable
experiences, both good and
bad?
Were you confident
in your ability to
be a good
student? Why or
why not?
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism:
person influences; self-
efficacy
Feelings and
emotions
Past
3 As it relates to your
educational background,
what were the major
highlights or memorable
experiences, both good and
bad?
Did you have
support from
your parents or
family?
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism:
behavioral influences;
educational attainment
Behaviors and
experiences
Past
4 What barriers, if removed,
would have improved your
schooling experience,
providing a more positive,
high-quality education?
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism:
person influences;
motivation and
achievement; reciprocal
determinism:
environmental influences;
socioeconomic and
residential factors
Opinions and
values;
behaviors and
experiences
Past
5 What social or environmental
factors or situations
affected your quality of
education/learning in
school?
What social or
environmental
factors and
experiences made
your schooling
difficult?
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism:
environmental influences;
socioeconomic and
residential factors
Opinions and
values;
behaviors and
experiences
Past
218

Q# Interview questions Probes RQ Conceptual framework topic Question type
(Patton)
Temporality
6 What social or environmental
factors contributed the
most to your level of
educational achievement?
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism:
environmental influences;
socioeconomic and
residential factors;
reciprocal determinism:
person influences;
motivation and
achievement
Opinions and
values;
behaviors and
experiences
Past
7 How important was an
education for you as a
teenager? Why?
Has your opinion
changed since
entering the labor
market?
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism:
person influences;
motivation and
achievement
Opinions and
values
Past; present
8 What level of importance or
value do you now place on
education/ schooling?
Why?
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism:
person influences;
motivation and
achievement
Opinions and
values
Present
9 How would you compare
Bahamian men and women
with regard to educational
attainment?
Why do you think
that is? Are their
concerns with
efforts? Biases?
Hindrances?
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism:
person influences;
personal agency’s
influence on academic
and career development;
reciprocal determinism:
person influences; self-
efficacy
Feelings and
emotions
Present
9 How would you compare
Bahamian men and women
with regard to educational
attainment?
How does this
make you feel?
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism:
behavioral influences;
performing masculinity;
reciprocal determinism:
person influences; the
value of counternarratives
Opinions and
values
Present
219

Q# Interview questions Probes RQ Conceptual framework topic Question type
(Patton)
Temporality
10 Do you feel like Bahamian
boys get the help needed to
succeed in school? Why do
you feel this way?
Why do you feel
this way?
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism:
behavioral influences;
educational attainment
Opinions and
values
Present
11 Do you think that Bahamian
men are well prepared to
establish a successful
career?
Why do you feel
this way?
RQ1
RQ2
Reciprocal determinism:
behavioral influences;
careers versus making
money;
Opinions and
values
Present
12 Describe the most memorable
educational experience that
contributed to your career
achievement.
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism:
person influences;
personal agency’s
influence on academic
and career development
Behaviors and
experiences
Past
13 What have been the biggest
influences on your choice
of work or career path?
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism:
person influences;
personal agency’s
influence on academic
and career development
Behaviors and
experiences
Past
14 Is there a time you saw a
good example or a not-so-
good example of someone
doing a job that you would
like to do? How did this
influence you?
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism:
person influences; self-
efficacy
Behaviors and
experiences
Past
220

Q# Interview questions Probes RQ Conceptual framework topic Question type
(Patton)
Temporality
15 What has been your
experience as a Black
Bahamian man in the
Bahamian labor market?
RQ1 Reciprocal determinism:
environmental influences;
Black male experience in
the workforce; reciprocal
determinism:
environmental influences;
workplace discrimination
and Black masculinity
Behaviors and
experiences
Past; present
16 Did any social and
environmental factors
influence your educational
choices, career choices,
and/or performance in
school and work? For
example, issues with
discrimination or with
safety.
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism:
person influences;
motivation and
achievement; reciprocal
determinism: person
influences; personal
agency’s influence on
academic and career
development
Opinions and
values;
behaviors and
experiences
Past
17 What motivates you to pursue
your educational and career
goals?
What has held you
back from
fulfilling your
goals?
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism:
person influences;
motivation and
achievement; reciprocal
determinism: person
influences; personal
agency’s influence on
academic and career
development
Opinions and
values
Present
18 What keeps you motivated to
go to work every day?
Interests in work? RQ2 Reciprocal determinism:
person influences;
motivation and
achievement
Opinions and
values
Present
221

