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Acculturative stress of Chinese international students in the United States

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Acculturative stress of Chinese international students in the United States

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Acculturative Stress of Chinese International Students in the United States

Hongchang Zhang

Rossier School of Education

University of Southern California

A dissertation submitted to the faculty

in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

Doctor of Education

May 2023

Copyright by Hongchang Zhang 2023
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Hongchang Zhang certifies the approval of this Dissertation.

Susanne M. Foulk
Emmy Jungwon Min
Robert A. Filback, Committee Chair

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2023

iv
Abstract
This study examines CIS’ acculturative stress due to recent macro factors, including the COVID-
19 pandemic, rising nationalism in China, tensions in U.S.–China relations, and anti-Asian
racism in America. It also explores CIS’ coping strategies to overcome the challenges. The study
is based on a theoretical framework combining Berry’s acculturation and Bronfenbrenner’s
ecological system theories. The research applied a qualitative approach with twelve semi-
structured interviews of CIS at U.S. universities. Data collected were analyzed with Atlas.ti and
other research tools. Qualitative findings revealed that CIS in the United States perceived
significant influences on their acculturation by recent macro factors. Through the lens of Berry’s
acculturation theory, the outcome of the influences is categorized into four conditions,
integration, assimilation, separation, and marginalization. Participants in the study chose
integration as their most common adaptation condition and primary acculturation strategy. From
the perspective of Bronfenbrenner’s ecological system theory, the study shows that the
participants are satisfied with their hospitable microsystem regardless of the adverse
macroenvironmental conditions. The study reveals unique coping strategies, like information
balance, bravery, and confidence. This study enriches the research on recent macro factors’
influences on CIS’ acculturation, enhancing U.S. higher educational institutions’ multicultural
competence and CIS’ learning outcome in the United States.

v
Acknowledgments
First, I would like to thank my dissertation committee chair, Dr. Robert A. Filback, for
his creative and timely guidance throughout this journey. I would also like to thank my
dissertation committee members, Dr. Emmy Jungwon Min and Dr. Susanne M. Foulk, for their
kindness and professional feedback. I would like to give my deep gratitude to all the participants
in my study. They generously accepted my invitation and allocated enough time for the very
productive interviews, without which the study could never be possible.
I would like to acknowledge all the professors and staff in the OCL program. Their
expertise and kindness have made learning an enjoyable journey for me. Of course, all my peers
in Cohort 18! I am happy we all achieved something, but it is hard to say “goodbye”! Thank you
all for sharing the most critical time in my life with me. I would like to express my special
appreciation for the “Asian Studying Partnership”! Thank you, Vanessa, for your omnipotent
help and advice!
I would never thank my family enough! Their support is indispensable for the completion
of such a challenging task! Jennifer sacrificed greatly to give me enough time, energy, and
motivation to fulfill all the requirements. During my 3 years of learning, she was responsible for
making the home a warm, effective, and caring place. I missed many important occasions in
William’s school and tennis, but he offered me great consideration and understanding! I would
like to give my special gratitude to my parents–in–law, whose encouragement and motivation
brought me great confidence and inspiration in facing challenges. At this moment, I would like
to say that I have been fighting, but the victory belongs to all those who supported me during the
campaign, and I am fulfilling but the achievement I shall share with all who have made this
possible!
vi
Table of Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iv
Acknowledgments........................................................................................................................... v
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................. ix
List of Figures ................................................................................................................................. x
Chapter One: Introduction to the Study .......................................................................................... 1
Importance of Addressing This Problem ............................................................................ 3
Purpose of the Study ........................................................................................................... 4
Significance of the Study .................................................................................................... 4
Theoretical Framework ....................................................................................................... 5
Research Questions ............................................................................................................. 7
Methodology ....................................................................................................................... 7
Key Concepts ...................................................................................................................... 8
Organization of the Dissertation ......................................................................................... 8
Chapter Two: Literature Review .................................................................................................. 10
Conceptual Introduction.................................................................................................... 10
CIS in the United States .................................................................................................... 15
Sociocultural Challenges CIS Face ................................................................................... 31
Organizational Perspective ............................................................................................... 45
Personal Perspective ......................................................................................................... 49
Theoretical Framework ..................................................................................................... 66
Chapter Three: Methodology ........................................................................................................ 77
Research Questions ........................................................................................................... 77
Research Design................................................................................................................ 77
Research Setting................................................................................................................ 78
vii
Instrumentation ................................................................................................................. 79
Data Collection ................................................................................................................. 80
Positionality ...................................................................................................................... 80
Participants ........................................................................................................................ 82
Validity and Reliability ..................................................................................................... 83
Ethics................................................................................................................................. 83
Limitations and Delimitations ........................................................................................... 84
Chapter Four: Findings ................................................................................................................. 85
Acculturation Conditions .................................................................................................. 86
Perceptions of Macro Factors ........................................................................................... 94
Perceptions of Minor Factors .......................................................................................... 118
Adaptation Strategies ...................................................................................................... 123
Summary ......................................................................................................................... 128
Chapter Five: Research Questions .............................................................................................. 129
Research Question 1 ....................................................................................................... 129
Research Question 2 ....................................................................................................... 135
Research Question 3 ....................................................................................................... 140
Summary ......................................................................................................................... 142
Chapter Six: Discussion .............................................................................................................. 143
Discussion ....................................................................................................................... 143
Recommendations ........................................................................................................... 147
Limitations and Future Research .................................................................................... 149
Conclusion ...................................................................................................................... 151
References ................................................................................................................................... 153
Appendix A: Interview Protocol ................................................................................................. 170
viii
Appendix B: Visual Support ....................................................................................................... 177

ix
List of Tables
Table 1: Detailed Information of the 12 Participants in the Study 86
Table A1: Interview Questions 172

x
List of Figures

Figure 1: Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological System Theory 69
Figure 2: Berry’s Acculturation Theory 72
Figure 3: Combination of Bronfenbrenner’s Theory and Berry’s Theory 75
Figure 4: Acculturation Conditions 88
Figure B1: Visual Supports 178

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Chapter One: Introduction to the Study
China has been the country of origin for the largest number of international students in
the United States for the past 11 years (Xie et al., 2021). In 2018–2019, China sent 369,000
students, accounting for over 30% of the international student population on U.S. campuses (Sun
et al., 2021). In the 2019–2020 school year, the number of Chinese international students (CIS)
was 372,532, or 34.6% of the international student population in the United States (Opendoors,
n.d.). Despite their large numbers, however, Chinese students encounter multifaceted challenges
and often experience social and emotional distress during their stay in the United States (Heng,
2019). Factors including academic pressure, social isolation, cultural adjustment, linguistic
incompetence, and perceived discrimination can lead to acculturative stress, which negatively
impacts the mental health of CIS (Chen & Wen, 2021; Heng, 2019; Sun et al., 2021).
CIS must navigate vastly different educational environments between China and the
United States, a demanding academic transition in classroom norms, learning paradigms,
student–faculty relationships, critical thinking, and other aspects (Ching et al., 2017; Heng,
2018a; Oramas et al., 2018). Limited English proficiency presents one of the most common
challenges, leading to hardships in living, learning, and networking, as well as to experiences of
language-based discrimination (Chen & Wen, 2021; Sun et al., 2021). Researchers revealed that
language barriers not only deteriorate CIS’ academic adaptation but also discourage their
network with local people, which all contribute to their acculturative stress (Bai, 2016). CIS with
lower levels of English competence are more inclined to lose self-efficacy (He & Hutson, 2018)
and become more vulnerable to language anxiety (Cheng & Erben, 2012). In addition to the
language challenges, CIS are susceptible to the impact of learning shock due to the unfamiliarity
2

with learning and teaching approaches, thinking styles, and classroom norms (He & Hutson,
2018).
While Chinese students often predict and prepare for the academic and language barriers
they will face, most are unprepared for the racial discrimination they experience in the United
States, often the first experience of racial discrimination in their life (Sun et al., 2021). Perceived
discrimination through negative stereotyping, whether implicit or explicit, is a prominent
experience that CIS complain about (Achirri, 2021; Heng, 2018b; Heng, 2019; Xie et al., 2021).
Discrimination often comes in the form of subtle discrimination, such as model minority
stereotyping and racial microaggressions. As Lian and Wallace (2020) stated that international
students from Asia are affected by the same stereotyping toward Asian Americans. Therefore,
while it is difficult to distinguish and harder to correct, it may produce long-term, cumulative
adverse effects on CIS and cause serious acculturative stress, such as depression and anxiety
(Lian & Wallace, 2020).
From a macroenvironmental perspective, the deterioration of the U.S.–China relationship,
the rising nationalism and populism, and the COVID-19 pandemic are factors that have further
heightened the stress of CIS studying in U.S. higher educational institutions (Allen & Ye, 2021;
Altbach & Wit, 2018; Boylan et al., 2021; Flew & Iosifidis, 2020; Mok et al., 2021; Pan, 2020;
Qi et al., 2018). Despite the significant economic and cultural contributions of this large group of
international students, research into their challenges has been inadequate, and the provision of
supportive services for this group of students has been insufficient (Oramas et al., 2018). This
study focuses on better understanding the problem of acculturative stress among CIS in the
United States.
3

Importance of Addressing This Problem
Research (Bertram et al., 2012; Leong, 2015; Xie et al., 2021; Yan & Berliner, 2011)
shows that a significant portion of CIS suffer from the effects of acculturative stress during their
sojourn in the United States in the form of anxiety and depression. A mental health survey of 130
CIS at Yale University, for example, found that 45% of respondents showed symptoms of
depression, and 29% of participants claimed to have experienced anxiety (Han et al., 2013). A
similar survey on another group of CIS reported that 47.5% had depressive symptoms, and 48%
experienced anxiety (Han et al., 2013). Lian and Wallace (2020) reported on three other survey
studies on CIS mental health, which found that CIS respondents showed risks of depression at
rates ranging from 29.2% to as high as 70%.
To cope with the challenges they face, CIS commonly adopt strategies like pursuing
social connectedness (Sun et al., 2021), maintaining strong motivation (Oramas et al., 2018),
seeking counseling services (Ching et al., 2017), reaching out to faculty and classmates (Heng,
2018a), and using American-based social media, such as Twitter and Facebook, to expand their
network with domestic people (Yang, 2018). Various coping strategies may help CIS alleviate
acculturative stress, but more research is needed, given the high prevalence of anxiety and
depression among this group. The large size of the CIS group has made their mental health
problem a significant social issue in the United States (Xing et al., 2020). Further, the changing
geopolitical contexts, such as the upsurging nationalism in China and the United States, the
fallout from the COVID-19 pandemic, and the stereotyping against CIS, present a set of unique
challenges, calling for further examination of CIS’ experience under the current environment.
It is essential to address CIS’ struggles in the United States. The acculturative stress they
experience may severely impact their learning outcomes and health conditions (Chen & Wen,
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2021; Heng, 2019; Oramas et al., 2018; Xie et al., 2021). The mental health and positive life
experience of CIS in the United States are significant for U.S. educational institutions and U.S.
society. In the 2015–2016 school year alone, international students from China and other
countries contributed more than $30 billion, creating over four million jobs in America (Qi et al.,
2018; Zhang, 2018). Given that Chinese students represent the majority of international students
in the United States (Xie et al., 2021), it is vital to understand and be able to address their
concerns.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of the study is to examine CIS’ experience of acculturative stress while
studying in the United States. The study explored the factors that are related to CIS’ increasing
pressure during their stay in the United States. In addition, it also explored how CIS perceive
current macro-environmental factors in terms of their experience of acculturative stress. These
factors include the upsurge in nationalism in China and the United States, the fallout from the
COVID-19 pandemic, anti-Asian racism, the U.S.–China tensions, and negative stereotyping
against CIS in the United States This study also explored the coping strategies CIS employ to
overcome challenges they face.
Significance of the Study
The present study will contribute to a better understanding of the problems and situations
of CIS in the United States. As the Chinese and U.S. governments all have reiterated support for
bilateral education exchanges and student mobility, the study is expected to help policymakers of
both countries turn the friendly policies into favorable political and social environments for CIS’
life and learning in the United States, fostering mutual goodwill in U.S.–China relations.
5

This study will also enrich higher education practitioners’ knowledge repository in
international student administration, international education program development, and
internationalization of higher education. By thoroughly examining CIS’ experience, the study
will promote the multicultural competence of university faculty and staff who have frequent
contacts with CIS and other international students. The findings and suggestions of this study
will further empower U.S. universities and colleges in competitions for globally mobile students.
Due to the dramatic changes in macro and microenvironments, the existing literature has
become inefficient in addressing the challenges facing CIS, creating a research gap that the
present study will help to address.
Theoretical Framework
A theoretical framework combining Bronfenbrenner’s ecological system theory and
Berry’s acculturation theory is the primary tool for this research. Bronfenbrenner’s theory
(1979,1999,2005) expounds on the interaction between developing people and the environment
they live in. In Bronfenbrenner’s theory, the environment comprises five subsystems:
microsystem, mesosystem, exosystem, macrosystem, and chronosystem, ranging from the closest
to the most distant from people’s everyday life.
Berry’s acculturation theory (2005) explores the acculturation process and the four
strategies involved: integration, separation, assimilation, and marginalization. Berry’s four
acculturative strategies are based on two critical factors, namely, people’s attitudes and behaviors
toward their home culture and their attitudes and behaviors toward the host culture. When
examined from the point of view of the third critical factor, the host society’s attitudes and
behaviors, the four acculturative strategies turn into four corresponding social cultures of the host
6

society: correspondingly, multiculturalism for integration, melting pot for assimilation,
segregation for separation, and exclusion for marginalization.
While Bronfenbrenner’s ecological theory defines the settings and contexts for the
current research on CIS’ transition experience, Berry’s acculturation theory details the modes
and outcomes of the interactions between CIS and U.S. society. By combining the two theories,
the researcher hopes to understand better the factors and their impacts on the acculturative stress
of CIS in the United States.
Bronfenbrenner’s ecological theory and Berry’s acculturation theory are widely used in
research on the acculturation process of international students in the United States (Elliot et al.,
2016; He & Hutson, 2018). Bronfenbrenner’s theory has helped researchers in examining CIS’
multileveled and multifaceted adaptational experiences in American universities, as in CIS’
religious and cultural transition (Lin, 2012), CIS’ adjustment across the systematic differences
between China and the United States (Choy & Alon, 2019), and U.S. universities’ multicultural
friendliness toward CIS (Zhang, 2018).
Krsmanovic (2020) confirmed Berry’s theory by showing that Berry’s four acculturation
strategies led to different acculturative outcomes among international students. Liu and Wei
(2020) used Berry’s theory as a framework in their research on CIS’ acculturative experiences
and verified Berry’s four strategies and their corresponding effects on CIS’ transitional process.
Findings from other research also show that Berry’s acculturation theory provides an effective
theoretical framework for studying CIS’ coping strategies toward challenges and barriers they
encounter in the United States (Li et al., 2013; Qi et al., 2018; Yan & Berliner, 2011).
Combining two theories into one framework improves the effectiveness of both and produces
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more insights, just like the practice of Anandavalli et al. (2020), who applied the critical feminist
paradigm to Bronfenbrenner’s theory in their study of international students in the United States.
Research Questions
The following research questions direct the current research:
1. How and to what extent do CIS perceive macro-environmental factors to be related to
their experience of acculturative stress? (Macro–environmental factors include rising
nationalism, the COVID-19 pandemic, tensions in U.S.–China relations, and
experiences of anti-Asian racism and negative stereotyping)
2. To what extent and how do the experiences of stress that CIS experience due to
macro-environmental factors influence their acculturation, using the lens of Berry’s
acculturation model?
3. What strategies do CIS report using to mitigate the acculturative stress they
experience due to macro-environmental factors?
Methodology
The qualitative method is the primary research approach in this study. Qualitative
research is commonly used to study people’s perceptions and understanding of social and human
problems (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). The present study investigated the experiences and
problems of CIS as a specific group of people in the United States, making the qualitative
method suitable as its research approach. The semi–structured interview was used as the major
data–collection method, as this qualitative method balances in–depth inquiry and focus control
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Altogether, 12 CIS currently studying at U.S. universities were
invited to participate in the study.
8

Key Concepts
• International students refer to students pursuing academic degrees or credentials and
staying for a short period in a different country other than their own (Xie et al., 2021).
• Acculturative stress indicates the psychological and emotional pressure appearing
when people transfer from one culture to another (Berry, 2005).
• Stereotype is a series of opinions about the personal characteristics of a group of
people (Bar-Tal et al., 2013).
• Language-based discrimination is the kind of discrimination experienced due to using
English as a second language or speaking English with a strong foreign accent (Sun et
al., 2021).
• Nationalism is a devotion to the nation and its people, identity, and culture. It stems
from national consciousness and prioritization that opposes or comes at other
countries’ expense. Often, social movements spring from nationalist convictions and
aim to protect and promote the nation (Boylan et al., 2021).
• Neo-nationalism refers to nationalism based on the national order in the global
economy (Zhao, 2020).
Organization of the Dissertation
There are six chapters in this dissertation. Chapter One includes the problem of practice
in focus, the purpose statement, the background of this study, research questions, the theoretical
framework, and a brief introduction of the components of the dissertation. The second chapter is
the literature review, in which related research is examined from the conceptual, historical,
sociocultural, organizational, personal, and theoretical perspectives. Chapter Three states the
methodology used in this dissertation, including the qualitative research method, research
9

settings, participants and sampling, the author’s positionality, data collection protocol, and data
analysis procedures. Chapter Four explains the findings from the research. Chapter Five provides
answers to the research questions set for this dissertation. Chapter Six presents discussions and
recommendations based on results from the study.

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Chapter Two: Literature Review
The following literature review provides background on the research areas related to the
stress and challenges CIS face during their sojourn in the United States under the current
situation. This review comprises six parts: conceptual introduction, CIS in the United States,
sociocultural review, organizational review, personal review, and theoretical framework.
Conceptual Introduction
This part of the review introduces three fundamental concepts in the dissertation:
international students, acculturation, and acculturative stress. The introduction aims to clarify the
core elements of the problem of practice for this research. It explains what the problem is rather
than how and why it exists. The three concepts lay a critical basis for the research on CIS’
acculturative stress.
International Students
The phrase “international students” is widely used, and its meaning is commonly
assumed to be self-evident. However, the concept may have more complicated implications
viewed from various perspectives (Bista et al., 2018). In the educational sector, practitioners
generally adopt the concept of “international students” defined by nationality, visa status, and
tuition payment concerns (Bista et al., 2018; Xie et al., 2021). From a scholarly viewpoint, Bista
and Foster (2016) distill three characteristics of international students: legal and political
designation, temporary foreign status, and academic mobility. The three points will be used to
structure the following paragraph.
From a legal perspective, countries have different formal descriptions of international
students. In the United States of America, the official name of an international student should be
“F-1 Nonimmigrant Student,” who is defined by U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services as:
11