Q# Interview questions Probes RQ Conceptual framework topic Question type
(Patton)
Temporality
18 What keeps you motivated to
go to work every day?
Family
responsibilities?
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism:
person influences;
motivation and
achievement
Opinions and
values
Present
18 What keeps you motivated to
go to work every day?
Financial needs? RQ2 Reciprocal determinism:
person influences;
motivation and
achievement
Opinions and
values
Present
18 What keeps you motivated to
go to work every day?
Other obligations?
Explain.
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism:
person influences;
motivation and
achievement
Opinions and
values
Present
18 What keeps you motivated to
go to work every day?
What are the
advantages and
disadvantages of
having a stable
job?
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism:
person influences;
motivation and
achievement
Opinions and
values
Present
19 Would you prefer a fulfilling
career or wealth? Why?
Are you required to
support friends or
family
financially?
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism:
behavioral influences;
careers versus making
money; reciprocal
determinism: person
influences; motivation
and achievement
Opinions and
values
Present
19 Would you prefer a fulfilling
career or wealth? Why?
Does this influence
your motivation
to work or make
money?
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism:
behavioral influences;
careers versus making
money; reciprocal
determinism: person
influences; motivation
and achievement
Opinions and
values
Present
222

Q# Interview questions Probes RQ Conceptual framework topic Question type
(Patton)
Temporality
20 How satisfied are you with
your work life? Why?
What specific part
of your work life
are you most
satisfied with?
RQ1 Reciprocal determinism:
person influences; the
value of counternarratives
Feelings and
emotions
Present
20 How satisfied are you with
your work life? Why?
What makes you
most satisfied
with your career
achievement?
RQ1 Reciprocal determinism:
person influences; the
value of counternarratives
Feelings and
emotions
Present
21 Do you think that Bahamian
women are more successful
than Bahamian men in the
workplace?
What information
do you have to
support your
opinion?
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism:
behavioral influences;
performing masculinity;
reciprocal determinism:
environmental influences;
a culture of patriarchy
Opinions and
values
Present
22 What would you say are key
traits that make up your
identity?
How important is
being a male to
your identity?
Why?
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism:
person influences;
intersectionality of Black
Bahamian men
Opinions and
values
Present
22 What would you say are key
traits that make up your
identity?
How does being a
Black person
influence your
experience in
life? Do you care
to elaborate on
that a little more?
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism:
person influences;
intersectionality of Black
Bahamian men
Opinions and
values
Present
223

Q# Interview questions Probes RQ Conceptual framework topic Question type
(Patton)
Temporality
22 What would you say are key
traits that make up your
identity?
How does your
educational
background
affect your
identity and
experience in
life?
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism:
person influences;
intersectionality of Black
Bahamian men
Opinions and
values
Present
22 What would you say are key
traits that make up your
identity?
How does your
professional or
business status
influence your
identity?
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism:
person influences;
intersectionality of Black
Bahamian men
Opinions and
values
Present
22 What would you say are key
traits that make up your
identity?
Are there any other
traits or
characteristics
that help to
define your
identity?
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism:
person influences;
intersectionality of Black
Bahamian men
Opinions and
values
Present
23 Is your identity as a
Bahamian important to
you?
Do you have a lot
of pride in being
a Bahamian
man?
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism:
person influences;
intersectionality of Black
Bahamian men
Opinions and
values
Present
24 Were you taught the
importance of appearing
strong and masculine at all
times?
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism:
behavioral influences;
performing masculinity
Knowledge Past
25 Does your masculine identity
give you an advantage in
the workplace?
RQ1
RQ2
Reciprocal determinism:
behavioral influences;
performing masculinity
Behaviors and
experiences
Present
224