A person who has been admitted to the United States as a full-time academic student at
an accredited college, university, seminary, conservatory, academic high school,
elementary school or other academic institution, or in a language training program. The
student must be enrolled in a program or course of study that culminates in a degree,
diploma, or certificate, and the school must be authorized by the United States
government to accept international students. (U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services,
n.d., Student and Employment section, para. 3)
In terms of nationalism, international students are considered “outsiders” and “others” who are
increasingly welcomed for political, economic, social, and cultural interests of institutions and
nation–states (Bista et al., 2018). Apart from a specific country and viewing from the context of
global mobility, researchers define international students as a group of people who leave their
native countries for foreign nations for the purpose of education, commonly with diplomas and
certificates as goals (Ching et al., 2017; Heng, 2019; Shapiro et al., 2019; Xie et al., 2021).
However, international students are increasingly regarded as talents playing critical roles in the
global flow of knowledge and technology, rather than being simple cross–border customers of
educational services (Wei, 2013).
As the name indicates, CIS are international students from China, pursuing their
educational degrees, diplomas, or certificates in foreign countries. Despite the historical and
political differences, students from mainland China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong share Confucian
cultural heritage, language system, and social customs, so researchers often examine them under
the same ethnic categorization (Qi et al., 2018). Because of the significant cultural distance
between China and the United States, CIS are exposed to more challenges than international
students from other nations (Qi et al., 2018).
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Acculturation
Acculturation is a specific life experience for sojourners and minority groups transiting to
a society with a dominant majority. Like the concept of international students, the term
“acculturation” also has been variously defined by scholars. According to Berry (2003),
acculturation refers to the social, cultural, and psychological adaptation to a different culture.
Acculturation can happen both at the individual and group levels when there is constant contact
between two or among many cultures (Berry, 2005). It involves changes in behavior patterns,
social activities, and how people perceive, think, evaluate, and judge themselves and what they
encounter in an alien culture (Yang, 2018).
Acculturation is most often in the direction of the minority’s adoption of the language
and social patterns toward the dominating group (Cheng & Erben, 2012). Acculturation is a
process of social and psychological adjustment, during which the interaction of one’s home
culture and the targeting host culture may lead to four different acculturation strategies:
integration, assimilation, separation, and marginalization (Berry, 2005). There will be a detailed
explanation of the four strategies later in this paper.
Acculturative Stress
Acculturation can be a beneficial learning process (Ching et al., 2017; Lillyman &
Bennett, 2014), but it can also cause problems leading to stress, which, in turn, may cause
physical and mental health issues in people adapting to a new society (Berry, 2005).
Acculturative stress means “specific adjustment stress associated with the transition from one’s
home culture to a new cultural environment” (Shadowen et al., 2018, p. 131). The acculturation
problems can be social, cultural, and psychological, or the combinations of more than one
(Bertram et al., 2014). Acculturative stress may negatively affect people’s cross–cultural
13

adaptation, resulting in mental problems like depression and loneliness (Yang, 2018). Based on
Trifonovitch’s four phases of cultural adjustment theory (1977), Oramas et al. (2018)
summarized the acculturative stress symptoms as indignation, frustration, bafflement, dejection,
and anxiety. Other researchers also reported common psychological symptoms of acculturative
stress as depression and anxiety (Ching et al., 2017; Han et al., 2013; Lian & Wallace, 2020;
Wang, 2016;), colonial mentality, ethnic self–hatred (Zhang, 2018), decreased self–esteem (Pan,
2020), and frustration (Wang, 2016). Despite the mental problems, acculturative stress may also
cause adverse physical and behavioral issues, like sleeping disorder, disturbed appetite, fatigue,
headache (Smith & Khawaja, 2011), radicalization and violence (Fan et al., 2020), and drop-out
(Wang, 2016).
Factors Affecting Acculturative Stress
There are complex and multidimensional factors that can bring about acculturative stress.
Li et al. (2013) reported research confirming the relationship between acculturation strategies
and acculturation stress. Although conflicting conclusions still exist, the four acculturation
strategies by Berry (2005), integration, assimilation, separation, and marginalization, may lead to
apparent different acculturation outcomes (Li et al., 2013). Cheng and Erben (2012) suggested
that the choice of social network will influence international students’ acculturation process, with
those who intentionally mix with host peers being better assimilated than those choosing
networking only with their co-nationals. Research shows that the lack of social support from
families and friends is one of the main reasons for acculturative stress in international students
(Qi et al., 2018).
Additional to the palpable factors, like being away from home and familiar social
networks, the psychological elements, such as changing identity, losing the sense of belonging,
14

and insufficient knowledge preparation, also contribute to acculturative stress (Qi et al., 2018).
Other frequently found factors affecting acculturative stress are homesickness (Lian & Wallace,
2020; Oramas et al., 2018), food (Leong, 2015), interpersonal problems (Qi et al., 2018), self-
segregation (Leong, 2015), and culture shock (Oramas et al., 2018; Yan & Berliner, 2011).
Different age groups may encounter discrepant adjustment problems. While older students worry
more about practical issues, like visas, jobs, and immigration, their younger counterparts are
more troubled by psychological and emotional issues, like homesickness and loneliness (Yan &
Berliner, 2011).
Acculturative Stress of CIS
Due to the enormous cultural distance between China and the United States, CIS are
more easily affected by acculturative stress during their stay in America (Xing et al., 2020).
Research shows that over 40% of CIS suffer from mild, moderate, or severe depression, which
should call for acute social awareness (Bai, 2016). Chinese culture advocates collectivism,
restraint of self-emotion, saving face, and humbleness, while American society values more of
individualism, assertiveness, and directness (Ping et al., 2020; Su-Russell & James, 2021). The
cultural differences produce multi-faceted stressors in CIS’ study life, including communication
barriers (Chen et al., 2015; Xing et al., 2020), decreased cognitive flexibility (Liu & Wei, 2020),
diminishing social connectedness (Sun et al., 2021), inadaptable faculty–student relationship
(Su-Russell & James, 2021), and unfamiliar academic norm with challenging classroom
environment (Ching et al., 2017; Liu, 2016).
The transition from the homogenous cultural climate in China to the heterogeneous living
and learning environment on U.S. campuses imposes great challenges on CIS (Yao, 2018).
Growing up in China, where topics concerning race, diversity, equity, and inclusiveness are
15

seldom manifested in their life, CIS are particularly vulnerable to perceived discrimination and
prejudice, either race-based or language-based (Bertram et al., 2014; Sun et al., 2021; Tsai &
Wei, 2018).
Among demographic characteristics, age shows a significant relationship to acculturative
stress among CIS, with younger students suffering more anxiety and depression than their elders
(Li et al., 2013). The reason for the higher pressure on younger students might be, unlike their
predecessors, the younger generation of CIS jumped into the trend of going to the United States
for college education as fashion, thus without sufficient preparation for the culture shock,
language barrier, and social adjustment (Yan & Berliner, 2013). As they stay longer in the
United States, most of the barriers will be overcome, but for the elder CIS in their junior or
senior years, one of the main stressors becomes the dilemmatic decision on whether to stay or to
go back home after graduation (Lian & Wallace, 2020).
The problem of acculturative stress is not new for CIS. It existed on the first day when
the earliest CIS arrived in the United States and has been changing with time since then. A
retrospective history review may bring insights into what is happening today.
CIS in the United States
The history of CIS in the United States is full of dramatic changes with ups and downs in
different periods. Political, economic, and social trends of the United States, China, and the
world significantly influence CIS’ experience. After decades of rapid increase and rosy
circumstances, the volatile U.S.–China relationship and the turbulent international situation
present unprecedented challenges for the present and future CIS in America. This part of the
review goes over the history of CIS in the United States and examines critical current issues
affecting CIS, including a history review, China’s economic rise and CIS, rising nationalism and
16

CIS, social attitudes and CIS, and the context of declining enrollment of international students in
the United States
A Review of History
The first CIS coming to the United States can be traced back to the Qing Dynasty of
China in the mid-19th century when only very few privileged people could get the chance to
study abroad (Xie et al., 2021). The same situation continued until 1949, right before the
founding of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), which started three decades of separation
between China and the United States, with no Chinese students being sent to the United States
(Zhao,2020). On January 1, 1979, the United States and PRC officially announced diplomatic
relationships, and 5 days before that, 50 Chinese students arrived in the United States, declaring
the break of a new era in the educational exchange between the two countries (Bartlett et
al.,2018; Liu,2016). The beginning of the study abroad in the United States was a direct outcome
of the Reform and Opening-up policy that led China to a prolonged economic upsurge, and since
then, the number of CIS in the United States has been growing steadily (Han et al., 2013; Lin,
2020; Liu, 2016).
Scholars analyzed the increasing numbers of CIS in the United States from various
dimensions, displaying the dramatic development of the historical trend. Xie et al. (2021) stated
that the growth of CIS in the United States started from 50 in 1978 to almost 1000 in 1981,
54,466 in 1999, and 127,628 in 2010. Keeping pace with the boom of the Chinese economy, CIS
enrollment soured in the late 2000s, rising from about 60,000 in 2005 to over 350,000 in 2019
(Feldgoise & Zwetsloot, 2020). From 2000 to 2017, CIS enrollment increased fivefold, recording
an average annual growth rate of 12.3% (Lian & Wallace, 2020). From the 2005–2006 school
year to the 2015–2016 school year, the number of CIS rose from 67,723 to 328,547, increasing
17

by 385%, while, in the same period, the population of all international students in the United
States grew only 98% (Chao, 2017). In the 1988–1989 school year, CIS became the largest
ethnic group of international students in the United States for the first time in history (Lian &
Wallace, 2020). In the 2011–2012 academic year, China returned to the top as the leading sender
of international students to the United States (Han et al., 2013) and has been keeping that
position since then (Opendoors, n.d.).
Two new trends of current CIS are particularly relevant to the present research. One is
that the present CIS are younger than their predecessors. Since 2015, undergraduate-leveled
students have been outnumbering the graduate-leveled as the largest group in CIS in the United
States (Zhao, 2020). Undergraduate enrollment has become the primary force driving the
increase of CIS in the United States for more than 10 years. In the 2018–2019 school year, there
were around 14,8900 undergraduates versus 13,3400 graduates, 70,000 Optional Practical
Training (OPT), and about 17,200 other students studying in U.S. higher educational institutions
(Feldgoise & Zwetsloot, 2020). Research shows that Chinese parents tend to send their children
abroad, mainly to the United States and Canada, for education at younger ages, entering high or
even middle school (Yang et al., 2020). The second trend is the majority of self-funded students
among current CIS in the United States. In 2018, over 70% of all CIS in the United States were
supported by their own finance (Yang et al., 2020). The self-funded study abroad appeared as a
fashion in China in the late 1980s (Qi et al., 2018), and its popularity has persisted ever since
(Liu, 2016). Without dependence on outside funds, mainly from the Chinese government in the
past, the current CIS are free to pursue their personal goals rather than being obliged to
contribute back to the nation after graduation (Zhao, 2020).
Economic Rise of China and CIS
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Historically, China’s economic rise in the past several decades has produced crucial
positive and negative impacts on CIS to the United States. This part examines the different
attitudes toward China’s economic development and CIS.
The Positive Effects of China ’s Economic Rise on CIS in the United States
China’s Reform and Opening–up policy and establishment U.S.–China diplomatic
relations ignited the fever of overseas studies in the United States (Yan & Berliner, 2013). Top
Chinese leaders at the time chose to loosen the control on ideology and accept the risk of
Western political infiltration to gain access to the advanced technological, economic, and
educational resources badly needed for Chinese development (Pan et al., 2020). In the past 40
years, the rapid growth of its population and the extraordinary economic exuberance (Chao,
2017; Dong, 2017; Heng, 2018a
; Liu, 2016; Montgomery, 2019; Ping et al., 2020; Wang, 2016; Zhu & Reeves, 2019)
made China the second largest economy and the largest consumer market in the world (Chen,
2017). The persisting prosperity created a significant amount of affluent middle-class families
(Chen & Wen, 2021; Ma, 2020; Xie et al., 2021; Zhang, 2018; Zhao, 2020), laying a solid
material foundation for the long-lasting thriving of overseas studies in the United States (Chen,
2017). Among all the outbound international students from China, self-funded students are the
predominant majority (Chen, 2017; Dong, 2017; Xie et al., 2021; Zhang, 2018), with 91.4% of
the 544,500 CIS in 2016 (Chen, 2017) and 90% of the over 600,000 in 2017, being self-funded
(Xiong & Mok, 2020). It is a Chinese cultural tradition to take children’s education as the top
priority, so the first thing Chinese parents do is to find the best education for their children when
they get rich enough (Chao, 2017; Ping et al., 2020; Wang, 2016). As their financial affordability
improves, Chinese parents become increasingly dissatisfied with the Chinese educational system
19

and even less with the quality of its higher education; Thus, they turned their eyes to the United
States for top-tier universities instead (Ma, 2020; Zhao, 2020). The opportunity to pursue higher
education in the United States gives wealthy Chinese families an alternative advantage in the
progressively more competitive Chinese education and employment market (Xiong & Mok,
2020; Zhu & Reeves, 2019).
CIS Welcomed
U.S. universities and communities benefit financially from CIS, so CIS are welcomed
and pursued. In 2018, 1095,299 international students in the United States, over one–third of
which being CIS, contributed $44.7 billion to the U.S. national economy, creating over 550,000
jobs for this country (Ping et al., 2020). Due to diminishing government allocation and corporate
support, American universities, especially public ones, have been facing increasing financial
challenges, making them eager to enroll full-tuition-paid international students, especially
students from China, the largest source nation (Chen & Wen, 2021; Dennis, 2020; Dong, 2017;
Le, 2018; Liu, 2016; Montgomery, 2017; Oramas et al., 2018).
CIS ’ Career Prospect
Chinese people widely consider American degrees and diplomas more advantageous and
competitive in job markets in China (Chen, 2017; Tang et al., 2018; Zhu & Reeves, 2019;). Both
employers (Chao, 2017) and intellectual communities (Yan & Berliner, 2011) tend to accept
college graduates from U.S. universities as more qualified and professional. Besides the
emblematic superiority of American degrees, the temporary learning and working experience in
the United States can enhance American graduates’ employability and opportunities for
promotion (Tang et al., 2018; Xiong & MOk, 2020; Yan & Berliner, 2011). More than the short-
term benefits of job-seeking, the social, cultural, and economic capital accumulated through
20

overseas studies in the United States strengthens CIS’ career prospects in the long run (Chen,
2017; Cheung & Xu, 2015; Tang et al., 2018). The higher salary level and better career
performance of CIS back from the United States motivate Chinese parents to send their children
to American universities for their tertiary education (Wang & Cheng, 2021).
China ’s Rapid Uprising as a Threat
Despite CIS’ significant financial contribution to U.S. universities and the U.S. national
economy, China’s rapid economic rise is not welcomed by all. Instead, some people in the
United States and other Western countries view China’s upsurging economic power as a national
challenge, which may put these traditional leading countries at a disadvantage in global
competitions (Ma & Zhan, 2022; Zhang, 2018). One of the reasons for the negative perception of
China’s development might be the fact that its economic and technological prosperity failed to
promote political democratization, which made China an even stronger geopolitical rivalry and
threat (Chen & Wen, 2021; Fan et al., 2020; Zhang, 2018). In terms of human capital, China has
been empowered by the high return rate of CIS after graduation from U.S. universities (Cheung
& Xu, 2015; Lian & Wallace, 2020) and the massification of higher education in China, making
it the largest PhD producer, bypassing the United States since 2008 (Yang et al., 2020). The
rapid growth of the college population in China and CIS in the United States produces mixed
effects on CIS.
The Impacts of Increasing CIS on Domestic Students and CIS
Most of the time, positive views dominate the long-existing controversies over the impact
of international students on their domestic peers (Sanfilippo et al., 2016). A retrospective
quantitative analysis by Shih (2017) indicated that international students in the United States
paid higher tuition, helping create more opportunities in higher education for domestic students.
21

Shih’s study (2017) on international graduate enrollment in the United States from 1995 to 2005
revealed that 66% of international students were supported by their own funds and commonly
paid tuition two to three times higher than local students. The study showed that higher tuition
from international students helped universities increase slots for domestic applicants at a rate of
every ten additional international students subsidizing about eight domestic enrollments.
Abegaz et al. (2020) asserted that international students increased domestic enrollment
and enhanced the academic outcome of domestic students and universities. Their research on the
graduation rate data from Illinois and California showed a percentage point increase in the share
of foreign master’s and PhD graduates increased master and PhD graduation rates by about 1 and
0.7 additional graduates, respectively, in Illinois. The same effect existed in California, where a
one percentage point increase in the share of foreign graduates increased the master’s graduation
rate by about 0.5 graduates.
While there were cases where domestic enrollment declined, Sanfilippo et al. (2016)
pointed out that the decrease was attributable more to the U.S. demographic patterns than the
cross-out effect of international students. With the hypothesis that the share of international
students kept stable from 2011 to 2025, Sanfilippo et al. (2016) conducted a prospective analysis
predicting the enrollment rate of U.S. graduate students in science and engineering programs.
The research showed that the enrollment rate of Asian Americans in private schools would grow
by only 0.4%, while the White cohort might even decrease by 2.1%. The analysis proposed that
the low growth of Asian American enrollment might be due to the expected slow accruement of
the Asian group in the United States—increasing about 1% from 4.8–5.81% from 2010 to 2025.
It was the same case as the dwindling of the White enrollment rate, which might result from the
22

possible 6% drop in the share of White people in the U.S. population in 2012–2025 (Sanfilippo
et al., 2016).
CIS, the largest foreign group in U.S. higher educational institutions, feel the increasing
pressure of negative attitudes toward international students. The dramatic expansion of CIS in
the United States negatively affected domestic students and CIS. Due to the discrimination
against immigrants, American domestic students perceive CIS as threatening their social and
economic benefits and cultural and ideological beliefs (Oramas et al., 2018). As more top-tier
universities, particularly public ones, aggressively recruit CIS, American students, especially in-
state students, tend to blame the influx of CIS for reducing their chances of admission to those
prestige universities (Dong, 2017).
For CIS, while they gain much by learning in the United States, they may also lose
opportunities to accumulate social capital back at home due to the several years of absence from
China, weakening their competitiveness in the increasingly pressured Chinese job market (Chen,
2017). As to the career opportunities in the United States, the strict restrictions on working
permits for CIS, the disadvantage of non-citizen status, and the complexity of Curricular
Practical Training (CPT) and OPT all diminished CIS’ expectation of working in the United
States after graduation (Ching et al., 2017). With the number of CIS returnees ballooning in
recent years, the attitude toward American graduates has become less favorable, making more
CIS worrisome about their future careers (Yan & Berliner, 2011). However, the inflation of
credentials does not only happen to the degrees from the United States because the massification
of higher education in China has depreciated all diplomas in recent years (Xiong & Mok, 2020).
Although devalued compared with previous generations, U.S. degrees’ advantages and
prestige still exist (Hao et al., 2016), which motivates most undergraduate CIS to return to China
23

for career development. CIS usually do thorough assessments of multiple factors upon their plans
after graduation. Although families and better opportunities are among their considerations for
leaving the United States (Lian & Wallace, 2020), the increasing nationalism and anti–immigrant
trend in the United States and China play a significant role in pushing CIS away (Xiong & MOK,
2020).
The Rise of Nationalism in China and the United States
Notably, some nationalist sentiments have been rising recently among CIS (Dong, 2017).
Researchers studied the trend and found out that CIS’ previous education in China, Chinese
Communist Party (CCP) dominated propaganda, China’s rising global status, the re-emerge of
American nationalism and populism, CIS’ unpleasant experience in the United States, and the
U.S.–China relationship are among the reasons for the upsurge of nationalism among CIS. The
following sections will examine these factors one by one.
Patriotic Education in China
Patriotic education is compulsory in the Chinese education system throughout the pre-
tertiary levels (Jing & Sercombe, 2020). The patriotic education CIS received during their
elementary and secondary schools includes not only CCP-controlled political beliefs (Jing &
Sercombe, 2020) but also Chinese victimhood and national humiliation, referring to the 100
years of victimization, invasion, oppression, and humiliation by the Western countries before the
founding of the PRC by the CCP (Zhang, 2018; Zhao, 2020). It also includes the filial
nationalism, which transforms Chinese traditional Confucius loyalty to parents and family roots
into the loyalty to the nation and the ruling party (Jing & Sercombe, 2020; Zhang, 2018; Zhao,
2020).
The CCP Propaganda and Ideological Control
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Besides the formal school education, CIS grew up in an environment where media, films,
literature, and arts are all controlled by the CCP, which uses them as propaganda to instill
ideological dichotomization, portraying the Western countries as rivalry and animosity (Zhang,
2018). The Chinese regime’s political domination and manipulation deprive young people of any
opportunity to participate in political activity and ideological expressions, making Chinese young
people apathetic to national and political matters; Instead, they focus only on personal interests
and on how to get ahead in meritocratic competitions (Dong, 2017). The aloofness toward
politics, combined with a conflicting fusion of different social ideologies, such as Confucianism,
socialism with Chinese characteristics, Westernization, and globalization, creates an identity
crisis in CIS, leading them to seek a sense of belonging and security in the blind nationalism
(Dong, 2017; Jing & Sercombe, 2020; Zhang, 2018).
Comparison Between China and the United States
The new generations of CIS are more confident, assertive, and egalitarian than their
predecessors because the current Chinese youth grew up witnessing and benefiting from China’s
dramatic economic boom and rising status on the global stage (Zhao, 2020). CIS’ national pride
is further heightened by the comparison between the infostructures of China and the United
States. Before they came to the United States, CIS commonly held idealized and even utopian
expectations toward their destination as the most progressive dreamland in the world (Le, 2018;
Zhao, 2020). However, they were shocked by their first sight of the United States with
dilapidated houses, outdated airports and roads, desolated villages, and dirty cities, which sharply
contrasted with newly developed Chinese big metropolitans, from where most of the CIS
originate (Dong, 2017; Zhao, 2020). What makes CIS’ perceptions even worse is the social
25

safety conditions and racism they encountered, which all further hurt the image they held of the
United States (Allen & Ye, 2021).
Discrimination and Prejudice Against CIS
Research shows that nationalism sentiment among CIS is usually triggered when they
encounter xenophobic discrimination, referring to prejudice and unfriendly attitudes against
people based on their nationality (Fan et al., 2020). Researchers commonly consider that the
experience of studying in the United States will nurture CIS’ liberal, pro-democratic political
ideology (Ma & Zhan, 2020; Pan, 2020). However, the unpleasant perceptions of xenophobic
discrimination hurt CIS’ inclinations toward Western democracy and turn them to be more
supportive of the authoritarian and single-party ruling status quo back in China (Dong, 2017; Fan
et al., 2020; Jing & Sercombe, 2020; Wang & Cheng, 2021).
Anti-Chinese Discrimination and U.S. –China Relationship
The anti-Chinese discrimination results from the re-emerging American populism and the
geopolitical tension between the United States and China (Ma & Zhan, 2020; Xiong & Mok,
2020; Zhao, 2020). Trump administration fueled the xenophobic populism in America and
climaxed the political tension with China through trade war (Zhao, 2020), decoupling (Fan et al.,
2020), restrictions on CIS (Feldgoise & Zwetsloot, 2020; Zwetsloot et al., 2021), distrust against
Chinese researchers and scholars in the United States (Allen & Ye, 2021), and criminalization of
China on COVID-19 (Qi et al., 2020). CIS are caught in the crossfire and suffer exclusion (Chen
& Wen, 2021), negative stereotyping (Lee, 2019), alienation (Ma & Zhan, 2020), and
stigmatization as threats to national security (Lee, 2019). CIS are implicated by the things they
cannot control because some suspiciously provoking projects by the Chinese government
aroused unfriendly American policies, such as Confucian Institutes (Allen & Ye, 2021), One
26