Q# Interview questions Probes RQ Conceptual framework topic Question type
(Patton)
Temporality
26 How does being a Black
Bahamian Man influence
your personal life?
What are the
advantages of
being a Black
Bahamian man in
the Bahamas?
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism:
environmental influences;
a culture of patriarchy
Behaviors and
experiences
Present
26 How does being a Black
Bahamian Man influence
your personal life?
What are the
disadvantages of
being a Black
Bahamian Man
in the Bahamas?
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism:
environmental influences;
a culture of patriarchy
Behaviors and
experiences
Present
27 What has been your
observation of race-related
issues in the Bahamas?
Do you think that
Black people are
treated the same
as White people
or other
ethnicities?
RQ2 Afropessimisim and anti-
Black racism
Behaviors and
experiences
Past; present
27 What has been your
observation of race-related
issues in the Bahamas?
Does race influence
any specific
situation or
circumstance you
encounter in your
daily life?
RQ2 Afropessimisim and anti-
Black racism
Behaviors and
experiences
Past; present
28 Do you experience racism or
discrimination as a Black
Bahamian Male?
Do you experience
discrimination at
work? Please
explain.
RQ1
RQ2
Reciprocal determinism:
environmental influences;
workplace discrimination
and Black masculinity
Behaviors and
experiences
Past; present
225

Q# Interview questions Probes RQ Conceptual framework topic Question type
(Patton)
Temporality
28 Do you experience racism or
discrimination as a Black
Bahamian Male?
Do you experience
discrimination in
any other part of
your life? Please
explain
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism:
environmental influences;
systemic and institutional
injustice; reciprocal
determinism:
environmental influences;
Black male experience in
the workforce
Behaviors and
experiences
Past; present
29 Do you experience any
mental health challenges or
physical ailments that you
associate with being a
Black Bahamian Male?
Do you seek help
for your health
and wellness
needs?
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism:
environmental influences;
negative health and
employment outcomes
associated with
discrimination
Feelings and
emotions;
behaviors and
experiences
Present
29 Do you experience any
mental health challenges or
physical ailments that you
associate with being a
Black Bahamian Male?
Do you attribute
any of these
mental health
challenges to
your
work/career?
RQ1
RQ2
Reciprocal determinism:
environmental influences;
negative health and
employment outcomes
associated with
discrimination
Feelings and
emotions;
behaviors and
experiences
Present
29 Do you experience any
mental health challenges or
physical ailments that you
associate with being a
Black Bahamian Male?
Do you have access
to help for your
health needs?
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism:
environmental influences;
negative health and
employment outcomes
associated with
discrimination
Feelings and
emotions;
behaviors and
experiences
Present
30 Do you think being a White
person is better than being
a Black person or vice
versa? Please explain.
Are you proud of
your African
ancestry?
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism;
person influences;
internalized racism and
career aspirations in Black
men
Opinions and
values
Present
226

Q# Interview questions Probes RQ Conceptual framework topic Question type
(Patton)
Temporality
30 Do you think being a White
person is better than being
a Black person or vice
versa? Please explain.
If you could change
anything about
your physical
appearance, what
would it be?
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism:
person influences;
internalized racism and
career aspirations in Black
men
Opinions and
values
Present
30 Do you think being a White
person is better than being
a Black person or vice
versa? Please explain.
If these changes
were possible, do
you think they
would have or
could improve
your education,
career, or
business success?
How?
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism;
person influences;
internalized racism and
career aspirations in Black
men
Opinions and
values
Present
31 What are your greatest hopes,
dreams, and aspirations
regarding your future as it
relates to educational
achievement, career
attainment, and business
ownership?
Do you think you
will be able to
achieve your
dreams? Why or
why not?
RQ2 Afrofuturism Opinions and
values
Future
31 What are your greatest hopes,
dreams, and aspirations
regarding your future as it
relates to educational
achievement, career
attainment, and business
ownership?
What are your
thoughts and
opinions about
entrepreneurship
?
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism;
behavioral influences;
entrepreneurship as
resistance
Opinions and
values
Future
227