Thousand Talent Plan (Allen & Ye, 2021), and Military-Civil Fusion strategy (Zwetsloot et al.,
2021).
The Effects of Nationalism in China and the United States
The uprising of nationalism in China and the United States affects CIS in multiple ways.
Firstly, it reduces CIS’ motivation to integrate into the host society (Fan et al., 2020; Zhang,
2018) and increases their self-segregation into Chinese national groups, where they can achieve
social harmony and collective identity (Jing & Sercombe, 2020; Zhang, 2018). Secondly, the
uprising nationalism divides CIS and the American domestic students, CIS and their connections
in China, and among CIS on topics like Taiwan, Xinjiang, COVID-19, and the Ukraine War
(Zhang, 2018; Zhao, 2020; Zhou, 2021). CIS estrange themselves into groups by their various
academic majors (Dong, 2017), economic backgrounds (Zhou, 2018), political pursuits (Zhou,
2018), and experience in the United States (Dong, 2017). Thirdly, the self-funded CIS bear little
obligation to the Chinese government (Lin, 2020; Yang, 2015), which makes them more
proactive in social and political activities (Dong, 2017) and more enlightened on distinguishing
CCP as a political party and China as a nation, which the previous Party dominated education
intentionally mixed into one (Zhao, 2020).
Social Attitudes Concerning CIS
The reshaping global economic order, turbulent political relationships, and upsurging
nationalism potentially impact CIS’ situation. However, these significant issues are topics for
researchers and observers who generalize from the analysis of everyday happenings into theories
and historical trends. CIS perceive these influences mainly through social attitudes and opinions
they contact daily. This part of the review examines social attitudes that affect CIS’ life,
including Chinese people’s views toward the United States, the increasing involution and
27

political control in China, the negative attitudes toward CIS in America, the impacts of U.S.
government and media, and the effects of COVID-19.
Chinese People ’s Positive View of the United States
A university degree from the United States is considered a prestige and status symbol by
fast-growing wealthy families in China, many of whom even enroll their children in elite U.S.
middle and high schools to increase their possibility of being accepted by top U.S. universities
(Chen et al., 2015). English has become increasingly important as a compulsory course in school
and an extracurricular interest for Chinese students (Liu & Vogel, 2016; Zhang, 2018). More
than simple English training, there are many international high schools with American curricula,
educators, Advanced Placement classes, and short-term overseas study trips and camps to
prepare Chinese students better adapt to American college life (Robinson & Guan, 2012; Zhang,
2018). Chinese parents (Rafi, 2018) and their children (Le, 2018) consider U.S. higher education
superior to China’s, with better universities and a more developed education system. Besides
education, Chinese families tend to accept that the United States is a more progressive nation
with cleaner air, safer food, more fashionable pop culture, and a more civilized political system
(Fan et al., 2020; Zhang, 2018).
The Increasing Involution and Political Control in China
China is in a developing stage characterized by rapid growth and huge potential,
motivating people to do anything in quick ways with tremendous pressure (Heng, 2021). The
pace of development and the legacy of the planning economy limits people’s patience to think
and freedom to choose (Heng, 2021). Students are forced to choose college majors that their
parents consider can bring them an advantage in the competitive job market in the future, with
little consideration of students’ real personal interests (Heng, 2021). Because of the repeated
28

political repression and constant ideological manipulation, Chinese people bias against liberal
arts and humanity majors as impractical and hazardous and divert interested and talented
students to science and technology, often not without obstacles and discontent (Han et al., 2013).
Combined with the deteriorated natural environment, the social, political, and cultural
atmosphere also makes students pessimistic about the future (Le, 2018). The rigid Chinese
educational system and highly competitive college entrance mechanism leave most students with
no access to the few good universities in China, which means even more bleak prospects for the
equally rigid labor market in the future (Chao,2017; Wang & Cheng, 2021; Yang et al., 2020).
With increasing marketized higher education worldwide, Chinese parents must calculate the
return on their investment for their children’s higher education in terms of competitiveness for
future employment and upward social mobility (Feng & Horta, 2021). Chinese people commonly
believe that the experience of studying in the United States will improve their competitiveness in
the future job market (Xiong & Mok, 2020).
Negative Attitudes Toward CIS
From a national perspective, the United States increasingly shows concern over China as
a rising power, and China discernably reduces the long-held stance of subordination, both
stimulating overt strategic competition rather than a constraint in the bilateral relationships
(Chung, 2019). Pew Research Palls (2020) showed that a record-high percentage of Americans
hold negative opinions toward China and its leader, President Xi, considering them threats and
rivals, even though most Americans are still confident about U.S. economic advantage and
global leadership. Despite the appreciation of the diversity, cultural richness, healthy academic
competition, and international perspectives brought by CIS (Montgomery, 2017; Will, 2019),
two types of negative attitudes toward CIS are growing in American society (Pan, 2020). On the
29

one hand, American people begin to show more hostility and wariness at the growing number of
CIS and their nationalistic pride; on the other hand, the misdeeds of some CIS, like academic
dishonesty and nouveau riche showoff, dismay both American domestic peers and other CIS
(Dong, 2017; Pan, 2020).
The Impacts of the American Government and Media
The social unfriendliness toward CIS was partly stimulated by the hostile policies and
rhetoric of the American government under President Trump (Chen & Wen, 2021; Lee, 2019),
whose impacts lingered in Biden’s administration despite the radical changes by the new
president (Allen & Ye, 2021). Besides the authority, American media also contribute to the
stigmatization of CIS by spreading stereotypes, negative images, and prejudice against the
specific ethnic group (Chen & Wen, 2021; Heng, 2020; Ma & Zhan, 2020; Wang & Cheng,
2021). In addition to the race-based discrimination against CIS in American society (Zhang,
2018), unpleasant experiences happen inside classrooms, where many cases were reported of
university faculty overtly making racial and prejudicial remarks targeting CIS (Lee, 2020).
The Effect of COVID-19
Amongst CIS’ deteriorating situation in the United States, COVID-19 broke out like a
catalyzer intensifying the adverse social opinions and escalating prejudices against CIS and other
people of Asian origins (Chen & Wen, 2021; Pan, 2020). Many CIS were affected by the
stigmatization for causing the pandemic, which led to implicit discrimination, including negative
stereotypes and microaggressions, and overt animosities, like cyberbullying, verbal harassment,
and even physical abuse (Heng, 2021; Ma & Zhan, 2020; Qi et al., 2020; Wang & Cheng, 2021).
The recent unpleasant experience made CIS feel unsafe in the United States and self-segregate
more (Ma & Zhan, 2020).
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With all these happening, some optimistic scholars are still confident about America’s
position as CIS’ top overseas studies destination and that no fundamental changes will occur in
the long run (Chen & Wen, 2021; Wu, 2020). More pessimistic researchers, on the contrary,
believe the harmful effects may not disappear soon and begin to worry about international
enrollment for U.S. universities (Allen & Ye, 2021). Some facts show that the latter opinion
might be more accurate.
In the Context of Declining Enrollment of International Students
The problem of CIS could be better understood from the perspective of international
students in the United States. CIS are the largest ethnic group in the international student
population in the United States (Xie et al., 2021), and their adverse experience may reflect the
challenging conditions of all the international students in the United States, which research
shows has been declining in enrollment for various reasons (Oramas et al., 2018; Ping et al.,
2020; Xiong & Mok, 2020). The U.S. Department of State (2019) statistics showed a decline in
visas issued to international students (F Visa) from 677,928 in 2015 to 388,829 in 2019.
America’s share in the global market of student mobility continuously diminished, dropping
from nearly 30% in 2001 to approximately 20% in 2018 (Johnson, 2020). According to Usher
(2019), the United States faced stronger competition and appeared to be softening on the global
student mobility market. From 2013 to 2018, the United States saw international enrollment
flatten, while other English-speaking destinations, Great Britain, Canada, and Australia, reported
at least constant growth (Usher, 2019). Over 45% of U.S. colleges and universities experienced a
dwindle in new international enrollment in 2017, while, at the same period, other study-abroad
destinations, such as Canada, Australia, and China, hosted stable or increasing foreign student
inflow (Bista et al., 2018; Johnson, 2020). In 2017, a decrease of 31,520 new international
31

enrollments over the previous year led to an annual loss of $788 million in tuition only
(Ammigan, 2019).
The decline of international enrollment in the United States happened in a particular
global and historical context. Toner (2017) stated that prospective students and families
worldwide began to feel apprehension about studying in the United States because of the
political disturbance and unwelcoming social atmosphere after 2016. A survey on institutional
and applicant perception by the American Association of Collegiate Registrars and Admissions
Officers and Association of International Educators (2017) showed that the rate of concern of
students and parents on attending college in the United States was as follows: the Middle East,
79%; India, 46%; Asia, 36%; Latin America, 34%; Africa, 26%, and Europe, 18%. Historical
data showed that international enrollment in the United States was inconsistent, for example, it
dropped more than 8% between 2003 and 2005 but recovered in a few years (Usher, 2019).
Choudaha (2018) divided the history of international enrollment between 1999 to 2020 into three
waves. The first wave (1999–2006) experienced an 11% increase, even with the interruption of
the tightened visa policy after 911. The second wave (2006–2013) reported rapid growth of 41%.
As the researcher predicted, the third wave (2013–2020) would slow down from the previous
burst to an 18% increase. The unexpected COVID-19 and tensions in the U.S.–China relations
might dim the prospect significantly.
Sociocultural Challenges CIS Face
CIS’ unique social context and cultural roots make their transitional path to American
society different from other international students. Understanding Chinese social and cultural
backgrounds is critical for researching CIS’ adaptational process and related problems. This
section investigates CIS’ acculturation and acculturative stress through a sociocultural lens. The
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four topics explored in this section are discrimination, cultural distance, educational systems, and
social support.
Discrimination
Discrimination was an unknown topic for most CIS before they came to the United
States. It is a significant challenge for CIS to transition from the homogenous Chinese society to
the heterogeneous environment in the United States, where various discriminations are sensitive,
controversial, and long-existing social issues everywhere. Four main types of discrimination CIS
frequently experience is examined in the following review: neo-racial and colorless
discrimination, language-based discrimination, prejudice and stereotyping, and isolation.
Neo-Racial and Colorless Discrimination
From a sociocultural perspective, previous research identifies four unfriendly attitudes
CIS commonly encounter during their sojourn in America: neo-racial discrimination, language-
based discrimination, prejudice and stereotyping, and social isolation. According to Wang et al.
(2018), CIS and other Asian international students may experience more neo-racial (or colorless)
discrimination based on their cultural backgrounds and nationality than international students
from Europe. As law and mainstream social ideology are strictly against overt racial
discrimination, the unpleasant attitudes CIS perceive are mostly covert, indirect, and even
unconscious, like microaggressions, stereotyping, and othering (Lian & Wallace, 2020).
Unintentional discrimination may be, but it can also cause harm to CIS’ mental health (Tsai &
Wei, 2018). The neo-racial discriminations against CIS are more common on historically White
campuses (Yao, 2018).
Most CIS encounter racial discrimination for the first time in their life and had little
knowledge about it until they came to the United States, for example, most CIS identify
33

themselves as Chinese until they would also categorize themselves as Asian, in alignment with
U.S. official classification, almost half year after they arrive in the United States (Okura, 2021).
With weak awareness of racial issues, some CIS did not even realize it was a problem even
though they perceive discrimination and unfair treatment induced only by their national origin
and cultural backgrounds (Chen & Wen, 2021).
Language-Based Discrimination
In social settings, language capability and accent are often linked with educational
background, cognitive ability, social status, social charm, and personal characteristics (Ching et
al., 2017). As CIS use English as a second language, the usually limited linguistic proficiency
becomes the primary source of discrimination against them (Zhang, 2018). Language-based
discrimination may manifest as intentional exclusion, rejection, and contempt, leading to CIS’
self-abasement, self-criticism, and anxiety (Sun et al., 2021). CIS’ difficulties in using English
may bring them more bias and stereotyping issues (Montgomery, 2017).
Prejudice and Stereotyping
Stereotyping, positive and negative, is one significant prejudice impeding CIS’
acculturation process (Xie et al., 2021). The increasing presence of CIS at U.S. universities and
communities attracts American media coverage that tends to lopsidedly portray CIS as
dependent, passive, uncritical, rote learning, academically incompetent, and wealth-flaunting
(Achirri, 2021; Heng, 2018a). Among people closely connected to CIS, the stereotypes of CIS
are an array of favorable and unfavorable characteristics manifested inside and outside
classrooms. Academically, U.S. university faculty and American domestic peers widely
recognize CIS as hardworking, intelligent, and strong in math (Chen & Wen, 2021; Lian &
Wallace, 2020). However, in the same environment, CIS are also labeled as poor in English
34

(Heng, 2018a), inactive in classroom participation (Zhu & Bresnahan, 2018), and weak in higher
cognitive skills, such as creativity and evaluation (Chen & Wen, 2021).
In terms of personality, typical CIS are considered as nice and friendly (Ruble & Zhang,
2013), obedient (Lian & Wallace, 2020), considerate (Zhu & Bresnahan, 2018), but oblivious
(Heng, 2018b), self-isolated (Chen & Wen, 2021), and nerdy (Xie et al., 2021). Dramatic
changes occurred in stereotypes concerning the financial backgrounds of the previous and
current generations of CIS, with the earlier CIS being perceived as financially struggling and
thrift and the present CIS becoming the symbols of nouveau riche and spoiled new money (Xie
et al., 2021). These biased attitudes impact CIS’ mental health, causing low self-esteem,
shamefulness, tensions in social networking, self-segregation, and frustration and stress (Xie et
al., 2021).
Some researchers attribute the stereotypes to Chinese traditional culture (Zhu &
Bresnahan, 2018), educational style (Heng, 2021), and model minority stereotyping (Chen &
Wen, 2020). However, some latest studies on current CIS revealed that the modern CIS
practically combine virtues of Western and Eastern doctrines, transforming themselves from
traditional, Confucian learners to modern learners rather than being locked in unbalanced
stereotypes (Achirri, 2021; Wang & Cheng, 2021).
Isolation
One of the reasons for stereotypes against CIS is the lack of communication and social
connections between CIS and university faculty and domestic students (Oramas et al., 2018).
Social isolation, individually and in groups, causes detrimental effects on CIS’ acculturation
efforts. Research showed that CIS feel challenged to connect and communicate with university
faculty, staff, and domestic students, resulting in CIS’ self-segregation within their co-national
35

groups (Tang et al., 2018; Yan & Berliner, 2011; Zhang, 2018). In the qualitative research by Liu
and Vogel (2016), some CIS told stories of their questions being deliberately ignored by
professors.
The challenges CIS encountered in their sociality with domestic people are partly because
of the language and cultural barriers (Leong, 2015; Oramas et al., 2018; Yan & Berliner, 2011).
Due to insufficient knowledge about the Western cultural, historical, and social backgrounds
required by college curriculums, CIS find it challenging to participate in class discussions, which
further alienates CIS from the other students (Heng, 2019). Besides the external hindrances,
some CIS intentionally self-segregate themselves and predominantly mix with other CIS to
cultivate relationships that they predict will be helpful for their future career back in China
(Heng, 2017; Yan & Berliner, 2011). Thus, even inside the CIS group, they might split into
isolated groups based on their families’ social classes, political connections, and financial
backgrounds (Zhang, 2018).
Isolation, forced or by choice, negatively affects CIS’ acculturation and social adaptation.
The situation will gradually change when CIS stay longer in the United States and their network
grows. Most CIS have motivations and desires to make friends with American people and
immerse themselves in the host society (Heng, 2017).
Cultural Distance
Cross-cultural adaptation and acculturation are affected by the cultural distance between
one’s home and host cultures (Zhang et al., 2018). The greater the distance, the more challenging
the acculturation process might be (Ching et al., 2017). International students from various
cultures will have different acculturation experiences in the United States (Cheng & Erben,
2012). Due to the immense cultural distance between Eastern and Western countries,
36

international students from Asia tend to encounter more barriers in transitioning to the American
social, cultural, and academic environment (Bai, 2015; Heng, 2018a; Heng, 2018b; Tsai & Wei,
2018). Cross-cultural maladjustments may lead to more acculturative stress, lower satisfaction
with their universities, and more negative feelings (Heng, 2021; Leong, 2015; Xie et al., 2021;
Yao, 2018). As China and the United States are, respectively, the typical representatives of Asian
(primarily East Asian) and Western cultures, CIS may experience more adaptation difficulties
and acculturation challenges because of the vast differences in social and cultural norms
(Bertram et al., 2012; Yan & Berliner, 2011).
According to Hofstede and Bond (1984), there are four main dimensions for measuring
cultural distance: power distance, uncertainty avoidance, individualism–collectivism, and
masculinity–femininity. By these four dimensions, Chinese and American cultures are
considered diametrically apart at the opposite extremes of the continuum. While Chinese culture
upholds considerable power distance, collectivism, femininity, and intense uncertainty
avoidance, the American culture manifests strong characteristics of small power distance,
individualism, masculinity, and light uncertainty avoidance (O’Connell & Resuli, 2020).
Advocation for community harmony, intense self-consciousness, and the obligation to
protect the Mianzi (face) of both oneself and their family are among the Chinese traditional
values that make CIS incongruent in U.S. society (Wang, 2016; Zhu & Bresnahan, 2018).
Transitioning into vastly different cultural settings for a temporary stay, CIS are annoyed by the
dilemma and ambiguity between the rational eagerness to assimilate into the host U.S. culture
and the psychological attachment to their original Chinese culture (Qi et al., 2018; Yan &
Berliner, 2013). The problem is that cultural heritage forms stable personal character and is not
easily transformed.
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Confucian Background
Confucianism is the dominating ideology in Chinese society and the core of Chinese
traditional culture. Confucian culture is engraved in CIS’ minds and melted in their blood, with
its influence manifesting ubiquitously in CIS’ personalities and social behaviors (He & Hutson,
2018). They draw strategies and tactics from traditional Confucian philosophical wisdom to
address the challenges they encounter in the United States (Tsai & Wei, 2018). CIS are taught to
follow Confucian virtues of humbleness, modesty, and keeping low key, which are main reasons
for CIS’ quietness and reticence in class (O’Connell & Resuli, 2020; Yan & Berliner, 2013). For
CIS, active participation in discussions and speaking up in class is sometimes considered too
high-profile and showing off, which deviates from Confucian norms for decent behaviors (Heng,
2021; Zhu & Bresnahan, 2018).
American students tend to understand CIS’ over-humbleness as excessive conservativism
and closemindedness, blocking their communication with each other (Montgomery, 2017). From
the CIS’ point of view, however, their American peers’ straightness, assertiveness, and
aggressiveness are incompatible with the Confucian beliefs on harmony that value indirectness,
consideration, the middle way, and balance (Heng, 2021; Yan & Berliner, 2013). In Confucian
norms, unmediated confrontation, straightforward counterarguments, and direct criticism should
be strictly avoided (Heng, 2021; Yan & Berliner, 2013). Naturally, neglect of critical thinking
(Heng, 2021) and high value on scholarly achievements (O’Connell & Resuli, 2020) nourish
typical Confucian heritage learners who emphasize memorization, high grades on tests, rigorous
self-restraint, and hard work (Yan & Berliner, 2013).
By Confucian standards, teachers and students are not equal. In China, teachers are
trained to act as role models for their students, and students are supposed to treat their teachers
38

with due respect (Achirri, 2021). In Chinese traditional culture, teachers are among the five
supreme spiritual authorities on the family altar, equaling Heaven, Earth, Emperor, and Parents
(Wang, 2012). Growing up in the Confucian teacher–student relationship norms, CIS tend to
consider professors as the authority and feel reluctant to argue with or raise questions toward the
professors in class, let alone to challenge the professors for unfair grades (Chen & Wen, 2021).
Collectivism Versus Individualism
Collectivism, the standard norms in China, and individualism, archetypal in American
society, are antithetically opposite ideologies. The transition from the former to the latter is
especially challenging for CIS (Bertram et al., 2012). In the Chinese collectivistic culture, the
teacher is the center of the classroom, and students are considered homogenous and should show
deference and remain reticent in class (Bertram et al., 2012). To keep the group’s harmony, CIS
were taught to stay low key and prevent attracting too much attention to individuals (Heng,
2018a). CIS may experience adjustment difficulties in dealing with the relationships among
group members, transitioning from the cooperative, hierarchical, and collectivistic style in China
to the competitive, equal, and individualistic models in the United States (Bai, 2015).
Qi et al. (2018) stated that one of the most demanding acculturation challenges for CIS
from collectivism to individualism is to become more personally and socially self-assertive, the
disposition advocated in America but contrary to the Chinese virtues of humility and obedience.
Raised in Chinese collectivistic culture, CIS place great value on the sense of belonging, socially
and psychologically connecting to various teams, such as peer groups, friendship network, or
communities (He & Hutson, 2018). Social factors, such as relationships, interdependence, and
harmony, are especially important for CIS (Wang et al., 2015). CIS tend to put the community
39

over individuals and are always ready to share information, provide support, and look out for
others (Qi et al., 2018).
Chinese cultural heritage profoundly influences CIS’ intricate relational network,
interpersonal establishments, and acculturation process (Qi et al., 2018). Collectivistic principles
produce reciprocal effects between CIS and the groups they belong. CIS get much needed social
support from the group, and they are motivated by the group’s expectations to try their best for
the honors of families and the larger communities they come from (Montgomery, 2017; Wang,
2016).
Family
With the deep-rooted Confucian cultural attachment, CIS depend on families and
communities for psychological and emotional support (Bai, 2015). Research by Yan and Berliner
(2011) revealed that family is the priority in CIS’ help-seeking resources when they are in
trouble, higher than friends, church, and professional counseling. As the core virtue in the
Chinese family culture, filial piety is people’s responsibility to parents and families, including
children’s conformity, respect, commitment, material support, and personal care of their parents
(Wang, 2016). Filial piety is the fundamental principle of Chinese social structures, significantly
influencing the Chinese social hierarchy and obligation system (Zhou, 2021). For Chinese
parents and children, filial piety is a reciprocal mechanism, in which parents devote the best they
can provide to raise their children in return for being taken care of when they get old (Zhou,
2021).
Fueled by the obsession with elite education for the next generation, many Chinese
families are ready to give everything to send their children to the top universities in the United
States (Chen et al., 2015). CIS’ parents are usually deeply involved in their children’s education
40

(Liu, 2016) and significantly influence CIS’ decisions regarding overseas studies destinations,
target universities, academic majors, and, subsequently, future career directions (Tang et al.,
2018). However, as most CIS’ parents do not have American education experience themselves
and know little except a handful of prestigious university names, they may make unwise
decisions and deprive their children of alternative developing paths and opportunities following
the students’ own interests and talents (He & Hutson, 2018).
In Confucian Chinese society, parents and extended families naturally play critical roles
in children’s growth and mental health conditions (Chen et al., 2015). Due to all-out family
support and parents’ decision-making authority, CIS’ study life in the United States is usually
under tremendous pressure with obligation, motivation, and commitment to outstanding
academic performance (He & Hutson, 2018). The concern over family honors and gratitude for
parents’ sacrifice helps nurture CIS’ characteristics of forbearance, ambition, and hard work,
tenaciously empowering CIS in their study life in the United States and future careers (Chen et
al., 2015; Rafi, 2018; Tang et al., 2018; Wang, 2016; Yan & Berliner, 2011).
Families’ good intentions, however, do not always produce positive outcomes. Many
present CIS are brought up with somewhat indulgence, weakening their independence and
capabilities in the face of adversity (Liu & Vogel, 2016). With spoiling care and depressing
demand as the two extremes of parents–children relationships in China, researchers recommend
CIS choose the middle way, neither blind obedience nor total ignorance of their parents’
suggestions (Chao, 2017; He & Hutson, 2018)
Cultural Shock
When CIS newly arrive in the United States, many may experience culture shock because
of the dramatic life changes across the vastly different social and cultural environments (Wang,
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2016; Xia, 2020). Reasons for the shock include objectively existent disparities between the two
societies and CIS’ subjective factor like ethnocentrism, meaning CIS tend to interpret and judge
the host social customs, people’s behaviors, society management, and cultural values through
their original Chinese cultural standards (Ching et al., 2017; Xia, 2020). The difficulties CIS
encounter in understanding the new environment are further amplified by their lack of English
language proficiency (Wang, 2016; Xia, 2020), the removal of familiar social support (Yan &
Berliner, 2013), the repositioning of self-roles and identities (Oramas et al., 2018; Xia, 2020),
and disappointment and other negative perceptions (Wang, 2016; Yan & Berliner, 2013).
The transition in lifestyles, such as food, transportation, weather, and accommodation
condition, brings only temporary challenges to CIS’ cultural assimilation (Xia, 2020). The
increasingly similar infostructure development in China and the United States makes CIS’
adaptation to American daily life easier. Comparatively, the different educational systems
between the two counties cause more trouble in CIS’ adjustment process, because studying,
student networking, contacts with professors, and other campus activities occupy most of their
time in America (Wang, 2016).
Educational System
China and the United States have similar school systems and resemblant course design.
However, the educational systems of the two countries are significantly different in fundamental
principles and administrative structures. Adjustment to the American educational styles and
classroom environment is critical for CIS’ acculturation process.
Educational Styles
There are pronounced differences between Chinese and American educational styles.
While U.S. universities uphold individuality, equality, logic and explicitness, creativity, novelty,
42