Q# Interview questions Probes RQ Conceptual framework topic Question type
(Patton)
Temporality
31 What are your greatest hopes,
dreams, and aspirations
regarding your future as it
relates to educational
achievement, career
attainment, and business
ownership?
Is owning your own
business
important to you?
Why
RQ2 Afrofuturism; reciprocal
determinism; behavioral
influences;
entrepreneurship as
resistance
Opinions and
values
Future
32 What would you say needs to
change in the future to help
Black Bahamian men be
more successful in
educational attainment and
career achievement?
Do you think
meaningful
change will
happen? How?
RQ2 Afrofuturism;
Afropessimisim
Opinions and
values
Future
33 Do you believe that you have
the ability to do what is
needed for you to obtain
your educational, career, or
business goals?
Do you think that
you can control
the internal and
external factors
needed to
achieve your
goals? How?
RQ2 Reciprocal determinism;
person influences; self-
efficacy
Knowledge Present

228
229

Appendix B: Interview Protocol and Memorandum
Pseudonym: Start Time:
Interviewer: End Time:
Date: Total Duration:

Introduction to the Interview
Hello! My name is Trévare Sherman; it is such a pleasure to meet you. I know that we
connected via (phone/email) and I provided you with introductory information about our meeting
today. As a reminder, I am a doctoral student at the University of Southern California, and I am
conducting this study on the employment experience of Bahamian males as a part of the
requirements for the completion of my doctoral dissertation. Thank you for being open to
participating in this study. I appreciate your time and openness.
You would have received an information sheet and informed consent form with details
about the objectives of the study. It laid out the different steps I will take to ensure the
information you provide me with today is kept confidential. Your identity will be protected, and
the information gained from today’s interview will be used for a meaningful purpose, which I
aim to be in the best interest of improving the employment experience for men in the Bahamas.
We will have an open conversation during our meeting today, where I will ask you a
series of questions; however, I welcome any additional details or stories that you wish to share.
We should take about an hour, going over only if you have time and if it is needed. Right now, I
would be happy to answer any questions you have about your participation in this study.
Please know that I find your experiences and thoughts valuable in understanding your
truth. Feel free to be open and honest; there are no right or wrong answers. Your real name will
230

not be shared with anyone, and when I use direct quotes, I will ensure to use a pseudonym or
another name, and I will remove any details that can lead to your identification. You are
welcome to a copy of the final paper if you wish to receive it.
With your permission, I will be recording this session. Is that ok? All data will be
encrypted and password protected. You are encouraged to ask questions, let me know if you
need a break, or voice your concerns at any time during this process. Once again, I am very
appreciative of your time today.
Interview Protocol
Table B1 provides the interview protocol used in the study.

Table B1
Interview Protocol
Q# Interview questions Probes Salient thoughts,
reflections, and ideas
1 How would you describe
yourself? Who is (First Name,
Last Name)?
How would you describe
your personal identity?

1 Tell me about your
educational background
(primary, secondary,
college).

1 Tell me about your work
experience.

2 How do you make a living for
yourself?
What methods do you use to
make money?
Employment, businesses,
or otherwise

2 What types of business(es)
do you operate?

2 Why did you decide to
become an entrepreneur?
What is the most positive
thing about owning a
business? What is the most
difficult thing about

231

Q# Interview questions Probes Salient thoughts,
reflections, and ideas
owning your own
business? Are you happy
with your decision?
3 As it relates to your educational
background, what were the
major highlights or memorable
experiences, both good and
bad?
What subjects did you
master in school? Did that
influence your career
choices?

3 How did going to school
make you feel? Did these
feelings influence your
motivation to be in school?

3 Were you confident in your
ability to be a good
student? Why or why not?

3 Did you have support from
parents or family?

4 What barriers, if removed, would
have improved your schooling
experience, providing a more
positive, high-quality
education?

5 What social or environmental
factors or situations affected
your quality of
education/learning in school?
What social or
environmental factors and
experiences made your
schooling difficult?

6 What social or environmental
factors contributed the most to
your level of educational
achievement?

7 How important was an education
for you as a teenager? Why?
Has your opinion changed
since entering the labor
market?

8 What level of importance or value
do you now place on
education/schooling? Why?

9 How would you compare
Bahamian Men and women with
regard to educational
attainment?
Why do you think that is?
Are their concerns with
efforts? Biases?
Hindrances?