and student-centered learning, Chinese academia advocates homogeneity, hierarchies,
memorization, contextual communication, and the teacher-centered model (Heng, 2019). The
disparities in course content, assignment requirements, evaluation standards, student–faculty
relationships, and students’ self-positioning in learning activities contribute to CIS’ increasing
mental and psychological pressure (Heng, 2017).
Brought up with traditional Chinese education, CIS are used to pragmatic learning, robust
at attentive listening, rote memorization, and high test scores, but weak and neglectful of
creativity, innovation, and differentiation (Heng, 2021; Will, 2016). The effects of the Chinese
educational style are particularly prominent in China’s foreign language education,
disproportionally focusing on grammar, reading ability, and test skills, but little on oral and real-
world communication capabilities (Cheng & Erben, 2012). Despite the discrepancies, however,
CIS and their parents consider the American educational style to be better and believe the
capability of critical thinking and active participation is essential for students’ growth
(O’Connell & Resuli, 2020). Research by Heng (2018) shows that developing critical thinking
skills is one of CIS’ main expectations for their education in the United States.
Due to the immense power distance in Chinese culture, CIS submissively obey their
parents at home and respect teachers in schools, making them unprepared to establish
comparatively equal relationships with the faculty at U.S. universities (O’Connell & Resuli,
2020; Will, 2016). Even with adequate English proficiency and strong learning motivations, CIS
tend to be reticent in classrooms because their Confucian heritage makes them believe they
should keep silent and attentive to show respect for their professors (Zhu & Bresnahan, 2018).
CIS’ adaptation to the American-styled student–faculty relationship is often accompanied by
confusion, nervousness, and anxiety (O’Connell & Resuli, 2020).
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CIS are deeply concerned about their grades report (Liu& Vogel, 2016). They think their
grades should depend heavily on their scores in the final exams, as the normal practice in China
(O’Connell & Resuli,2020). When they understand the U.S. grading system, they are frustrated
and upset by its emphasis on consistent performance characterized by emphasis on frequent
assessments, class attendance, and daily assignments (Heng, 2018a). The educational styles of
China and the United States significantly differ in underpinning principles, learning objectives,
student–faculty relationships, and evaluation mechanisms, all affecting CIS’ learning experience
and acculturation process. Above all the disparities, the contrasting classroom norms and
expectations across the two educational environments present frequent challenges for CIS in
their daily life (Maggs, 2018).
Classroom Environment
For CIS, who received most of their pre-college education in authoritarian, teacher-
centered instructions in China, the interactive, equal, and assertive American classroom
environment brings some adaptation difficulties (Qi et al., 2018). Misunderstood expectations
and conflicting clues in class make CIS newcomers frustrated and confused (Ching et al., 2017;
Heng, 2018b). CIS often appear silent, passive, and shy of public speaking in class, obviously
non-conforming with the U.S. classroom norms, which value participation, discussion, group
work, and interactions (Liu & Vogel, 2016; Maggs, 2018; O’Connell & Resuli, 2020). Besides
possible problems with English proficiency and academic competence, researchers (Heng,
2018b; Wang, 2016;) attribute CIS’ maladjustment to the U.S. classroom environments to the
Chinese traditional learning norm, by which questioning is not encouraged, challenging the
teacher is considered disrespectful, and discussions and group work are rare.
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Despite the challenges and barriers, the adjustment to the U.S. educational styles might
greatly enhance CIS’ cross-cultural competence and global perspectives (Achirri, 2021). Outside
support is necessary to help CIS overcome difficulties and reduce stress in the process of
integrating into the new academic environments.
Social Support
Researchers (Yan & Berliner, 2011) found that various social support is crucial in
facilitating international students’ cross-cultural adaptation to the United States. More than other
international students, CIS depend heavily on social support in their transition to American
universities (Wang, 2016). Research revealed positive relationships between the availability of
social support resources and CIS’ levels of acculturation (Bertram et al., 2012). Lian and
Wallace’s study (2020) confirmed the link between social support and CIS’ mental health
conditions. CIS with more social support tend to have better acculturation outcomes (Liu &
Vogel, 2016), while CIS with significantly reduced familiar social support after they come to the
United States are more easily affected by homesickness, loneliness, anxiety, and other emotional
and psychological stress (Bertram et al., 2012; Liu, 2016).
When in need, CIS usually seek help from families, friends in China, Chinese friends in
the United States, university faculty, domestic peers, and other available social support resources
(Bertram et al., 2012; Wang, 2016; Wilson et al., 2020). CIS highly value the help from the
professors and their domestic peers but usually do not consider them a primary resource for
social support (Bertram et al., 2012). Research revealed that CIS commonly do not have many
American domestic friends nor vast social connections with international students from other
countries (Ching et al., 2017; Lian & Wallace, 2020; Liu, 2016)
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Organizational Perspective
While the historical and sociocultural reviews provide macroenvironment backgrounds to
investigate the problems CIS undergo in the United States, research through the lens of
organizations reveals specific settings CIS’ acculturation and acculturative stress occur. This part
of the review focuses on CIS’ contributions to organizations, including economic contributions,
social and cultural contributions, and contributions after graduation. Research findings about
institutional support for CIS, mainly from U.S. universities and colleges, are also analyzed.
Economic Contributions
International students at U.S. universities make significant contributions to the American
economy, financially benefitting the nation, states, communities, and host institutions (Leong,
2015; O’Connell & Resuli, 2020). The amount of money international students brought to
America for tuition and living expenses have been increasing, $27 billion in 2013(Ching et al.,
2017), $30.5 billion in 2014 (Montgomery, 2017), and $35.8 billion in 2015 (Qi et al., 2018). In
the 2016–2017 academic year alone, international students spent over $37 billion and helped
create 450,000 jobs, supporting some U.S. higher education institutions to offset the effects of
dropping domestic enrollment and decreasing governmental funds (Oramas et al., 2018). In cases
of individual states, international students added $3.2 billion to New York state’s revenue in
2014 (Chao et al., 2017). As the largest international student population in the United States, CIS
contribute a significant part of the overall financial output, spending $15 billion in America in
2019 (Allen & Ye, 2021). The billions of dollars increase in revenue has made recruiting
international students a business priority for U.S. universities (Tang et al., 2018).
Social and Cultural Contribution
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Besides the financial contributions, CIS and other international students boost U.S. higher
educational institutions’ global reputation and internationalization (O’Connell & Resuli, 2020).
With increasing competition and intense scrambles for influence, global student mobility has
become a major battleground, where nation-states and universities aggressively contend for
better opportunities and advantages for future development (Feng & Horta, 2021). Progressive
internationalization of higher education will bring U.S. universities and colleges more
opportunities for cooperation with institutions from different countries and enhance global
relationships between U.S. institutions with other nations and social and economic communities
(Ching et al., 2017; Leong, 2015).
In the increasing internationalization of higher education, CIS act as agents and
ambassadors, bridging different cultures and societies (Le, 2018). CIS in the United States
promote global perspectives and worldviews (Ching et al., 2017), improve intercultural
communications (Heng, 2021), and bolster cross-cultural competence and inclusiveness of
university faculty, American domestic students, and the local communities (Heng, 2018b). By
hosting and welcoming CIS and other international students, U.S. universities and colleges
manifest their genuine aspirations for diversity and inclusion on campus (Montgomery, 2017;
Will, 2016).
For all the students, the healthy competitions and fresh perspectives brought by CIS and
other international students help create a more vigorous, creative, and global campus
environment, in which everybody will benefit (Leong, 2015; Oramas, 2018; Rafi, 2018; Will,
2016).
Contribution After Graduation
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After graduation, some CIS, especially doctoral students in STEM majors, may choose to
stay and join the U.S. labor force, contributing to American scientific, economic, and social
development with valuable intellectual capital (Yan & Berliner, 2011). CIS graduates are
actively involved in academic and innovational careers, producing a significant part of the patent
and patent applications in U.S. institutions (Qi et al., 2018). People born in other countries,
including CIS, play essential roles in America’s frontier achievements. The research by
Bhattacharya (2020) pointed out that all six U.S. Nobel laureates in economics and science
subjects in 2016 were immigrants, and four out of 10 U.S. Nobel Prize winners in physics,
chemistry, and medicine since the year 2000 had been immigrants. The research revealed equally
impressive numbers in the business fields, where one fifth of all the CEOs in the Fortune 500
companies are foreign-born, and more than half of the startup enterprises valued at over one
billion dollars report at least one immigrant among their founders.
Institutional Support
Due to the rapid growth of CIS and other international students, U.S. higher education
institutions find themselves relatively unprepared for the overwhelming social, organizational,
and academic challenges brought by the culturally diverse population (Fraiberg & Cui, 2016).
Among the institutional support, CIS report frustrations in the insufficient linguistic transition,
alienated pedagogy and curriculum, unfriendly connections with faculty, and uncomfortable
arrival experiences. Despite the great effort at improving their English, CIS feel demotivated and
stressed by the lack of linguistic supporting programs (Montgomery, 2017), faculty members’
intolerance toward imperfect English (Ching et al., 2017), and unfamiliar assessment tools (Chen
& Wen, 2021; Ching et al., 2017). As the majority of current CIS are undergraduates in business,
social science, and humanities majors, all intensive in language and cultural backgrounds,
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researchers stressed the necessity of promoting CIS’ involvement by making pedagogies and
curricula more culturally relevant, inclusive, and responsive (Chen & Wen, 2021; Fraiberg &
Cui, 2016; Zhao, 2020;).
While the internationalization of pedagogies and curricula takes a long time, the faculty’s
multicultural adequacy and acknowledgment of diversity become critical factors in CIS’ learning
and acculturation experiences (Heng, 2018a; Lian & Wallace, 2020; Yan & Berliner, 2011). CIS
consider the relationship and communication with their academic instructors as crucial elements
in college life in the United States (Yan & Berliner, 2011). However, CIS and other non-White
international students report heightened anxiety and frustration in connections with professors
and advisors who complain that CIS and non-White international students require additional
time, effort, and adjustment of teaching approaches (Han et al., 2013; Heng, 2018a; Heng, 2019;
Heng, 2021). Researchers suggest that universities and colleges improve the intercultural
competence of their faculty and staff (Lian & Wallace, 2020) to reduce misunderstandings
between CIS and university personnel (Heng, 2018a). In the reciprocal teaching and learning
process, the interactions between university faculty and CIS enhance the cross-cultural
competence of both (Ching et al., 2017).
Institutional support is crucial in delivering friendly images of universities and colleges at
their initial contact with CIS through official websites, social media, recruitment agencies,
alums, advertisements, and other information sources (Montgomery, 2017). Institutions’
reception services, like airport pick-up, the first night on campus, and new student orientations,
will affect CIS’ arrival experience and acculturation process from the beginning (Montgomery,
2017; Yao, 2013).
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U.S. universities and colleges should be welcoming, supportive, and culturally inclusive
toward CIS, but these institutions should also be aware of the density of CIS on campus. Too
many CIS in one place or the same program may adversely affect universities, domestic students,
and CIS themselves. For universities, the fast-increasing CIS may impose too much pressure on
employee workload and strain the hosting capacity (Will, 2016). For domestic students, the large
number of CIS may cause frequent cultural and language misunderstandings, which is annoying
and hindering (Will, 2016). To CIS themselves, concentrated co-national communities will
reduce their motivation to network with other students, causing further self-segregation (Zhang,
2018; Zhao, 2020).
Researchers suggest that American universities and colleges should take responsibility
for building friendly learning environments and inclusive campus climates for CIS (Zhu &
Bresnahan, 2018). Most importantly, U.S. higher educational institutions should raise awareness
of the challenges and the potential mental health risks CIS encounter in the United States (Sun et
al., 2021). Administrators need to make efforts to reform organizational policies to support CIS
on campus (Heng, 2018a), empower them for cross-cultural competence (Zhang, 2018), facilitate
their acculturation process (Li et al., 2013), promote connections between CIS and domestic
students, and mobilize resources to deliver better services to CIS, including faculty members,
university staff, professional counselors, and student groups (Yan & Berliner, 2011).
Personal Perspective
The previous sections review the multiple environmental factors influencing CIS’
acculturation and acculturative stress from historical, sociocultural, and organizational
perspectives. This section focuses on CIS’ personal and individual factors that extensively
impact CIS’ transition to a new environment. The topics include CIS’ language preparation,
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academic readiness, expectations, singleton effects, social network, post-graduation
consideration, and coping strategies.
CIS’ English Proficiency and Acculturative Stress
CIS frequently mentioned English proficiency as the most challenging barrier they
experience upon arrival in the United States (Bai, 2016; Leong, 2015; Li et al., 2016; Lin & Betz,
2009). Research on CIS’ language challenges examined all major linguistic capabilities. A study
by Yan and Berliner (2013) showed that CIS consider listening and speaking the most
challenging language skills. Many CIS have trouble following the speed of native speakers in
conversation, especially in the early period in the United States (Yan & Berliner, 2013). Heng
(2018) discovered, through a qualitative study on CIS’ suggestions for prospective students from
China, that reading and listening capabilities are critical for successful immersion into the
American environment. In the initial stage, CIS lack confidence in their English and tend to
worry about grammatical mistakes, cultural properness, and understandability (Cheng & Erben,
2012).
In academic practices, listening comprehension is the most referred roadblock to English
proficiency, because they must understand the professors while attending classes (Liu, 2016).
According to Heng (2019), writing capability presents CIS as a significant barrier in their first
year of college, whereas most CIS will overcome writing challenges in their second year. Due to
extensive preparation, CIS can often do well in standardized English tests, like TOEFL, IELTS,
or GRE, required by most U.S. colleges, but they still find it difficult to express themselves,
especially on more profound thoughts (Will, 2019). Despite decent scores, many CIS encounter
language barriers in essay writing, classroom discussion, understanding lectures, reading
assignments, and other study tasks (Tang et al., 2018).
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Similarly, after systematically learning English for several years in middle and high
schools, CIS still feel that English writing and speaking are particularly rigorous (Heng, 2018b).
Ching et al. (2017) generalized all-around language challenges for CIS in English listening,
speaking, reading, and writing. Although researchers have widely reported language barriers,
Swagler and Ellis (2003) suggested that the perceived language proficiency rather than the actual
language capability might significantly impact international students’ cross-cultural adjustment.
This finding aligns with Bandura’s theory of self-efficacy expectations (1977, 2006), which
emphasizes the critical role of self-perceptions of competence in achieving high performance in
certain behaviors.
Lack of language proficiency negatively affects CIS’ acculturation process and health
(Bai, 2016). Inadequate English ability tends to block CIS’ communication with their professors,
domestic peers, and others (Heng, 2018a; Lian & Wallace, 2020; O’Connell & Resuli, 2020; Yan
& Berliner, 2013). Yan and Berliner (2013) stated that language inefficiency is a significant
stressor in CIS’ academic performance. Without sufficient English capability, CIS feel reluctant
to participate in class discussions (Ching et al., 2017), fail to understand the professor in class
(Liu, 2016), fear raising questions (Tang et al., 2018), avoid contact with professors and peers
(Cheng & Erben, 2012), and stop speaking up in the classroom (Heng, 2018a).
English inadequacy also may have severe impacts outside the classroom. Language
anxiety, the reluctance to communicate in a second language, is common among CIS (Cheng &
Erben, 2012). Lin and Betz (2009) revealed that CIS show significantly lower self-efficacy
communicating in English than in their native language. Tang et al. (2018) reported CIS’ lower
internalized confidence due to the constant obstacles they face in using English. The lack of self-
efficacy and confidence in English ability in CIS lead to decreased social connectedness (Cheng
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& Erben, 2012), difficulty in forming friendships with domestic peers (Wilson et al., 2020),
social isolation (Ching et al., 2017), and miscommunication and misunderstandings (Leong,
2015). To make matters worse, CIS’ inadequacy in English may make them the target of
discrimination and stereotyping stigma, which will, in turn, impose severe pressure on CIS
(Tang, 2018; Wilson et al., 2020).
To improve their language proficiency, most CIS have devoted significant effort to
learning English before or after they come to America (He & Hutson, 2018; Li et al., 2016; Yan
& Berliner, 2011). However, various factors make their English learning insufficient. English
education in China, both in schools and in social training institutions, targets high scores on
standardized tests rather than enhancing students’ communication capabilities (Heng, 2018b;
Will, 2019; Yan & Berliner, 2011). Coming to the United States, CIS find that they need more
than just linguistic knowledge to communicate and learn in English. As Cheng and Erben (2012)
pointed out, CIS often found they had little or even wrong knowledge about American society
and culture, which impedes their interaction with professors, peers, and other people around, and
impacts their academic adjustment.
Lack of pertaining training in their previous English learning, CIS often face confusion in
choosing suitable ways and right words in oral communication and must change from Chinese
intuitive and contextual thinking to American style logical and critical thinking in their academic
writing (Heng, 2018a). Without efficient background knowledge, CIS find it challenging to
understand the topics in their domestic peers’ conversations (Yan & Berliner, 2013). Reluctant to
make an effort to overcome language barriers, some CIS choose to avoid communication with
native English speakers as much as possible and isolate themselves inside CIS groups, which in
turn reduces their chances of practicing English even more (Cheng & Erben, 2012; Liu, 2016).
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CIS’ Academic Adjustment and Acculturative Stress
Besides linguistic challenges, difficulty in academic adjustment is a major stressor widely
reported by CIS. There are four transitional problems in CIS’ academic adaptation process:
challenges by changed academic settings, student self-management requirements, student–
faculty relationships, and the influence of Chinese traditional culture. The different academic
norms and education styles between the United States and China produce multifaceted barriers
for CIS. CIS find it hard to meet the different classroom expectations at U.S. universities (Heng,
2018a), such as verbal discussions (He & Hutson, 2018), raising questions (Heng, 2021), and
active class interactions (Chen & Wen, 2021). Other commonly mentioned academic adjustment
difficulties induced by differences in education norms concern teaching methods (He & Hutson,
2018; Heng, 2018b; Oramas et al., 2018; Tang et al., 2018;); curriculum content (Chen & Wen,
2021; Heng, 2018a); assignment requirements (Heng, 2018b); evaluation and assessment (Chen
& Wen, 2021; Tang et al., 2018), and critical and argumentative thinking (Chen & Wen, 2021;
He & Hutson, 2018; Heng, 2018b; Oramas et al., 2018).
The teacher-centered education in China makes students habitually rely on strict external
disciplines and detailed directions (Yan & Berliner, 2011), while in the United States, students
are expected to be far more self-managed (Yan & Berliner, 2011), self–disciplined (Heng, 2021),
and self-directed (Heng, 2019). Besides the expectation of students’ independence and
autonomy, CIS encounter adaptative issues in dealing with the different faculty–student and
student–advisor relationships at U.S. universities (Heng, 2018a; Yan & Berliner, 2011). CIS
often feel confused about how to reach a suitable engagement level in university communities
(Oramas et al., 2018).
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The academic pressure does not only come from the different host environments; It
originates from CIS’ native culture as well. CIS often need to worry about the high expectations
and requirements of their families and home society because Chinese traditional culture
considers academic success the most respected social achievement (Han et al., 2013). Students
should try to get good grades everywhere, while failing to do so will be considered a shame not
only to the students but also to their families (Yan & Berliner, 2011). The same cultural heritage
is also found in the model minority stereotyping of Asian Americans (Liu, 2016).
Academic stress can cause learning and academic shock (Heng, 2021; Oramas et al.,
2018), self-doubt and decreased confidence (Heng, 2018a), anxiety and depression (Heng,
2018b), isolation and loss of interest in social activities (Oramas et al., 2018), self-segregation
(Liu, 2016), higher risk of academic probation, disqualification, and dismissal from universities
(Tang et al., 2018).
Considerations and Expectations for Studying in the United States
The prospects of challenges, however, do not dampen young Chinese students’
enthusiasm for studying in the United States. Most CIS arrive in America with ambition,
optimism, and confidence (Le, 2018), creating unrealistic expectations, which may cause
disappointment, frustration, and a sense of loss when reality fails to meet their pre-sojourn
wishes (Bertram et al., 2014). Research by Ching et al. (2017) revealed that the level of
acculturative stress is positively related to the initial expectations for the new environment; the
higher the expectations, the worse the acculturative stress. The following parts examine CIS’
considerations on studying in the United States and their expectations, including university
prestige, educational system, career opportunity, and intercultural experience.
Considerations on Studying in the United States
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For Chinese students and their families, studying abroad in the United States is a major
decision in life. The decision process involves complicated factors. Drawing on the demand and
supply theory, Lin (2020) analyzed Chinese students’ intentions to choose the United States as
their overseas-studies destination, categorizing the potential influencing factors into different
levels: student level, family level, social networks level, and nation-state level. Similarly, Zhu
and Reeves (2019) divided the decision sequence into four stages: choosing the country,
program, university, and the city. Yang et al. (2018) summarized the considerations of
prospective students and parents as an assessment of target countries, conditions of available
universities, job opportunities during and after study, socio-cultural environment, the value of the
degrees obtained from abroad, opinions of people around, and the economic prospect. Other
comparatively minor factors include financial and time costs, visa issues, language environment,
possible social network opportunities, climate, and geographic distance (Ping et al., 2020; Zhu &
Reeves, 2019).
During the decision process, CIS may consider suggestions from friends, teachers,
counselors, agents, and U.S. university alums. However, their parents almost always exert the
predominant influence and have the final say (Zhu & Reeves, 2019). It is rooted in the traditional
Confucian culture that parents should be responsible for their children’s future, and the children
should obey their parents’ decisions on big issues (Rafi, 2018). Thus, although CIS and their
parents may have slightly different focuses in choosing specific universities (Rafi, 2018), parents
are usually the decision-makers in sending their children to the United States (Montgomery,
2017; Will, 2016).
The Prestige of U.S. Universities and Degrees
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Among all the factors that may affect CIS’ decisions, the degree’s prestige and the
university’s reputation are often ranked together as the most important (O’Connell & Resuli,
2020; Yang et al., 2020). Chinese people widely hold American higher education in high
estimation (Bartlett et al., 2018) and consider U.S. universities better than Chinese ones (Le,
2018). CIS and their parents believe that the degrees they will receive from U.S. institutions are
prestigious, enhancing their potential opportunities and advantages for future development
(Oramas et al., 2018; Will, 2016). CIS and their parents often refer to college ranking systems,
like U.S. News and World Report, when choosing target schools because they consider these
rankings official recognitions of universities’ quality (Rafi, 2018).
The Superior Education System
Besides the universities’ global reputation, CIS favor studying in the United States
because of its perceived superior academic environment and education style (Montgomery,
2017). Unlike the decentralized and autonomous higher education system in the United States,
all universities and colleges are strictly controlled by the government in China (Liu & Vogel,
2016). Chinese parents’ concern over the rigid academic administration (Yang et al., 2020) and
the flawed educational system in China (Oramas et al., 2018) push them to send their children to
the United States for more positive educational experiences as early as possible (Montgomery,
2017). The student-centered and interactive teaching approaches (O’Connell & Resuli, 2020) and
the freedom to pursue students’ own interests (Oramas et al., 2018) are particularly attractive to
Chinese students. CIS believe that U.S. institutions abound with educational resources (Will,
2016), various programs, all-round support (Rafi, 2018), and better academic and social
opportunities (Le, 2018). CIS perceive these advantages as crucial for the development of
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qualifications, like self-cultivation and open-mindedness (Yang et al., 2018), independence and
critical thinking (Ching et al., 2017), and multicultural competence (Chen, 2017).
Better Employment Opportunities
CIS believe that the American education experience will foster global perspectives and
cross-cultural competence, qualifications fundamental for future leaders in China (Ching et al.,
2017; O’Connell & Resuli, 2020). CIS and their parents expect that college education in the
United States will improve the students’ global employability (Oramas et al., 2018) and potential
for future development (Chen, 2017). More realistically, CIS hope for better internship and job
opportunities in the United States after graduation (Montgomery, 2017; O’Connell & Resuli,
2020). For CIS determined to return to China, degrees from U.S. universities will boost their
career prospects (Bartlett et al., 2018; Yang et al., 2018) and uplift their potential for economic
and professional achievements (Oramas, 2018; Zhou, 2021).
Broaden View and Cultural Experience
Besides the utilitarian benefits, CIS look forward to personal growth through spiritual and
visionary enrichment at U.S. universities (Oramas et al., 2018). Research on CIS’ expectations
for U.S. college life shows that most CIS want to see the outside world, experience American
culture, and broaden their worldviews (Montgomery, 2017; Will, 2016;). Through the American
learning and living experiences, CIS expect to nurture characteristics and qualifications that can
differentiate them from their counterparts in China (Chen, 2017; Le, 2018; Yang et al., 2018).
The globalized university campuses and the multicultural communities provide CIS with
precious opportunities to mix with peers and faculty worldwide and make international friends
(Ching et al., 2017; Montgomery, 2017).
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Notwithstanding the predictable barriers and difficulties, most CIS hold high expectations
for their life in American universities, which help empower them to overcome the challenges in
the United States (Gu& Usinger, 2021; Montgomery, 2017; Yan & Berliner, 2011).
The Singleton Effects
Due to China’s One-Child Policy implemented in the late 1970s, most current CIS grew
up in single-child families (Ping et al., 2020). For over 40 years, the one-child family planning
policy has led to generations of Chinese people being without siblings, which produced mixed
influences on Chinese people’s personalities and mentalities (Qi et al., 2018). Researchers still
disagree on the full psychological effects of the One-Child Policy; nevertheless, studies have
revealed some harmful outcomes (Qi et al., 2018).
Singleton Effects on Personality
Growing up surrounded by parents and elders, the singletons usually have much less
partnership and competition in families than children with siblings, which makes these singleton
children more self-centered and less cooperative (Chen et al., 2015). Some singletons are spoiled
by excessive family indulgence, breeding personalities like capriciousness and stubbornness
(Chen et al., 2015; Qi et al., 2018). The singleton effects may impact CIS’ psychological and
emotional development leading to unique interpersonal and acculturation problems that
researchers and practitioners should be aware of (Han et al., 2013; Ping et al., 2020; Qi et al.,
2018; Yang et al., 2018).
Parents ’ Love and Greater Family Expectations
Being the only child in a family, CIS got used to monopolizing all the attention and care
from their two parents and four grandparents, the so-called 421 families (Chen et al., 2015;
Wang, 2016). As the elder generations experienced many political, social, and economic
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hardships, Chinese parents give everything to ensure their children live a better life than
themselves, with better education as the top priority (Heng, 2021). Singleton CIS enjoy all the
love and support their families can offer but must shoulder the whole family’s expectations and
responsibilities (Han et al.,2013). Chinese parents hope their only child can get good grades in
school, find decent jobs, accomplish outstanding achievements, and uplift the family’s honor and
socio-economic status (Le, 2018).
Independence and Social Support
Family’s comprehensive support tends to encourage singleton CIS’ reliance on external
help from parents and other people around them, adding more barriers to CIS’ adaptation to U.S.
society, where self-reliance and independence are advocated (Wang, 2016). Apart from home,
singleton CIS feel tremendous pressure and a sense of loss when they must do everything
themselves and face all the challenges independently (Wang, 2016). These singleton CIS do not
have siblings, so they tend to get less overall family support than those with brothers or sisters
around the same age (Han et al., 2013).
The Chinese government officially abolished the One-Child Policy recently, leaving the
generations of Chinese people born under the policy a unique social phenomenon, attracting
researchers from various fields to examine its impacts on China and the world (Yang et al.,
2018).
Social Network
Social network is a significant challenge for CIS transitioning to U.S. society (Yan &
Berliner, 2013). Besides the sociocultural environment, CIS’ motivations and inclinations
restrain their interpersonal connections.
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CIS consider most American people friendly and kind but perceive such friendliness and
kindness as lacking sincerity, shadowing the development of close relationships between CIS
and their domestic peers (Yan & Berliner, 2013). As to friendship, CIS value mutual help,
exchanging favors, and involvement in friends’ life, contrasting with the individualism and
privacy prized by American students (Heng, 2018b; Yan & Berliner, 2013). The long hours CIS
devote to studying and their internalized disbelief of close relationships with American students
make networking between CIS and domestic students even harder (Heng, 2018a; Tang et al.,
2018).
Besides the sociocultural barriers that block the connections, some CIS do not consider it
necessary to integrate into American society as long as they can complete their studies and get
degrees from universities (Tang et al., 2018). Instead of trying in vain to network with American
students, CIS would instead strengthen their friendships with co-national peers, who are always
ready to share critical information, coping strategies, and other social support resources (Fraiberg
& Cui, 2016; Montgomery, 2017). Co-national communities afford CIS informational and
emotional support, enhancing their sense of belonging, psychological security, and self-efficacy
(Yan & Berliner, 2011).
Co-national networks are essential sources of social support for CIS, but these
homogenous relationships cannot offset the necessity of effective communication with American
domestic students, which is the most significant indicator of CIS’ successful acculturation and
adaptation (Fraiberg & Cui, 2016). Researchers suggest that CIS should be more active and
braver in expanding their connections with the American people for better cultural learning and
social adjustment (Yan & Berliner, 2011).
Consideration of Graduation
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Most CIS may gradually overcome the acculturative challenges from the initial cross-
cultural transition as time passes. However, they will soon find themselves trapped in another
difficult situation facing the dilemma of returning or staying after graduation (Lian & Wallace,
2020). For most current CIS, especially undergraduate students, returning to China is their top
choice (Ching et al., 2017; Le, 2018). Returning to China is a safer and easier solution compared
with the significant pressure and complexity of finding a job and getting a visa sponsorship in the
United States (Lian & Wallace, 2020). Goals for graduation, employment opportunities, and
parental influences all influence CIS’ decisions on the consideration of staying versus returning.
Goals for Graduation
Research shows that CIS in business majors are more likely to go back to China for better
opportunities, while CIS studying social and physical sciences show stronger intentions to stay in
the United States for superior social and professional environments (Cheung et al., 2015). For
undergraduate CIS who want to say in the United States, pursuing higher degrees, like PhD or
MBA, is usually their first step toward future career development in America (Le, 2018). Natural
environments are increasingly mentioned as critical factors affecting CIS’ decisions on where to
go after graduation (Cheung et al., 2015). More pragmatic CIS insist on choosing the place that
can offer them the best job opportunities, be it China, America, or any other place in the world
(Le, 2018). For those CIS who decide to return to China, the top three reasons are families,
career opportunities in China, and the scarcity of job offers in the United States (Cheung et al.,
2015).
Job Opportunities and Visa Issues in the United States
CIS’ difficulty in finding satisfactory jobs in the United States upon graduation is mainly
because of their inferior legal status (Yan & Berliner, 2011). When applying for specific job
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vacancies, CIS are often disadvantaged by their identity as F1-visa holders, denied the privileges
granted to U.S. citizens and legal permanent residents, or green card holders (Yan & Berliner,
2011). The uncertainty of American policies and the restrictions on applicants’ qualifications
cause great anxiety and pressure on CIS (Heng, 2019; Yan & Berliner, 2011). On the contrary,
most CIS have confidence in their competitiveness in the Chinese employment market because
they firmly believe in their advantages over other jobseekers by their U.S. degrees and learning
experience (Xiong & Mok, 2020).
Parental Influences and Marriage
Besides the expectations for future career development, parental influence is the most
critical factor in CIS’ consideration of staying or returning after graduation (Tang et al., 2018). It
is deeply rooted in Chinese culture that children should stay near and care for their parents,
which puts CIS, mostly singletons, under obligation to return to China (Tang et al., 2018). CIS’
consideration of their marriage and families also sway their decisions after graduation (Tang et
al., 2018; Yan & Berliner, 2011).
Most CIS Satisfied and Improved
Regardless of various challenges and acculturative stresses, most CIS are satisfied with
their learning experience in the United States, absorbing the American culture while keeping ties
with their original Chinese culture (Gu & Usinger, 2021). With goodwill and positive beliefs,
CIS take the transition across different social norms, lifestyles, educational systems, and
academic environments as opportunities to enhance personal growth (Oramas et al., 2018). CIS
gradually but steadfastly improve their English proficiency, assimilate American culture, grasp
academic requirements, and make their life more enjoyable (Heng, 2020).
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Through increasing connections with the American people, CIS will be able to nurture
friendships with their domestic peers and establish stable social networks in the United States
(Leong, 2015). CIS cherish the political, social, and academic freedom they are mostly denied
back in China (Heng, 2020). The benefits and empowerment from U.S. higher education make
CIS confident and willing to recommend overseas studies in America to more Chinese students
(Oramas et al., 2018).
CIS’ Coping Strategies for Acculturative Stress
In their acculturative process, CIS do not passively accept the acculturative stress and
challenges and submissively bear the negative outcome as the old stereotype might indicate.
Instead, they actively try various strategies to cope with the challenges and adjust to the new
environment (Heng, 2018a). Drawing on Berry’s (2006) acculturation theory, Xing et al. (2020)
examined the impacts of the different acculturation strategies on CIS’ acculturative process and
identified the integration strategy producing the most effective adaptation result. Research shows
that different acculturative strategies impact CIS’ attitudes toward help-seeking from
professionals (Li et al., 2016).
Internet use indicates CIS’ acculturative progress, reflecting CIS’ adoption of different
acculturative strategies (Li et al., 2016). When asked for their coping suggestions for newcomers,
CIS emphasize language and cultural proficiency, openness to the new network, and bravery
(Heng, 2018b). The research by Tsai and Wei (2018) examined the effects of the traditional
Chinese wisdom of Yin-and-Yang, which illustrates the interaction, transformation, and
reciprocity of good and bad things, and found the optimistic belief in new possibilities rooted in
Yin-and-Yang theory helps CIS adapt to the new environment. Empirically, CIS recommended
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four practical strategies for coping with acculturative stress and challenges: social networks,
leisure activities, social media use, and help-seeking.
Social Networks as a Coping Strategy
Research shows that social networks will significantly improve CIS’ acculturation
performance. A study by Gu and Usinger (2021) revealed that all the CIS participants depend on
Chinese and American domestic friends to overcome the transitional challenges, and friendship
with American students is beneficial to reduce the sense of uncertainty. Similar findings are that
only connectedness with domestic peers can moderate the harmful effects of perceived
discrimination, while social connectedness with co-nationals and host friends all help reduce
mental health risks in acculturation (Sun et al., 2021). With social network widely acknowledged
as an effective coping strategy, CIS’ problems still exist because their collectivist cultural
background makes it challenging for them to form meaningful friendships in an individualistic
cultural environment in the United States (Lian & Wallace, 2020). Ching et al. (2017) suggested
that CIS be more proactive in social activities inside or outside campuses to improve their
English proficiency and intercultural competency.
Leisure Activities
Active involvement in leisure activities can help CIS address academic challenges and
enhance their cross-cultural learning and adjustment achievements. Drawing on the experiential
learning approach, Zhang et al. (2022) examined the effects of leisure on CIS’ acculturation
outcome and found that leisure activities improve CIS’ adaptation in all three steps of
experiential learning: concrete experience, reflective observation and abstract conceptualization,
and active experimentation. The extracurriculars and other leisure events inside and outside the
campuses nourish CIS’ personal interests and socialize them with more people, alleviating their
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acculturative stress in the process (Heng, 2019). Even for clinical-leveled mental issues, leisure
can also be effective. The survey on mental health among CIS at Yale University by Han et al.
(2013) discovered that leisure and entertainment activities, such as physical exercises and surfing
the Internet, significantly reduce anxiety and depression symptoms.
Social Media Use
For CIS, studying in the United States means being away from familiar networks and
reconstructing social circles. The transition is challenging and stressful for CIS. Fortunately, it
becomes less burdensome with the help of social networking sites (SNS) and apps. Li and Chen
(2014) studied the effects of SNS use on CIS’ social capital and found that both American and
Chinese SNS use can facilitate CIS’ bridging social capital, the weak tie relationships, and access
to new resources, but is less functional in their bonding social capital, the strong tie relationship
providing emotional support. Only Chinese SNS use can maintain their old relationship. As a
significant activity in CIS’ lives, SNS use requires extensive interactive networking writing
(INW) and constant processing of multifaceted and multi-language information, improving CIS’
transition to the new social networking at U.S. universities (Fraigberg & Cui, 2016). As U.S.-
based SNSs are mainly blocked in China, many CIS need to relocate their online network to
U.S.-based SNS platforms like Facebook and Twitter after they arrive in America. Research by
Yang (2018) showed that constant use of U.S.-based SNS enhances CIS’ acculturation process.
The number of responses they received from these platforms is positively related to their cross-
cultural adaptation.
Help-Seeking
Although help-seeking is one of their coping strategies, CIS tend to ask for help, first and
foremost, from their families and friends rather than from professional and institutional
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psychological counseling advisors when they encounter troubles in the acculturation process
(Oramas et al., 2018; Yan & Berliner, 2011). Research shows that CIS are among the most
infrequent users of professional counseling services (Bai, 2016). Research reveals that the
reasons for CIS’ reluctance to seek help from professional counseling services include the
stigmatization of mental illness in Chinese culture (Chen et al., 2015; Ching et al., 2017; Heng,
2018b; Yan & Berliner, 2011), lack of knowledge about psychological counseling (Chen et al.,
2015; Heng, 2018a; Yan & Berliner, 2011), availability and quality of counseling (Heng, 2018a;
Yan & Berliner, 2011), privacy concerns (Heng, 2018b), and consideration on characteristics of
advice-givers (Wilson et al., 2020).
Theoretical Framework
This part of the review introduces the theoretical frameworks used in past research on
international students. Two of the most widely used theories include Bronfenbrenner’s ecological
system and Berry’s acculturation theory. This section also explains the theoretical framework for
this research, derived from the combination of Bronfenbrenner and Berry’s theories.
Theoretical Frameworks for Research on International Students
Researchers used many different theoretical frameworks on topics of international
students. Every theory provides a valuable perspective and a thread of wisdom. Among the
theories and models, Bronfenbrenner’s ecological system theory (Anandavalli et al., 2020; Lin,
2012; Meng et al., 2021; Su-Russell & James, 2021; Zhang, 2018) and Berry’s acculturation
theory (Gu & Usinger, 2021; He & Hutson, 2018; Liu & Wei, 2020; Qi et al., 2018; Yan &
Berliner, 2013) are two widely used theoretical frameworks.
The current study is based on a theoretical framework combining Bronfenbrenner’s
ecological system theory and Berry’s acculturation theory.
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Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological System Theory
Bronfenbrenner’s ecological system theory (1979, 1999, 2005) constructs a multifaceted
ecology in which the proximal and distal environments interact and influence people’s
development. The ecology is divided into microsystem, mesosystem, exosystem, macrosystem,
and chronosystems. The first four systems are usually presented as four nested circles, from the
innermost microsystem to the mesosystem, exosystem, and to the most remote macrosystem. The
chronosystem lies apart, showing its influence on all four circles (see Figure 1). The microsystem
refers to the immediate environment, in which people spend most of their time and have regular
and frequent first-person interactions. For CIS, the microsystem can be their classrooms,
dormitories, families, and peer groups.
The mesosystem is identified as the interconnections and interactions of the various
microsystems that people engage in. As people may involve in different microsystems
simultaneously, the microsystems will influence one another. The CIS’ mesosystem refers to the
coexistence and interactions among CIS’ microsystems, such as classmates, friends, faculty
members, and university staff.
The exosystem encompasses the social settings in which people are not involved
personally but exerts indirect influences on people’s development through connections with the
microsystems people engage in. The exosystem of CIS includes organizational leadership,
faculty meetings on curriculum and pedagogy adjustments concerning CIS, local policies, and
social services. The macrosystem is the broadest ecosystem in Bronfenbrenner’s theory, which
involves all three other systems. It embraces the linguistic, social, cultural, economic, and
political norms that constitute the society people live in. For CIS, the macrosystem encompasses
U.S. culture, ideology, beliefs, values, lifestyle, and U.S. higher education systems. The
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chronosystem is the last system added to Bronfenbrenner’s theory. It highlights the time and
historical elements of the interactions between people and the environment and encompasses the
longitudinal development and change of people and the environment. All CIS’ stories happen at
a particular historical period, and all CIS’ experiences and encounters may change over time.

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Figure 1
Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological System Theory

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Berry’s Acculturation Theory
Berry’s acculturation theory (2003, 2005, 2006), or stress-coping strategy framework,
defines acculturation as a significant life event that happens in the transition from one culture to
another. It conceptualizes acculturative stress as a kind of tension reaction that occurs in the
process of acculturation. The acculturation process contains three varieties: cultural learning,
cultural shedding, and cultural conflict. In Berry’s theory (2005), acculturative stress is different
from cultural shock. On the one hand, the shock is always a negative response, while stress
implies a continuum of reactions from positive to negative; on the other hand, cultural shock
indicates one-sided assimilation, in which only the host culture is involved, while the
acculturative stress is multi-dimensional.
Berry’s acculturation strategy theory (2005) frames categorizations of individuals’ and
ethnocultural groups’ different attitudes and behaviors toward the host society and their origin
cultures. The different attitudes and behaviors lead to long-time sociocultural and psychological
adaptation. There are four strategies in Berry’s framework (2005): integration, assimilation,
separation, and marginalization (see Figure 2). Adopting the integration strategy, the
ethnocultural group actively immerses into the host society while still affiliated with their origin
culture. Assimilation means the individuals disconnect from their heritage and cultural identity
and effectively develop interaction with the host society. The opposite of assimilation is the
separation strategy, referring to a close connection with the origin culture and avoiding
interactions with the host society. Marginalization occurs when the ethnocultural group fails to
maintain a successful relationship with the home and the host cultures (Berry, 2005). Integration,
assimilation, separation, and marginalization are conceptualized from the perspective of the
nondominant group or individuals, who either voluntarily or involuntarily choose among the four
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strategies in specific acculturative situations. In the reciprocal acculturation process, when
nondominant groups or individuals do not have the freedom to decide their acculturation process,
the decisive role of the host society is manifested. Berry (2005) defined four strategies from the
dominant group’s perspective in one-to-one correspondence with the nondominant-perspective
strategies. When dominant groups prefer assimilation, their strategy is defined as the melting pot.
Separation is sought by the host society when the dominant groups adopt the segregation
strategy. When the dominant group forces marginalization, the exclusion strategy is defined.
When the host society welcomes diversity and inclusion, which makes integration possible, the
strategy is called multiculturalism.

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Figure 2
Berry’s Acculturation Theory

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Elliot and Baumfield (2016) suggested that Bronfenbrenner’s ecological system theory of
human development provides a framework for better understanding the complex acculturation
process of international students. Drawing on Bronfenbrenner’s theory, Lin (2012) examined the
interaction between international students from different countries and the academic and social
environment in the United States, which led to insightful findings on international students’
transitional process regarding religious beliefs, family values, heritage, and social norms. Saad et
al. (2017) argued that Bronfenbrenner’s ecological system theory is an effective theoretical
framework to elucidate the transcultural experience of international students. By analyzing
international students’ cross-cultural interactions in the United States, Bronfenbrenner’s theory
offers a perspective to explain the acculturation experiences of international students on U.S.
campuses (Meng et al., 2019). As to CIS, Choy and Alon (2019) based their studies on
Bronfenbrenner’s theory to check CIS’ complex and progressive interactions with the
environment on the levels of Chinese and American cultural norms, political comparisons, and
educational systems. Zhang (2018) asserted that Bronfenbrenner’s theory can help researchers,
educators, and practitioners to obtain better knowledge about CIS and enhance diversity, equity,
and inclusion at U.S. universities.
Krsmanovic (2020) verified Berry’s findings on the relationship between different
acculturation strategies and acculturative stress in a survey of 10 first-year international students
in a large public university in the United States. According to Krsmanovic’s research,
international students utilized all four strategies in Berry’s theory. In line with Berry’s
framework, Krsmanovic’s study found that students with integration strategy experienced the
least acculturative stress, while those with marginalization strategy suffered the most. Students
with separation and assimilation reported intermediary adaptation challenges. The cultural
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maintenance and social participation in Berry’s theory (2005) help to examine international
students’ adaptation process in the United States (He & Hutson, 2018). Applying Berry’s theory
to their study on CIS’ experience in the United States, Liu and Wei (2020) found that CIS tend to
characterize their acculturation process as stressors, which motivate them to use various coping
strategies to facilitate their transition and adaptation to the life in the United States. Qi et al.
(2018) posited that Berry’s theory constructs a comprehensive theoretical model for research on
CIS’ acculturation experiences in universities. Yan & Berliner (2011) examined all four coping
strategies in Berry’s theory and found that only the marginalization strategy obviously
contributed to CIS acculturative stress. Li et al. (2015) addressed that Berry’s framework helps
clarify the factors facilitating or impeding CIS’ acculturation process in the United States and, in
turn, can help them address the problem of acculturative stress.
The Combination of Bronfenbrenner’s and Berry’s Theories
Both Bronfenbrenner’s ecological system theory on people’s development and Berry’s
acculturation theory help researchers obtain in-depth insights on CIS’ acculturative process in
their sojourn in the United States. Bronfenbrenner’s theory provides a framework to check the
settings and contexts on different levels of the environment in which CIS live, while Berry’s
theory elucidates the modes, attitudes, and power dynamics of the factors in the intercultural
interactions. The current study combines these two theories to understand better CIS’ detailed
interaction modes on various ecological systems in their living environments in the United States
(see Figure 3). Anandavalli et al. (2020) have already made a similar attempt by applying the
critical feminist paradigm to Bronfenbrenner’s ecological theory in their study of international
students. By joining the power of the two widely used theories, the current research hopes to
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contribute to the research on CIS at U.S. universities and help to build better campuses for
students’ development.

Figure 3
Combination of Bronfenbrenner’s Theory and Berry’s Theory

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The combination of the two theories integrates the strength of both, enabling research on
the impacts of various environmental elements and the acculturative outcomes of different
interactive strategies. Among all the subareas framed by the combination, the present study
focuses on the integration strategy in the macro system.
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Chapter Three: Methodology
The study examined the problem of the acculturative stress CIS experience during their
sojourn in the United States. The present chapter explained the methodology used in this study,
including the qualitative research approach, research settings, participants and samplings,
researcher’s positionality, data collection protocol, and data analysis procedures. Research-
related trustworthiness, validity and reliability, limitations, and delimitations are also discussed.
Research Questions
The following research questions directed the current research:
1. How and to what extent do CIS perceive macro-environmental factors to be related to
their experience of acculturative stress? (Macro-environmental factors may include
rising nationalism, the COVID-19 pandemic, tensions in U.S.–China relations, and
experiences of anti-Asian racism and negative stereotyping)
2. To what extent and how do the experiences of stress that CIS experience due to
macro-environmental factors influence their acculturation, using the lens of Berry’s
acculturation model?
3. What strategies do CIS report using to mitigate the acculturative stress they
experience due to macro-environmental factors?
Research Design
This study employed a qualitative research approach, which Creswell & Creswell (2018)
argued that helps investigate and interpret the meaning given to social or human problems by a
specific group of people. Both transition challenges and acculturative stress are phenomena
within CIS’ personal experiences and specific social contexts. A qualitative research approach
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enabled me to dive deep into CIS’ personal experiences and investigate the perception through
their perspectives.
Lock et al. (2009) stated that the qualitative research approach is also flexible,
accommodating surprise and adjustments in the study process. As the new generations of CIS
significantly differ from their predecessors (Chen & Wen, 2021; Heng, 2020; Zhao, 2020), the
research uncovered unexpected findings discrepant from what past literature revealed, which
further renders qualitative research a suitable approach for the present study.
I have also selected interpretivism as my paradigm of inquiry. According to Aliyu et al.
(2015), interpretivism emphasizes the interactions among people and between people and
society. Personal beliefs, values, principles, and visions are part of the reality in which we live.
Researchers involve themselves in the inquiry with their values and emotions as necessary
facilitations. In research on CIS, social and personal factors are essential considerations. Each
CIS may have unique experiences and interpretations of the same events, even in the same
classroom and dormitory. I should allow for discrepancies and distinctive views among my
participants to obtain insightful knowledge on CIS. My stance on the interpretivism paradigm is
informed by my 6 years of immigrant life in the United States. I witnessed dramatic
transformations of views and interpretations of reality over these years of my own life. Many
things I took for granted with firm belief turned out to be questionable as time passed.
Research Setting
My target population is the CIS, currently studying at U.S. universities. My research
topic is the acculturative stress and challenges CIS experience in the United States, so it is
appropriate to invite participants directly from them. With many higher educational institutions,
the Southern California area is one of the top destinations for CIS. Universities and colleges of
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various types and levels in Southern California host a significant part of CIS in the United States.
The large CIS population base made my sampling more accessible and representative. I live in
Irvine, a Southern California city right between Los Angeles and San Diego. My location also
made the area of Southern California a convenient research setting. I invited CIS participants
mainly from four-year universities through my previous customers who are now studying there
and my connections in U.S.C EdD cohort working in these universities as student-supporting
staff. The referral was strictly based on voluntary principles, with no coercion or any power
inequality involved. According to Aliyu et al. (2015), people perceive and interpret the world
uniquely with different backgrounds, experiences, and perspectives. Thus, I considered the
variants, like participants’ gender, age, major, institution, academic levels, and length of stay in
the United States, each providing a unique opportunity to get insight into the focus problem of
my dissertation.
Instrumentation
I used semi-structured interview as this study’s principal data collection method (see
Table A 1). According to Merriam and Tisdell (2016), interview is a qualitative method designed
to engage participants in conversations on research topics. When it is impossible or difficult to
observe the real happenings or witness participants’ feelings, the interview is a practical research
approach (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The interviews were about one hour in length each. The
interview protocol includes all the questions and possible probes (see Appendix A: Interview
Protocol). The interview protocol consists of 12 questions, all with possible probes. The open-
ended questions encompass all research questions I set for my study. The questions were
constructed based on the theoretical framework for my dissertation, the literature review I did for
the study, and my own experience.
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The interviews were conducted in English. To ensure the research’s credibility and
validity, I recorded all interviews and member-checked for the first two to three interviews.
I used Zoom to conduct the interviews. Before the interviews, I sent the participants
research-objective letters and confidentiality documents. I discussed time and technology
usability with the participants and made an appointment at their convenience. To secure the
appointments, I contacted the participants twice before the actual interviews, one on the previous
evening and the second half an hour before each interview. I used semi-structured approach, a
method with mixed use of structured and unstructured interviews. According to Burkholder et al.
(2019), a semi-structured interview is guided by pre-designed questions and possible probes for
further information. The semi-structured approach enabled me to control the interview process
while giving me sufficient flexibility to dig deeper into the participants’ experiences.
Data Collection
The time right after the interview is critical for the interviewer to collect data and recover
all the information provided by the interviewee (Patton, 2002). As I conducted my interview
through Zoom, I began note processing and data collection right after each interview on the spot
in my study room.
I used the Zoom transcript function to record all the interviews. Right after the interview,
I downloaded the transcript and reviewed it immediately. In a situation with a tight financial and
time budget, a researcher can avoid transcribing the whole recording (Weiss, 1995). I used the
Zoom transcript as my original record of the interviews.
Positionality
My interest focuses on CIS in U.S. higher educational institutions. I have been observing
this area of research for some time. CIS have attracted constant attention from researchers and
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practitioners, who carried out inquiries from macro perspectives, such as international
relationships, national policies, and global mobile populations, and the micro point of view of the
individual acculturative process and academic adaptation.
One of my company’s principal businesses is college counseling and guardian service to
Chinese students applying to U.S. universities. That being the case, I have close contacts with
CIS at all stages of their learning experience, from preparation in their home country, the first
time entering the U.S. border, studying on the campus, and graduation. I involved myself in their
academic and living problems and helped them address various challenges. As a Chinese
immigrant, I was a foreigner to the United States not long ago, and English is still my second
language. To make matters even better, I am still pursuing a doctorate degree at a prominent U.S.
university. With all those identities, I can keenly appreciate how CIS feel and think in their life
in the United States. My personal experience and reflection as an international student, an
immigrant, an Asian minority, and a second language learner facilitated my inquiry in this
domain.
My positionality as a Chinese international student might have an impact on my research.
The researcher is the primary tool in research whose background, knowledge, bias, and
principles will affect the researcher’s behavior and attitude toward the interview process and the
interviewee (Burkholder et al., 2019). I might show too many negative or positive responses in
the interviews based on my experience rather than keeping objective and respecting the
participants’ real feelings.
To reduce the adverse effects of my positionality, I used several strategies to ensure
objectivity and trustworthiness. I used methods including controlling habitual behavior, careful
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screening of the participants, detailed document preparation, and so on (Burkholder et al., 2019).
I was cautious not to use my knowledge or understanding to judge the participants’ answers.
My positionality enabled me to listen to and understand CIS’ stories and reflect on and
feel their eagerness for equity and inclusion. Diversity, equity, and inclusion may manifest
differently across campus walls, but their core values are always to enhance social development
and human liberation. Inclusion on campus means international students are welcomed as
valuable resources of cultural richness, global perspectives, and friendship ambassadors. The
diversity, equity, and inclusion values should be core embedment in the attitudes toward
international students and actions of the government, university, community, and domestic
students.
Participants
I invited participants through purposeful sampling. Purposeful sampling allows the
researcher to choose participants to help better understand the problems and phenomena under
investigation (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). As the length of duration in the United States and
college majors may cause significant differentiation in CIS’ acculturative processes (Heng,
2018a; Sun et al., 2021), I chose participants from different academic levels and majors.
Altogether, 12 CIS were invited to participate in the study. Having helped many CIS enter U.S.
universities, I invited participants through my previous customers who are current CIS on
campus. The potential respondents received research-objective letters and confidential statement
documents. I kept detailed information about all participants checked and recorded to ensure
credibility and validity.
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Validity and Reliability
To strengthen the trustworthiness of the data collected, I used member checking and
adequate engagement in data collection methods to improve the validity and reliability of my
interviews. The member-checking method requires the researcher to invite the participants to
check and confirm all the information produced during the interview (Creswell & Creswell,
2018). To ensure I correctly and accurately interpreted what the interviewees said, I sent high-
level summaries of the main points (not a full transcript) to the interviewees after the first three
interviews and invited them to do the member checking. Adequate engagement in the data
collection method means the saturation of the researcher’s familiarity for maximum empathy
with the interviewees (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Before the interviews started, I made a brief
self-introduction and let the interviewees know that I am a Chinese international student and a
new immigrant, improving empathy between the interviewees and me. The similar backgrounds
and casual chat helped reduce the interviewees’ nervousness in the interviews.
Ethics
All the personal information about the participants produced during the research was kept
confidential, forbidding sharing with others. As all the participants are from university campuses,
food cards or recreational tickets of small denominations were provided to encourage
participation. As the researcher and all the participants are not in the same organization, there is
no problem with coercion. The study proposal went through U.S.C’s IRB process. The study
aims to explore the challenges and stress CIS encountered in their college life in the United
States and help find more effective coping strategies for these young students. CIS would benefit
from the study because the findings in the study called for more social and organizational
awareness of the problem. Also, U.S. universities hosting CIS would find valuable information
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through this study, which might help them improve their service to international students. From
the present framework, nobody was harmed by the study. The study looked through the
acculturative stress and transition challenge from the perspective of CIS. I designed the questions
and framed the scope. The results would be disseminated to international student administration
staff at U.S. universities and other educational institutions where international students are
expected.
Limitations and Delimitations
I conducted my study, including the interviews, amid COVID-19. The pandemic had
caused school interruptions and transfers to online study for most CIS currently studying at U.S.
universities. As a result, unexpected barriers appeared during my studies, such as participants’
health conditions, time availability, and other situational contingencies. Limitations also included
participants’ willingness to answer my questions on sensitive topics concerning nationalism and
personal experience under current political and social conditions. Potential delimitations mainly
came from the geographical concentration of the participants. As I chose to do my samplings in
universities in the Southern California area, the participating CIS had different experiences
compared with CIS from other parts of the United States due to various cultural and political
environments.

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Chapter Four: Findings
This chapter presents the main findings from the interviews with 12 CIS participants.
Through the interviews, participants answered questions about six recent macro factors,
including COVID-19, rising nationalism, U.S.–China tensions, anti-Asian racism, new
stereotypes, and the Ukraine War. Among the six macro factors, participants mainly talked, in
detail, about the influences of COVID-19, rising nationalism, anti-Asian racism, and U.S.–China
tensions. This chapter has five main sections: introduction, acculturation conditions, perceptions
of macro factors, perceptions of minor factors, and adaptation strategies. These five sections
present findings from the 12 interviews guided by the three research questions of this study. The
chapter ends with a conclusion summarizing the findings. The 12 participants were all CIS
currently studying at U.S. universities (see Table 1).

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Table 1
Detailed Information of the 12 Participants in the Study
Name Gender Grade Area
Xiao Female sophomore California
Shao Female Senior Oregon
AlexMa Male Junior California
Zehui Male Senior California
Mike Male Senior California
Li que Male Senior California
Adal Female Sophomore Washington
Zeng Female Senior California
FelixZ Male Senior Washington
Wenjiao Female Senior California
Hunterz Male Freshman Maryland
Chrisz Female Junior Maryland

Note. N = 12. All names are pseudonyms to protect participants’ identities.

Acculturation Conditions
During the interviews, participants were presented with a visual supporting graph (see
Figure B1) and were asked to choose among the four quadrants based on Berry’s acculturation
model (2005), which are integration, separation, assimilation, and marginalization. Integration
means an acculturation strategy and situation that keeps a close connection to both the home and
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host culture. Separation refers to the strategy and situation with a solid attachment to home
culture but reluctance to involve in the host society. Assimilation means acceptance of the host
culture and active immersion into the new community while reducing connection with the home
culture. Marginalization is a strategy and situation of being excluded from home and host
societie. Participants were instructed to make the decision based on their current acculturation
situations.
The result was that nine out of 12 participants chose integration (75%), two chose
separation (17%), and one chose assimilation (8%; see Figure 4). This section presents
participants’ general comments on their perceptions of the recent macro-factors and their
considerations over their choices.