9

How does this make you
feel?

10 Do you feel like Bahamian boys
get the help needed to succeed
Why do you feel this way?
232

Q# Interview questions Probes Salient thoughts,
reflections, and ideas
in school? Why do you feel this
way?
11 Do you think that Bahamian men
are well prepared to establish a
successful career?
Why do you feel this way?
12 Describe the most memorable
educational experience that
contributed to your career
achievement.

13 What have been the biggest
influences on your choice of
work or career path?

14 Is there a time you saw a good
example or a not-so-good
example of someone doing a job
that you would like to do? How
did this influence you?

15 What has been your experience as
a Black Bahamian man in the
Bahamian labor market?

16 Did any social and environmental
factors influence your
educational choices, career
choices, and/or performance in
school and work? For example,
issues with discrimination or
with safety.

17 What motivates you to pursue
your educational and career
goals?
What has held you back from
fulfilling your goals?

18 What keeps you motivated to go
to work every day?
Interests in work?
18 Family responsibilities?
18 Financial needs?
18 Other obligations? Explain.
18 What are the advantages and
disadvantages of having a
stable job?

19 Would you prefer a fulfilling
career or wealth? Why?
Are you required to support
friends or family
financially?

19

Does this influence your
motivation to work or
make money?

233

Q# Interview questions Probes Salient thoughts,
reflections, and ideas
20 How satisfied are you with your
work life? Why?
What specific part of your
work life are you most
satisfied with?

20

What makes you most
satisfied with your career
achievement?

21 Do you think that Bahamian
women are more successful than
Bahamian men in the
workplace?
What information do you
have to support your
opinion?

22 What would you say are key traits
that make up your identity?
How important is being a
male to your identity?
Why?

22 How does being a Black
person influence your
experience in life? Do you
care to elaborate on that a
little more?

22 How does your educational
background affect your
identity and experience in
life?

22 How does your professional
or business status
influence your identity?

22 Are there any other traits or
characteristics that help to
define your identity?

23 Is your identity as a Bahamian
important to you?
Do you have a lot of pride in
being a Bahamian man?

24 Were you taught the importance of
appearing strong and masculine
at all times?

25 Does your masculine identity give
you an advantage in the
workplace?

26 How does being a Black
Bahamian man influence your
personal life?
What are the advantages of
being a Black Bahamian
man in the Bahamas?

26 What are the disadvantages
of being a Black Bahamian
Man in the Bahamas?

234

Q# Interview questions Probes Salient thoughts,
reflections, and ideas
27 What has been your observation of
race-related issues in the
Bahamas?
Do you think that Black
people are treated the same
as White people or other
ethnicities?

27

Does race influence any
specific situation or
circumstance you
encounter in your daily
life?

28 Do you experience racism or
discrimination as a Black
Bahamian man?
Do you experience
discrimination at work?
Please explain.

28 Do you experience
discrimination in any other
part of your life? Please
explain.

29 Do you experience any mental
health challenges or physical
ailments that you associate with
being a Black Bahamian man?
Do you seek help for your
health and wellness needs?

29 Do you attribute any of these
mental health challenges
to your work/career?

29 Do you have access to help
for your health needs?

30 Do you think being a White
person is better than being a
Black person or vice versa?
Please explain.
Are you proud of your
African ancestry?

30 If you could change anything
about your physical
appearance, what would it
be?

30 If these changes were
possible, do you think they
would have or could
improve your education,
career, or business
success? How?

31 What are your greatest hopes,
dreams, and aspirations
regarding your future as it
relates to educational
Do you think you will be
able to achieve your
dreams? Why or why not?

235

Q# Interview questions Probes Salient thoughts,
reflections, and ideas
achievement, career attainment,
and business ownership?
31 What are your thoughts and
opinions about
entrepreneurship?

31 Is owning your own business
important to you? Why

32 What would you say needs to
change in the future to help
Black Bahamian men be more
successful in educational
attainment and career
achievement?
Do you think meaningful
change will happen? How?