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Figure 4
Acculturation Conditions

Note. All 12 participants made the choices. No participants chose marginalization, so it is not
included.
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Participants reported various considerations over their acculturation strategies and
situations according to their experiences and perceptions. The interviews highlighted the stress
and challenges due to the recent macro factors in the past 3 years. Participants’ accounts of their
changing situations showed that acculturation is dynamic. Except for the two who chose
separation, all other participants stated that the COVID-19 pandemic, rising nationalism in
China, and public opinions on Chinese social media hurt their views toward their home country
and moved them further toward integration and assimilation.
Anti-Asian racism and networking with domestic students deteriorated participants’
perceptions of the host society and increased their acculturative stress, which weakened their
confidence and motivation to assimilate and pushed them to separation. The interviews revealed
that participants considered racial discrimination they perceived through personal experiences
and the macro social environment particularly harmful to their mental and emotional well-being,
making them worried and depressed.
Nine out of 12 participants chose integration to describe their current acculturation
situations, showing attachment to both cultures. Participants’ comments showed that they
perceived different influences on their experiences and acculturation due to the macro factors.
Their acculturation is not a static condition but a changing process, with their predispositions
moving between their home country and the host society subject to different macro factors.
Despite their naturally strong connections with China, some participants stated that their
affection was disturbed by what happened during COVID-19. Xiao, a female sophomore from
University of California, Riverside, said her perception of China changed significantly due to the
pandemic. She expressed her confusion and apprehension by saying:
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I think this change is largely increased by the pandemic. Oh, because in the past 2 years,
many of the control matters in China made me feel a little bit confused. Because they can
lock down our neighborhood, or even a city at any time, which makes me worry that my
freedom of life could be threatened at any time! Even though China nowadays has
become more liberalized, this incident may still have a very negative impact on my
perception of China. It made me think that this will happen again in the future.
Adal, a female sophomore student from Seattle University, also reported her changing attitude,
saying, “Before, I might be in integration, but it was only a little bit above the line (Separation),
but right now I probably am in the middle kind of it.” Participants’ acculturation experiences
changed due to various factors.
Except for the macro factors, participants talked about some subsequent micro factors in
their life that had influenced their perceptions. In their acculturative transition from the earlier
stage of unfamiliarity and separation to the current stage of understanding and immersion, length
of stay in the United States, friendship, and lifestyle are critical factors for the change. The
following parts discuss these three factors.
The interviews revealed that, as participants stayed longer in the United States, their
contact with the host society increased, which helped them reduce the negative pre-sojourn
influences and enhance adaptation to the new environment. For example, Xiao said that she
initially had a “low acceptance of American culture” because she was “influenced by some
comments on the Internet or, like, the stereotype for America.” After some time, her perceptions
changed because she “has more understanding of the cultures in America.” Her acculturative
process is still ongoing, as she said, “Even though I’m on integration now, I feel like kind of
tends to move to the like assimilated right now.” Felixz, a male senior student from University of
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Washington in Seattle, said he was a little frustrated when he first arrived in America, but he
“felt much better now than first year here.” As participants stayed longer in the United States,
they began to know more people and felt more at ease facing various issues, which all helped
their acculturation process.
Friendship and social networking are essential factors in their acculturation process. Adal
said she has been “immersed in the culture.” In her college, she felt it great to “get in contact
with other local students” and “have the ability and the chance to talk with them and learn more
about American culture.” Wenjiao, a female senior student from University of California, Irvine,
has “a lot of contacts with American people,” including “professors through their office hours,”
“customers and colleagues known through the internship,” and other American domestic friends,
which helped her “immerse in American society.” Chrisz, a female junior student from Johns
Hopkins University, has powerful connections with China, but the friends she made in America
helped her in integration, as she said, “I have very close U.S. friends. In the first year, we met
every week to talk, to play games together. … That is why I choose integration. … I keep the
same closeness to both cultures.” Li Qiu, a senior male student from California State University,
San Marcos, has familiar situations like Chrisz. He has a lot of Chinese friends and goes to
Churches in the Chinese community; however, he also often mixes with his classmates,
colleagues, and business partners. “I have a group of workmates. They are all Americans and a
group of peers from other countries and many American friends. Whenever we have a thing to
do it together. I have fun.” he said. Zehui, a male senior student from University of California,
Riverside, thought 3 years was not long enough to “completely immerse in American society in
such a short time.” However, he cherished opportunities to communicate with American
domestic students and international students from other countries. He said, “I would like to share
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my thoughts of Chinese tradition and culture with American classmates and classmates from
other countries. I also like to hear their ideas and try to accept their way of thinking. I like to
connect and mix cultures of different races and countries together.” Networking with people
from various cultural backgrounds is important for participants’ adaptation to the new
environment and lifestyle.
The macro factors led to intensive conflicts and dramatic changes, allowing the
participants to observe the differences between the home and host cultures. AlexMa, a junior
male student from University of California, Riverside, stated that the pandemic and other social
issues gave him opportunities to observe the different cultures of the United States and China, as
he said:
I think they affect me in many ways. Like the COVID-19 problem and the social issues in
America. They gave me different information and perspectives from different countries.
It made me know the difference between very different cultures. COVID-19 showed that
individualism is more important in the United States and collectivism is more important
in China. So, these issues do affect me a lot!
Participants considered the American lifestyle an essential part of the host society that is
attractive to them. Shao, a senior female student from Oregon State University, said, “I like the
American lifestyle, but I also like Chinese culture and tradition.” Xiao “agrees with American
culture” because “it gives everyone the opportunity to pursue their own lives.” AlexMa said,
“America is very diverse with a lot of different people from different countries,” and “they speak
one language and communicate with each other and exchange the information they have.” He
thought “it is very valuable,” which made him “like this culture.” Participants’ favorable
attitudes toward the American lifestyle encourage them to learn more about the host culture.
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Among the three participants who did not choose integration, one chose assimilation, and
two chose separation. The comments of these participants suggested that more extensive
experience of American campus environments, culture, and lifestyle increased these participants’
willingness to immerse more into American society and culture. Hunterz, a male freshman from
Johns Hopkins University, located himself in the assimilation quadrant. He showed a stronger
inclination to the United States than toward China. After coming to the United States, HunterZ
made many friends, most of whom were Americans or international students from other
countries, with “only two or three from China.” HunterZ expressed his disappointment over
rising nationalism and COVID-19, which hurt his perception of China, especially of Chinese
netizens and the Chinese government. “I was super against the Chinese government and
communists,” he said. Except for Hunterz, Xiao and Wenjiao also considered themselves very
close to the assimilation quadrant, although they were still in the integration part.
The two participants who chose separation expressed their worries about the social
situations in the United States and frustrations due to negative personal experiences of
networking with domestic peers. Although never personally experienced discrimination, Zeng, a
female senior student from University of California, Irvine, was annoyed by news about anti-
Asian racism and discrimination and considered herself in separation. She said:
Although I personally did not have really bad experiences myself over those issues,
especially the Asian Hate or all this kind of thing, I did hear some negative experiences
from my friends or people who live in other cities in the U.S. So, I’d rather come back to
China to the place I like and where I don’t worry about these kinds of things. Although
they haven’t happened to me so far, I don’t want to worry about that.
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Felixz also put himself in separation and expressed his frustrations in networking with American
peers. He remembered, “I had tried to get involved in the American people, but they didn’t really
expect to accept me and it kind of hurt my feeling.” Even when he hung out with domestic
students, the experience was often unpleasing. He said, “Those American people didn’t really
bring me good experience when I hung out with those American students.” He was disappointed
by those networking attempts and concluded, “I guess I am just not good at doing the American
way.” As the two participants complimented, they had wanted to be more integrated into
American society, but the reality failed them and made them retreat to separation.
Although the interviews focused on participants’ perceptions of the macro factors, their
comments went beyond those topics and mentioned other factors, like cultural traditions, social
networking, and political ideologies, over which those macro factors intensified participants’
perceptions. For example, participants stated that COVID-19 made them witness the differences
between the United States and China in cultural principles and government behaviors. Also,
participants’ comments showed that the anti-Asian racism made them reconsider their social
networking frustrations from the perspective of racial discrimination. All the factors influenced
participants’ general perceptions of their acculturation process in the United States but in very
different ways. The following sections will present specific findings through each factor.
Perceptions of Macro Factors
The third part addresses the first research question, “How and to what extent do CIS
perceive macro-environmental factors to be related to their experience of acculturative stress?
(Macro–environmental factors may include rising nationalism, the COVID-19 pandemic,
tensions in U.S.–China relations, and experiences of anti-Asian racism and negative
stereotyping).” Among the six factors covered in the interviews, participants reported their
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perceptions of major influences by COVID-19, rising nationalism, U.S.–China tensions, and
anti-Asian racism. The four factors increased participants’ stress and changed their perceptions
of China and the United States. Participants’ negative perceptions of China mainly targeted the
Chinese government, “Zero-COVID” policies, and other macro-system factors, while they
attributed most of their negative perceptions of the United States to personal biases of particular
groups of people. The other minor factors, new stereotypes and the Ukraine War, either had little
influence or contributed few findings beyond those reported by previous literature. As a result,
the two factors are excluded.
The Multiple Influence of COVID-19 Factor
The interviews showed that participants perceived significant influences by COVID-19
on their acculturation situation and perceptions of their home country. They reported four sub-
factors influencing their perceptions during the pandemic: public opinions in China, the Chinese
government’s policies, online learning, and cultural differences. The following sections will
present participants’ perceptions of the four sub-factors and their heightened stress due to the
pandemic. Participants’ attitudes toward the recent protests against the government’s policies in
China are also presented.
Hostile Public Opinions in China
In the interviews, participants expressed their anger and frustration over the scathing
remarks on Chinese social media toward CIS returning to China at the outbreak of the pandemic
and subsequent campus shutdown. Shao was irritated by those social media postings and said,
“Those people saying bad things on the Internet are just crazy!” Zehui was annoyed by those
negative comments, saying, “I’ve heard people blamed and criticized those people who went
back to China, especially those returned students studying abroad in America for bringing the
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Coronavirus back. I think it’s really ridiculous.” Those negative opinions hurt participants’
perceptions of their home society.
Participants turned their anger and disappointment toward the Chinese government. Zeng
said, “What’s more, during the whole period Chinese government kept posting negative news
every day and didn’t do anything to help Chinese people to go back to their homes. The
government’s propaganda helped increase some people’s aggressiveness and negative
comments.” Wenjiao was so frustrated remembering her experience back in China in 2020,
saying, “At that time, I felt I was considered as a virus!” Participants were annoyed by the hostile
public opinions in China, both from personal experiences and what they observed in public
media.
Chinese Government ’s Policies and Media Control
Participants expressed their disagreement with the Chinese government’s policies during
the pandemic, including the “Zero-COVID” policy, travel restrictions, and media control, which
made participants feel worried, disillusioned, and humiliated. AlexMa mentioned a Chinese news
report about a patient who died after the hospital refused medical treatment because the patient
could not provide a negative COVID-19 test result. He felt sad about that incident and said,
“They can’t get treatment if they don’t take the COVID-19 test. It is dangerous, and some people
died because of that. So, the rigid policy is really bad.” Adal expressed her frustration with the
“Zero-COVID” policy and said, “I don’t feel it’s realistic to take the ‘Zero-COVID’ policy at
all.” Zeng believed that “Zero policy has caused serious issues to the economy and social life in
China. It is obvious that the virus may not disappear itself, but it has become weaker, so we
should learn how to live with it.” Participants perceived the “Zero-COVID” policy as creating
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more problems than providing solutions. They felt worried about the serious social issues due to
the irrationally stringent policy.
Participants showed their annoyance at the Chinese government’s travel restrictions and
quarantine policies. Felixz was disillusioned by the restrictions and said, “We paid a lot of
money to study abroad, and we also pay Chinese taxes. So, basically, we’re still Chinese citizens,
the government shouldn’t really restrict us from going back to our country.” Chrisz felt
humiliated by the agonizing experience of her trip back to China and complained:
So, yeah, the travel restriction was quite frustrating. I traveled back last year. It was 2022
summer. By the time, there was a rule it was quite hard to explain, but basically, they’ll
cancel a flight if there is somebody on the previous flight got COVID-19. So, you must
keep a close watch on the situation of COVID-19 cases in order to know whether your
flight has been canceled or not. Our flight got canceled, and we had to get a new ticket
within one week. You know the tickets were expensive, and it was hard to get, so you
know it. It was messy, and frustrating.
AlexMa criticized the strict travel restrictions as “inhumane” because the difficulty buying
tickets, high prices, and the lengthy quarantines in China made it hard for CIS to return home.
AlexMa was quarantined for 28 days in a hotel room at his own cost. Mike, a male senior student
from University of California, Riverside, thought the Chinese government’s strict policies during
the pandemic had become very political. He said, “Chinese officers care more about their
political performance rather than the harm the pandemic produced to their people.” Shao directly
expressed her critics of the Chinese government:
I feel the Chinese Government just superficially did their job to protect its people. The
government said its policy was to protect people’s health, but, in fact, the government
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just wanted to control people and forced them to follow government’s rule. People were
not satisfied and began to fight against the policies. I just think that Chinese government
didn’t hear and didn’t respect any voice of its people at all.
Participants felt frustrated and disappointed by the policies of the Chinese government during the
pandemic.
Except for the COVID-19 policies, participants expressed anger toward the Chinese
government’s information control during the pandemic. Wenjiao felt humiliated when she said:
The strict policies caused a lot of social problems … but the funny thing is many Chinese
people still think the government did a lot for them. They are very thankful to the
government … they are just happy with the Chinese government’s fake news.
Felixz observed the Chinese government’s control over social media and expressed his
disagreement and disillusionment:
People are actually supposed to have the right to speak and have the right to post on
social media. But that’s not what China’s Government allows. As long as someone
posted something that’s probably slightly against the government’s policy, it would
control the social media and ban the posts or even permanently close the account. I guess
that definitely is not the way it should work.
The media control and government policies increased participants’ negative perceptions of their
home society.
COVID-19 allowed participants to observe the Chinese government’s policies and
ideologies from a different perspective, which led to their changing perceptions and attitudes
toward their home country. Xiao stated that the pandemic “maybe bring me a more negative
influence or impression of China.” “Maybe, the different reactions make me begin to think about
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which one is better, no longer just believing that China is always the best one,” Xiao said. Zehui
also reflected, “It made me think about whether the government of China did anything to help
improve the situation or just made it worse. I think they changed my mind.” Participants’
comments revealed their heightened stress by the worries, disillusionment, and humiliation they
perceived due to the Chinese government’s policies during the pandemic.
The Challenges of Online learning
Participants considered that the inconveniences of online learning adversely impacted
their personal experiences during the pandemic. They expressed their helplessness, frustration,
and exhaustion due to the four major barriers in their online learning experience, including time
differences, low efficiency, Internet connection, and reduced communication and interaction.
Participants reported that it made them exhausted and disrupted to study in different time
zones from their schools. AlexMa was a freshman when the pandemic broke out, so he had to
take online classes in China for his first year of college. He claimed that he felt exhausted by the
schedule because he usually had to get up at 3:00 a.m. for a class, which brought him “low
quality of sleep and disturbed normal life,” which made him “felt really tired all day.” Felixz
reported similar annoyances and said:
It’s kind of challenging to study online because I had to manage my time and I had to get
up at midnight due to the time difference between China and the United States. It often
made me exhausted to get up in the midnight and to join zoom for those course that need
attendance.
Even though they managed to adjust to the reversed schedule, most participants felt helpless
because they considered online learning low effective and resulted in damages to their learning
outcomes beyond their control. Wenjiao said:
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I think the biggest influence is I had to take online classes in China for one and half
years. The online classes were not effective. Due to the time difference, I almost reversed
my life schedule. I had to take classes at 2:00 a.m. Sometimes I fell asleep as soon as I
log in the zoom class in the early morning. I had one class that I like so much, but it was
2:00–3:30 a.m. I really wanted to study well in that course, but I couldn’t because the
schedule was so late, and many classes didn’t have recordings. I couldn’t focus and had
little energy when the classes started.
Shao expressed her helplessness and disappointment with her online class experience and
thought online classes could not make her study as good as in-person classes. She said:
I had only 2 years of learning on campus. For the other 2 years, we had online classes. I
feel like I could have learned many more useful things by in-person classes. I had to have
online classes during COVID-19 and I had to go back to China during the pandemic
because my parents believed China was safer during pandemic. The 2 years online
learning in China was really tough for me.
Xiao thought online learning was ineffective and felt dismayed at what she missed, saying,
“Online classes would reduce a lot of the campus experience and not make good use of school’s
resources, gyms or libraries,” so she considered “the overall learning environment for those
international students are very bad.” The poor online learning experience affected participants’
learning outcomes. Mike expressed his pessimistic perceptions of online learning’s influences
and thought some adverse effects were “permanent” and “irreversible.” He said:
When our school shut down, I had to study remotely. It is very hard because I never
experience it before, and I mean, like most of us, never experienced studying remotely.
So, I need time to get used to the change of our study habits. There were other challenges.
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For example, one of my professors was teaching in his country, and there is a time
difference between the professor and our students. We had to finish our homework in his
schedule. So, this seemed to lower our efficiency, our study, and maybe our grades and
our study performance … it changed the way we had before permanently. Like currently,
it causes problems on our study performance or our schedules, and it cannot be
reversible.
Participants worried about the dropouts of online learning, which might produce long-term
effects on their academic records.
In addition to the common deficiencies of online learning, participants felt particularly
frustrated by the Internet connection and the official firewall block in China. Wenjiao
complained about her frustration due to the Great Wall Firewall. She felt deeply annoyed and
said, “In China, we can’t use Google, and VPN was not permitted, so I had to buy VPN through
illegal channels. Sometimes, VPN didn’t work well. I even missed one exam due to Internet
connection failure.” As a music student, Chrisz was frustrated by the Internet connection. She
said, “When you do music classes online, the voice quality is very important. So, you have to
get, like, other applications instead of using Zoom because you have to make sure that the sound
production is good. It is very hard to keep it working stably.” Participants were annoyed by the
Internet connection. Even if they managed to cross the firewall with illegal software, the
connection was commonly poor and unstable, which made them feel frustrated and disturbed.
Except for the helplessness, frustration, and exhaustion, participants considered online
learning deprived them of the opportunities to network with their peers and faculty. Li Qiu
regretted, “I lost a lot of opportunities to communicate with classmates and professors because I
had almost 2 years of online classes. I did finish all the work, but kind of like attending the
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online school, not really the university.” “That is not the thing I was really expecting” he said
sadly. Zeng felt “losing friends might be the greatest negative side of online classes,” as she said:
In fact, in my first semester before COVID-19, I had made a few friends here with
American students, and international students from Korea, Malaysia, and other countries.
But after I returned to China and began taking online classes, I lost all connection with
them.
Participants stated their exhaustion, helplessness, and frustration with online learning
experiences. They regretted losing their valuable college life because they thought a regular
campus life would have enabled them to learn much more about American culture in addition to
the knowledge they obtain in college.
Insights About Cultural Differences
The COVID-19 pandemic allowed participants to observe the conflicts and comparisons
between the Chinese and American cultures, which increased their awareness of the cultural and
social differences between their home and host societies. Witnessing the different government
policies and people’s reactions to the pandemic, participants all stated that they got more
profound insights into Americans’ respect for individualism, freedom, and privacy versus the
Chinese people’s advocation of collectivism, worship of authority, and self-sacrifice. Xiao
attributed China’s and America’s different policies to different cultures. “I think the
controversies over the different policies may be because of their different cultures. … The key is
different cultures. The different culture makes different reactions to COVID-19,” she said.
AlexMa expounded on the cultural discrepancies:
Because China and the United States have completely different cultures and, in fact, they
have almost opposite cultures. China likes collectivism while the United States tends to
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be more individualistic. So, they think for them individual freedom is the most important
thing. You can’t restrict people’s freedom for any reason. The people don’t like the
government to control a lot of things in the United States. But, in China, a lot of policies
are rigid. It’s like make people suffer in order to get their goals, like the CCP’s goals to
eliminate the virus. Another thing is, like, I learned in the previous class is that the United
States believes in Social Darwinism, like, the strongest people will live, and the weakest
people will die. They think it is a natural rule.
Mike believed that the different values toward freedom are one key reason for the various
reactions to the pandemic, as he said, “It is to me like a typical Western government behavior,
because they know that people want freedom, and they want freedom even if it might cause
disease. But in China, people prefer being shut down for safety.” Adal also thought Chinese and
American people have different views on freedom; while freedom “is one of the words used in
the soul of Americans,” Chinese people “would rather sacrifice freedom to care more about the
elderly and the children.” Their comments on cultural and political comparisons between the
United States and China revealed their reflections after they experienced so much during the
pandemic.
Participants considered COVID-19 one of the most critical global issues in the past 3
years. They perceived significant influences of the pandemic on their learning, life, and cognitive
and emotional growth. In the interviews, they showed disagreement and indignation with the
Chinese government’s policies and the hostile public opinions on Chinese social media. They
were frustrated by the barriers to online learning and felt regretful at the beautiful things they
might have missed in their college life. All the experiences made participants reflect and learn
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much about the cultural and political differences between their home country and the host
society.
The Influence of Nationalism Factor
Participants reported that they noticed rising nationalism in China, especially at the early
stage of the pandemic, when China temporarily put the virus under control while other countries
were suffering from its rapid spread. In the interviews, participants expressed their indignation,
disappointment, and concern over rising nationalism in China. They were distressed by the
extreme nationalistic discourses on Chinese social media and considered that nationalism in
China had become a political tool for brainwashing and manipulating people, making Chinese
people more arrogant, aggressive, and xenophobic.
Participants conveyed indignation at the upsurging nationalistic public opinions in China,
which they thought was instigated by the Chinese government and the media under its control.
Xiao was irritated by the hostile discourses against CIS recently appeared in China together with
the rising nationalism, and said:
I think Chinese Nationalism is too extreme for me because in recent years I often see
some negative comments on the Internet that international students are pandering to