33 Do you believe that you have the
ability to do what is needed for
you to obtain your educational,
career, or business goals?
Do you think that you can
control the internal and
external factors needed to
achieve your goals? How?

Conclusion to the Interview
Thank you so much for your time today. Please take a few minutes to complete the short
demographic survey sent via email. I will stay on to assist as needed. You can reach out to me
via email at tksherma@usc.edu if you have any questions or wish to discuss this study further. I
am so thankful for you providing me with this opportunity to know you better. Please collect
your gift card from the Box Office of Katalyst Inc. at your convenience as a gesture of
appreciation for your participation today.

236

Appendix C: Demographic Survey: Item Specifications
Questions Response Options RQ Key concept addressed
1. What race/ethnicity do
you identify as?
1. Black
2. White
3. Mixed
4. Latino
5. Asian
6. Other (write-in)
RQ2 Racial identity
2. What is your gender? 1. Male
2. Other (write-in)
RQ2 Gender identity
3. How old are you? 1. Write-in – Demographic
4. What constituency do
you live in?
1. Bains Town and Grants
Town
2. Bamboo Town
3. Carmichael
4. Centreville
5. Elizabeth
6. Englerston
7. Fort Charlotte
8. Fox Hill
9. Free Town
10. Garden Hills
11. Golden Gates
12. Golden Isles
13. Killarney
14. Marathon
15. Mount Moriah
16. Nassau Village
17. Pinewood
18. Saint Anne’s
19. Saint Barnabas
20. Sea Breeze
21. South Beach
22. Southern Shores
23. Tall Pines
24. Yamacraw
– Demographic
5. What is your marital
status?
1. Single
2. Married
3. Divorced
4. Separated
5. Widowed
– Demographic
6. How many children do
you have?
1. 0
2. 1
3. 2
4. 3
– Demographic
237

Questions Response Options RQ Key concept addressed
5. 4
6. 5+
7. Do you have any other
dependents? Who?
1. Yes
a. Write-in
2. No
– Demographic
8. What schools did you
attend?
a. Primary School
b. Junior High
c. Senior High
d. College/University
1. Write-in RQ2 Educational attainment
9. What is your highest
level of education?

1. Did not attend school
2. Some primary school
3. Graduated from primary
school
4. Some junior high school
5. Graduated/completed
junior high school
6. Some senior high school
7. Graduated from high
school
8. Professional certificate
9. One (1) year of college
10. Two (2) years of college
11. Three (3) years of college
12. Graduated with an
associate’s degree
13. Graduated with a
bachelor’s degree
14. Master’s degree
15. Doctorate
16. Post doctorate
RQ2 Educational attainment
10. What is your mother’s
highest level of
education?

1. Did not attend school
2. Some primary school
3. Graduated from primary
school
4. Some junior high school
5. Graduated/completed
junior high school
6. Some senior high school
7. Graduated from high
school
8. Professional certificate
9. One (1) year of college
10. Two (2) years of college
RQ2 Demographic
238

Questions Response Options RQ Key concept addressed
11. Three (3) years of college
12. Graduated with an
associate’s degree
13. Graduated with a
bachelor’s degree
14. Master’s degree
15. Doctorate
16. Post doctorate
11. What is/was your
mother’s job?
1. Write-in RQ2 Demographic
12. What is your father’s
highest level of
education?

1. Did not attend school
2. Some primary school
3. Graduated from primary
school
4. Some junior high school
5. Graduated/completed
junior high school
6. Some senior high school
7. Graduated from high
school
8. Professional certificate
9. One (1) year of college
10. Two (2) years of college
11. Three (3) years of college
12. Graduated with an
associate’s degree
13. Graduated with a
bachelor’s degree
14. Master’s degree
15. Doctorate
16. Post doctorate
RQ2 Demographic
13. What is/was your
father’s job?
1. Write-in RQ2 Demographic
14. What type of household
did you grow up in?
1. Both parents
2. Single-parent (mother)
3. Single-parent (father)
4. Sibling
5. Grandparent
6. Family member
7. Children’s Home
8. Other
RQ2 Demographic
15. What are your
educational goals?
1. Write-in RQ2 Educational attainment
16. What do you do for a
living?
1. Write-in RQ1 Career attainment
239

Questions Response Options RQ Key concept addressed
17. Do you work and/or
have a job?
a. What is your job?
b. Where do you
work?
c. How many hours do
you work a week?
d. Is your job related to
your career goals?
1. Write-in RQ1 Career attainment
18. Do you have the
necessary education to
achieve your career
goals?
1. Write-in RQ2 Educational attainment

240

Appendix D: Recruitment Communication
RE: Invitation to Participate in Interview on Bahamian Men’s Employment Experience
with Ms. Trévare Sherman

Dear (Name),

My name is Trévare Sherman, and I am a doctoral student at the University of Southern
California. I am conducting one-on-one interviews with Bahamian men as a part of my doctoral
dissertation on Bahamian Men’s employment experience. I will be conducting 1-hour, in-person
or Zoom interviews during the month of August 2022.
My intention for this research project is to learn about Bahamian Men’s experiences with
the hope of improving the employment experience for men in the Bahamas. After the interview,
participants will be asked to complete a short demographic survey. If you are interested in
participating in this research project, please send an email to me stating your interest. To get a
good range of responses, I will need to confirm some personal details with you prior to
scheduling a voluntary and confidential interview.
As compensation for participation in this study, participants will receive a $25 gift card.
Should you have any questions or wish to discuss your potential participation in this study,
please feel free to contact me via email at tksherma@usc.edu. Please provide the following
information in your email: name, employment status, and prior schools.
Thank you for considering this research opportunity.
Warmest regards,
Trévare Sherman

241

Appendix E: Information Sheet
INFORMATION SHEET FOR EXEMPT RESEARCH

STUDY TITLE: Bahamian Men’s Employment Experience
PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR: Trévare Sherman
FACULTY ADVISOR: Alan Green, PhD

You are invited to participate in a research study. Your participation is voluntary. This document explains
information about this study. You should ask questions about anything that is unclear to you.

PURPOSE
The purpose of this study is to understand the employment experience for Bahamian males in the
Bahamian labor market. This study also seeks to identify the social, behavioral, and personal factors
contributing to the educational and employment experience. I hope to learn ways to change work
environments to improve the conditions for Bahamian men. You are invited as a possible participant
because you are an adult Bahamian male of working age.

PARTICIPANT INVOLVEMENT
If you decide to take part, you will be asked to participate in a 60–90 minute interview. During the
interview, you will be asked to provide consent to video and/or audio recordings.

Should you decline to have your interview video recorded, you can turn the video setting off in the Zoom
application. Should you decline to have your interview audio recorded, we will proceed with the
interview. I will take written notes.

At the end of the interview, you will be asked to complete a short demographic survey that will take less
than 10 minutes.

Be advised that you are not permitted to participate in this interview if you are a current employee of
Showcase Entertainment Limited, trading as Katalyst Inc. on the southwest corner of JFK and Gladstone
Road, Nassau, Bahamas.

PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION
You will receive a $25 Katalyst Inc. gift card from me for your participation in this study. The card will
be available for your collection at the Katalyst Inc. Box Office after you complete the interview and
return the demographic survey.

If you are not a resident of Nassau, Bahamas, you will receive a $25 Amazon gift card for your
participation in the study, which will be sent to you electronically.

CONFIDENTIALITY
The members of the research team, and the University of Southern California Institutional Review Board
(IRB) may access the data. The IRB reviews and monitors research studies to protect the rights and
welfare of research subjects.

The following measures will be taken to ensure your anonymity and confidentiality. Your name will be
dissociated from the responses during the data transcription and coding process. Aliases and pseudonyms
242

will be selected and used to shield the identities of persons and places. No information that makes you
identifiable will be shared.

All electronic or hard-copy data will be protected via electronic password protection, or stored in a locked
cabinet, only accessible by me, the researcher. The video and voice recordings will not be shared with any
other person.

Hard-copy and electronic data with identifying information will be destroyed 3 years after the study’s
completion.

The electronic data from this study that is free of direct identifiers will be kept indefinitely and may be
used for future research use.

You are welcome to an electronic copy of the final paper if you wish to receive it. When the results of the
research are published or discussed in conferences, no identifiable information will be used.

INVESTIGATOR CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions about this study, please contact Trévare Sherman (investigator) at
tksherma@usc.edu and Dr. Alan Green (faculty advisor) alangree@rossier.usc.edu.

IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions about your rights as a research participant, please contact the University of
Southern California Institutional Review Board at (323) 442-0114 or email irb@usc.edu.

243

Appendix F: Informed Consent Form
Informed consent for participation in research interview on Bahamian men’s employment
experience with Ms. Trévare Sherman:
This informed consent document provides you (the participant) with important details
regarding your participation in this study to gain your informed consent to participate. Please
refer to the Information Sheet sent to you via email for details about the study’s objectives and
the methods to ensure confidentiality.
By participating in this study and submitting your answers, you are consenting to the
researcher using your data in this study, and you are verifying that you are at least 18 years old
and not an employee of Katalyst Inc.
• The participant voluntarily agrees to participate in this research study.
• The participant understands that he can withdraw at any time during the interview or
refuse to answer any question without any consequence of any kind.
• The participant has had the purpose and nature of the study explained in the study’s
information sheet.
• The participant has had the opportunity to ask questions about the study.
• The participant understands that his participation involves a 60 to 90-minute
interview and a short demographic survey that should take less than 10 minutes.
• The participant understands that he will not benefit directly from participating in this
research study.
• The participant agrees to the interview being video and/or audio recorded. The
participant can turn his video off for additional privacy.
244

• The participant understands that all information provided for this study will be treated
confidentially.
• The participant understands that in any report on the results of this research, his
identity will remain anonymous. This will be done by changing the participant’s
name using a pseudonym and disguising any details of the interview which may
reveal the participant’s identity or the identity of the people he speaks about.
• The participant understands that disguised extracts from his interview may be quoted.
• The participant understands that audio transcriptions from the interview in which all
identifying information has been removed will be retained using password protection
and encryption.
• The participant understands he is free to contact any of the people involved in the
research study to seek further clarification and information.

Abstract (if available)

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Asset Metadata

Creator Sherman, Trévare Kaleista (author)

Core Title An intersectional examination of inequity in Black Bahamian men’s employment experience: a critical theory and social cognitive perspective

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)

Degree Conferral Date 2022-12

Publication Date 12/15/2023

Defense Date 11/11/2022

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag achievement,African diaspora,Afrofuturism,Afropessimism,and inclusion,anti-Black racism,Bahamas,Bahamian,Bahamian boys,Bahamian labor market,Bahamian men,Black,blackness,career attainment,career interests,careers,Colonialism,counternarratives,critical axiology,critical race theory,critical theory,culturally-relevant mentorship,DEI,DEI competencies,desire-based research,Discrimination,diversity,earning,Education,educational attainment,educational system,emotional expression,employment conditions,employment outcomes,entrepreneurship,equity,expectancy value theory,gender,HR,human resources,Inequality,injustice,internalized racism,intersectionality,low educational attainment,Masculinity,Mental Health,mentorship,Motivation,New Providence,OAI-PMH Harvest,Oppression,patriarchy,performing masculinity,personal agency,post-colonial society,privilege,productivity,qualitative,racialized macrosystem,Racism,self-efficacy,Slavery,social capital,social cognitive theory,socioeconomic factors,white hegemony,work experience

Format theses (aat)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Green, Alan (committee chair), Brady, Melanie (committee member), Spann, Rufus (committee member)

Creator Email tksherman88@gmail.com,trevareksherman@gmail.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC112620983

Unique identifier UC112620983

Identifier etd-ShermanTrv-11381.pdf (filename)

Legacy Identifier etd-ShermanTrv-11381

Document Type Dissertation

Format theses (aat)

Rights Sherman, Trévare Kaleista

Internet Media Type application/pdf

Type texts

Source 20221216-usctheses-batch-998 (batch), University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

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Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

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