foreigners, and some people even insult us by saying like, don’t come back if you go out.
Personally, I’m very angry when I see these comments and I think it’s too irrational to do
these to show they love their country. And I think it is our personal freedom whether to
go abroad or not. Okay. maybe rising nationalism does not affect my view of the United
States, but rather it makes me feel that China is poorly tolerated just for some person.
They refuse to recognize the good things in other countries. They just want to keep their
own national pride.
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Mike showed his anger toward the extreme nationalistic remarks and attributed them to the
government’s control, as he said, “I believe the rising nationalism is caused by propaganda in
China, and it became a political tool to drive young people’s way of thinking … nationalism
itself in China just makes people brainless and arrogant.” Zehui showed his indignation and
intensively reprehended the nationalistic remarks on Chinese social media. He said:
Yeah, I can feel rising nationalism in China, especially on the Internet. So, as you can
see, there is a lot of comments and statements on different social media. You can see their
attitude with strong nationalism inside of their languages and they made some really
aggressive, selfish, and arrogant remarks about China as the best country far better than
other countries, or something like that.
Zeng expressed her disappointment at nationalistic remarks and attributed the rising nationalism
to the Chinese government’s propaganda to protect its policy’s legitimacy. She said:
I felt disappointed at some people. I thought they were badly influenced by the
nationalism. They always post comments showing that they are very proud of China and
believe that China is always right. I think one reason is that China has adopted a policy
toward COVID-19 that is very different from other countries and the government-
controlled media always spread the news about how poorly other countries handled the
pandemic. I think that’s the reason for the recent rising nationalism in China. The online
media and those comments influenced people’s attitudes and made them more aggressive.
Participants stressed their concern over the negative influence of rising nationalism in China.
Shao criticized the government-controlled media for their role in creating xenophobic sentiment
and panic during the pandemic:
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I like to say that China always wanted to report other countries’ bad sides. These
government-controlled information sources describe the United States doing nothing
during the pandemic, and many deaths every day … made many Chinese parents very
nervous and worry about their children in the United States.
AlexMa expressed his concern over the potential risk of rising nationalism in China, which
reminded him of what happened in Japan before World War II. He said:
The bad is nationalism can become a tool for the government to control the people’s
minds to make people to trust the government blindly. It’s really dangerous like what
happened in World War II in Japan. The nationalism in Japan led to Japan’s invasion of a
lot of Asian countries So it’s really dangerous if nationalism goes bad.
Chrisz mentioned a tragedy during the pandemic in China, which made her concerned over the
adverse effects of nationalism, saying:
I think nationalism makes people blindly trust their leaders. That’s they believe whatever
our leaders say at anything. They stop thinking! Sometimes, it is not even the leaders.
During the pandemic, many so-called experts said, like, especially during Omicron, that
Omicron is really bad for people. Even after you get healed, you’ll get such and such
symptoms. I remember there was one doctor who said something, like, It’s not going to
be that bad. The doctor just proved that Omicron is not that bad. But all the people have
been so brainwashed by other people, by our leaders, or by so-called experts. There was
such language violence against the doctor that it made him commit suicide. It was a great
pity. Now, people began to reflect on his words and considered him a hero.
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Participants showed indignation, disappointment, and concern toward the nationalistic discourse
and political manipulation in China, which they thought had made China more xenophobic,
arrogant, and aggressive.
Stress Over U.S.–China Tensions
Participants expressed worry and anxiety over the tensions in the U.S.–China
relationship. Although they did not perceive much influence in their everyday life on campus,
they showed concern over their upcoming college life and future development. The following
parts present participants’ understandings of the causes of the strain in the U.S.–China
relationship, participants’ concerns, and their perceptions of the campus environment under the
bilateral tensions.
Interpretations of Causes Lead to Pessimism
Participants’ comments on the causes of the U.S.–China tensions revealed their worries
about the relationship between their home and the host country. Some believed that the reasons
for the tensions in U.S.–China relations was China’s economic and political rise. They
considered the tensions as signs of U.S. anxiety about losing its leading position in international
affairs and global competitions. Other participants thought the tensions were mainly due to the
Chinese government’s political manipulation. It was caused by the blind nationalistic ideology
uprising in China.
Some participants attributed the tensions to U.S. anxiety over China’s rise, which made
the participants worry about their life in the United States. Xiao said:
We are still worried that this relationship between China and the United States will
restrict us from studying the United States. Like what happened in 2020, President Trump
announced to restrict CIS from studying in the United States. For Chinese people at
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home, I learned from the Internet that Chinese netizens seem more hostile to the United
States. For example, they feel that the Taiwan issue is an internal issue and believe that
the United States has no right to get involved. For America, because I rarely discussed
that issue directly with them, I don’t know much about their views on the conflict
between the United States and China. I have the feeling that Americans are concerned
about China’s rise in recent years. I have the implications that they increasingly see
China as a serious problem for the United States. Personally, the tension hasn’t affected
my views of either side much. I think it’s probably just a normal conflict that will occur
internationally. Both sides have their own reason for doing that. For example, the reason
for Trump to launch the trade war is to protect his country’s economy and intellectual
property rights. Maybe China’s response to the United States was also designed to protect
China’s dignity.
Mike said some of his peers thought the contrast between China and the United States was
shifting toward more advantageous for China. He retrospected the history and showed his
worries about the prospect of the tensions between the two nuclear powers. He said:
In my opinion, the tension between the United States and China has lasted for years since
the trade war between two countries. At that time, I started to follow the news between
the two countries. Many Chinese students in the United States are afraid of being
discriminated since the tension started to rise. However, on the other side, it also shows
that China is racing to a place that is threatening the United States. Some Chinese
students may feel proud of their home country because China is in a position that can
threaten the United States. Many American students around me see that China is leading
right now. Actually, it has started to take place of the United States in many areas, such
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as technology and international trade. So, what I would say is that the tension has already
existed for several decades since the Taiwan issue. It is affecting the whole world, not
only the two countries. I am kind of afraid of a war between China and the United States.
It could be a nuclear war or continuing trade war in the economic relations.
Zeng felt worried about the tensions because her family business was seriously impacted by the
trade war between China and the United States. She said:
Personally, I had a lot of experiences with that, because my parents and my family ran the
business of exporting from China to the U.S. … The trade war and rising tariffs had
caused us many of our customers. The same situation happened in other industries as
well. So, the tensions between the two countries have hurt the economy a lot. I personally
has suffered that a lot and I heard my mother’s complaint a lot too. In my opinion, this
kind of things, like the trade war, actually not only hurt China, it also hurts the United
States a lot too. It is the opposite side of the Win–Win situation. Yeah, it somehow
affected my perceptions of America and the U.S. Government.
These participants perceived the tensions as an outcome of the changing bilateral power balance
between the United States and China. They worried about the negative influences of the bilateral
tensions between their home and the host country. They stated their hope that the two countries
should work together to solve the problems.
On the contrary, some participants thought the tensions were due to rising nationalism in
China, which made them feel anxious. AlexMa reported that some people on Chinese social
media were spreading inflammatory remarks, as he said:
The tension between the China and the United States makes me feel nervous. So, I just
imagine two super countries start fighting with each other. It will definitely be a disaster.
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Both nations have powerful weapons and nuclear weapons. Most people around me don’t
want to see the tension between the two countries, because they also feel it’s really
dangerous. Most of my friends are worried about the tension and are afraid of war
between the two countries, which will affect their life and feelings, especially
businesspeople in China. They are affected by the tension. Nobody wants to do business
in countries that are unstable and have the possibility of war. So, most people are
terrified. But some people, especially on Chinese social media, are willing to see this
tension. They believe what the Chinese government says that China already has equal
power as the United States. So, they expect to see China beat the United States to replace
the domination of the U.S.
He thought these people were manipulated by the Chinese government and might cause serious
problems, as he said, “I can see that the information the Chinese government wants to tell people
is very dangerous and intentionally encourages the U.S.–China tensions.” Alexz felt irritated and
anxious by what he saw on Chinese social media. He stated:
I can really see huge tensions in U.S.–China relationships on the Chinese Internet. I saw
some Chinese people just blindly criticize America for whatever it did. Some Chinese
people just irrationally made comments blaming the United States for no reason. I think
these behaviors on social media can only make the United States and the whole world see
the Chinese people are more seriously brainwashed by propaganda and blind nationalism.
The Chinese government is making China more like another North Korea. Yeah, I think
that’s the biggest thing that I can see from this China–U.S. tension.
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Participants who attributed the tensions to the Chinese government and public opinions showed
more concern over the prospect of the U.S.–China relationship and its influence on their
situations in the United States.
Besides the considerations of reasons for the tensions, the interviews showed that
participants felt anxious and worried over the uncertainties in the relationships between the two
countries. Adal expressed her confusion and anxiety, saying, “I am kind of a little bit lost about
what the relationship will become in the future because I’m scared. If they break up, how my
study will go and how I can go back to China.” She also felt the fear of an escalation of the
tensions. She stated, “I just worry about my future if the relationship gets worse or start a war.”
As a senior student, Felixz felt worried and anxious more realistically about his future. He said:
As the tension increases, it really affects my position in the United States. I had thought
about working in the United States for a while after graduation before going back to
China. But as the tension increased, I might worry that my opportunity to work here is no
longer guaranteed. I feel the United States might not be still be safe for me, I guess.
Participants expressed their anxiety over the adverse macro environment due to the U.S.–China
tensions. They worried about their situations in the upcoming college life and possible safety
issues.
University Campus as a Protected Microsystem
Compared to the macro environment, participants perceived university campuses as safe
zones. They did not feel much impact by the tensions in their campus life. Felixz considered the
college campus provided a safe place for CIS. He said:
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My friends and I basically don’t talk about those issues, and we barely care about them. I
didn’t feel any effects of the tension on campus. My parents thought there were tensions,
but my friends really don’t care about that.
Shao “didn’t feel much around” her on campus and believed that “young people have their own
judgment. They have their own ideas of what is right and what is wrong.” The tensions did not
change her perception of the United States, as she said, “My friends in the United States all hope
we should have more love and peace.” Even though his business was affected by the tensions, Li
Qiu felt good with his peers and professors. He said, “It doesn’t affect me in the school at all
because the professors and students are pretty neutral. they don’t really care, and they are pretty
friendly and open minded.” Chrisz also did not feel any change on campus, as she stated, “Well,
just from my standpoint, at least I haven’t heard of my friend talking about it. I think that’s more
of a government-level thing. That’s why I don’t feel it in my life.” Participants perceived their
campus as friendly and neutral, shielding them from outside risks.
Under an adverse macro environment, participants perceived friendliness and safety on
campus and expressed their sincere hope that the two governments could solve their
controversies peacefully. The interviews revealed that participants felt worried and anxious over
the U.S.–China tensions. They expressed concern about their upcoming college life and plans
after graduation. They perceived potential risks and uncertainties in the macro environment.
Fortunately, they found their campuses safe and hospitable, which upheld their optimism and
best wishes for the future.
Anti-Asian Factor
The interviews revealed that participants were stressed and offended by anti-Asian racism
through their personal experiences and the incidents they heard about from news reports and
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their friends. Participants perceived psychological and emotional disturbance due to racial
discrimination issues in the United States, which hurt their perceptions of the host society and
reduced their confidence about the future. The following sections present findings on
participants’ perceptions of the influences due to their personal experiences, news reports, and
the environment on campus.
Personal Experiences of Racial Discrimination
At least five participants unambiguously recounted personal experiences of racism and
discrimination, which made them feel offended, humiliated, and depressed. Mike remembered
his experience concerning his English dialect and said, “I have perceived some discrimination
here. I am concerned that sometimes people will treat others differently based on their color and
their race. Sometimes, some topics are seemingly normal, but it is offensive, especially for
people from foreign countries.” He concluded his understanding of the reasons for Asian-hate
racism in the United States. He explained, “Asian people are quiet, and they are not arrogant, so
they just want to keep working and being humble … that’s why the Asian people started to
become a target.” AlexMa had an insulting experience, which gave him a keen observation of the
racial issue in America. He remembered:
Yeah, I do have personal experience of some discrimination. It’s, like, one time I just
walk on the street. There’s some White teenager just yelled at me like “Chinc, what are
you doing?” and something like that. At first, I didn’t realize what he wanted to say. But
after I got home and looked up the word in the dictionary, I got to know that it is in fact a
word of discrimination. It made me very uncomfortable and shocked.
His personal experience made him realize the seriousness of the social issue in the United States
He continued, “I feel this is really big social issue. I can’t understand why people can judge and
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treat people by their color and racial background. So, yes, it’s hard to accept, not only for
Chinese but for all Asian people, I think.” As these participants had little awareness of racial
issues in China, the experiences of this kind of discrimination made them offended and
astonished.
The interviews showed that discriminating actions would have prolonged effects. It is
hard to forget the unpleasant experience. When asked about personal experience, Hunterz
instantly remembered an unhappy case in his elementary school in the United States, where he
stayed for only a very short period. He said, “When I studied in California in sixth grade. … I
had ever experienced racism. It was on a PE class. I’m not going to say more details about it,
because there were really ugly words. I, of course, felt bad.” His memory stayed even though he
thought, “Right now it’s getting better and better. After I got into college, I didn’t see any racism
against me.” Zeng also still remembered her experience at the beginning of the pandemic 3 years
ago. She said, “I remember once I was in Los Angeles a few months before our school shut
down, I heard somebody walking through downtown streets and saying, like ‘fucking China’ and
‘fucking Wuhan virus,’ and that kind of things.” She felt regretful and said, “This pandemic has
produced a very bad influence on China and many people from other countries got to know the
city of Wuhan through this pandemic.” Felixz still felt shocked when he recalled:
I think it was like 4 months ago during summer. One day, as I was walking on the street,
a car drove by me and the White guys in the car just yell at me “Chinks” and pointed the
middle finger at me. I think they were out of their minds. I was shocked.
Personal experiences of racial discrimination were hurtful, especially for these participants who
were brought up in China, where racial problems were out of ordinary people’s everyday life.
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The situation in the United States is entirely different. Except for personal experiences,
participants could see racial issues as a hot social topic everywhere, making them stressed.
News Reports and Friends ’ Accounts on Racial Issues
Participants felt stressed by the indignation and disillusionment at the anti-Asian news
from the media and their friends. Xiao was concerned by some news about “some people (Asian)
who received very poor service from store clerks while shopping.” She was worried at the idea
that she might “be discriminated against in the future.” She thought the reason why she has not
yet encountered any discrimination was that “international students are actually considered to be
on the fringe of society, like outside of society.” She was unsure whether “there will be more and
more discrimination as we move more and more into the center of the society.” AlexMa
considered the racial issues a part of American culture, as he said:
I do not feel comfortable at what I heard about racism in the United States. I think it’s a
part of American culture. It might be like a cultural shock as something academically
called. It’s uncomfortable. It made me feel unsafe because of my racial identity as an
Asian.
Adal was scared by her friend’s personal story. She described:
I feel I’m fortunate enough not to experience any anti-Asian racism, but I have heard
about it from my friends who have experienced racism in early 2021. Once when she
walked on the first floor, some American kids threw Coke bottles at her from the fourth
floor. The bottles cracked just beside her. Fortunately, she was not hurt. I didn’t
experience any racism myself, but I feel angry and depressed by racism. I don’t
understand why some people might hate others for no reason. I think it is just some
personal bias. I can’t help.
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The interviews showed that news and other people’s stories about racial discrimination increased
participants’ anxiety and awareness of racial issues in the United States.
Participants attributed anti-Asian racism to only a minor group of American people who
are commonly “uneducated,” “hopeless”, and “arrogant.” Being disturbed by the news reports,
Shao thought the anti-Asian racism was due to some people’s personal biases. She said, “Most of
them are, like, kind of hopeless part. They just get very little information about what happened,
and they just heard, like, what they want to hear.” Felixz showed his anger when he compared
American racists to Chinese nationalistic extremists. He said, “Those people are dumb. I think
they are just like those Chinese people who blamed us for bringing back the virus. They are just
extreme nationalists. They are really just stupid, and they really out of their mind.” Wenjiao did
not want to trust what she saw on social media or heard from others. She said, “I know that is
just a minority group of people in the United States. There are still a lot of great Americans, and
they are all very kind. The racists are only a very small part of Americans.” Chrisz did not have
any personal experience, and she showed her goodwill. She said, “The anti-Asian is only very
few people in the United States.” Participants’ comments revealed that they had their own
understanding of racial discrimination. They felt offended and anxious about it, but as they
stayed longer in the United States, they began to accept the social reality and learned to live with
it.
Safe Zones on Campuses
In the interviews, participants stated they did not encounter much racism or
discrimination from their peers and professors. Xiao felt “most people in school are very
friendly” and thought “American universities are more inclusive because they bring together
people from different groups and give people from different countries the opportunity to get to
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know each other and maybe have less prejudice.” Li Qiu perceived that some White students
might feel reluctant to mix with Asian people, but he thought “most of the time … people are
really friendly. They just like normal, pretty fair to me.” Shao felt the atmosphere on campus was
better than outside because she thought, “College students usually have a lot of information from
everywhere and they don’t depend on any one source of information. They will compare
themselves what is right and what is wrong. College students can be very objective.” Zeng was
happy to see that situation changed when she came back for in-person classes. She said, “I didn’t
hear my classmates and other people talking about these issues anymore and no one call the
pandemic ‘Wuhan virus’ anymore, it changed into COVID-19.” Chrisz was inspired by the
kindness of her professors. She recalled, “My professors were really nice to me. They were
trying their best to take care of our thoughts. My professors will say things like, if they
pronounce our names wrong, please let them know, and stuff like that.” She also perceived
friendliness from her American peers and friends, as she said, “I was also hanging out with a
bunch of American people and American students too. … I’ve never heard anything from them.
They are all very nice.” Participants perceived the university campus as a much safer place for
them. They did not need to care too much about racism and discrimination in schools.
The interviews revealed that some participants were still cautious of the potential racial
discrimination on campus even though they felt it was better inside their schools than the outside
society. They expressed concern about their lack of awareness and knowledge of racial
discrimination. Wenjiao reflected, “I don’t think I have ever experienced this discrimination in
school. Or maybe just because I’m not that sensitive.” Li Qiu was not sure whether it was
discrimination or not, but he said, “Some of the White students are not friendly to me, or I’m not
sure it’s like they don’t like me at all or they just don’t want me to involve in their business.”
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Hunterz was optimistic but cautious, saying, “Even though some people might still be racism, at
least they’re not showing it toward people.” Zehui thought universities had taken measures to
protect their international students, but problems still exist. He said:
I think it is good because the university has measures to protect every student from being
hurt by racists. However, I think there are invisible discriminations inside the university
and society, for example, White people would only mix with White people but not people
from other races, like Asian or African Americans. Yeah, I think that’s kind of like
invisible discrimination.
Participants showed their offense and anxiety over anti-Asian racism and other racial
discrimination issues in the United States. They expressed their indignation and disillusionment
at their personal experiences of racial discrimination and incidents they heard from news reports
and their friends. They perceived the university campus as a safer place where their peers and
professors were mainly friendly and nice. Some participants were cautious about potential racial
problems and expressed concern and confusion due to their lack of awareness and knowledge of
racial discrimination.
Perceptions of Minor Factors
Except for the main factors stated above, participants talked about some minor factors
which they perceived some influences on their acculturation. Participants showed low interest in
the topic of the Ukraine War. Li Qiu said, “Ukraine war? Because my family and me, we do not
really care about the war at all. just like too far away from us.” The lack of background
information made participants reluctant to make any comments. Shao said, “I don’t know very
much about this (Ukraine War) and so I don’t have a lot of opinions.” Zehui also said, “I’m not
very familiar with this issue, so I cannot make any like standpoint on this.” Wenjiao directly
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refused to answer the question about the Ukraine War, as she replied, “Well, I didn’t know much
about the Ukraine war. Yeah, I don’t know how to answer this because I didn’t really pay
attention to this.” Even some participants had some vague ideas on this issue, they did not give
much thought to it, as Felixz said, “I don’t have many ideas on this issue, but I think it is
Russia’s invasion into Ukraine.” Hunterz also stated, “Well, in my opinion, I don’t know that for
sure that China is against Ukraine. So, I don’t know how China feels right now about the
Ukraine war, but I know China is bonded with Russia.” Due to the participants’ responses, the
topic of the Ukraine War is not considered a main factor in this study.
As to new stereotypes, participants’ comments confirmed some stereotypes revealed by
previous research, like being nerdy, wealthy, hardworking, good at math, bad at English, and
reluctance to network. Most participants mentioned the stereotype of CIS being rich, as Zeng
said, “Well, as the stereotypes, I think they include, like, CIS are very rich.” Li Qiu also said,
“Well, first and foremost I can tell is most of my American students or classmate feel, like, all
international students from China are rich.” Participants’ comments confirmed the stereotypes of
being economically well-off presented in previous literature.
In academics, participants talked about the stereotypes about math and English. Felixz
said, “During my high school, people think of me as nerdy and good at math.” Zehui said, “One
stereotype is that Chinese students are all good at math, they can even teach a math class for their
classmates.” Mike also said, “The common stereotypes like Chinese students are good at math
and other STEM courses.” Unlike math, English was mentioned by some participants as a
negative stereotype, as Adal said, “The stereotypes include like CIS are always rich somehow,
and then another is that they’re really good at math and the third one would be their English is
terrible.” Zeng also talked about English, as she said, after she talked about the stereotype of
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being rich, “English grammar is very bad, and something like that.” The stereotypes of being
good at math and bad at English were no new findings.
In social networking, participants reported the same stereotypes discussed in previous
literature, such as isolation and reluctance to communicate with non-Chinese students. Shao said,
“They feel like CIS like to stay in their friend circle. They don’t like to make new friends or
invite new people to their friend circle.” AlexMa reported his personal experience of
stereotyping about social networking, as he said, “Once, one of my American friends asked me
why Chinese people don’t willing to talk to others, especially to American people. They feel
Chinese people don’t want to communicate with others except with the Chinese.” Participants
noticed others’ perceptions of CIS being isolated and unwilling to connect with students other
than Chinese.
Participants were aware of the stereotypes but did not think much about them. Wenjiao
said, “They stereotype a lot. I heard from one of my colleagues ever said that Chinese
international students are just very rich. They just spent a lot of money, and they wasted money,
but I don’t think this is discrimination.” Chrisz expressed her understanding of the stereotypes,
saying, “I wouldn’t be too angry about it. I think it is natural for them to have some stereotypes
toward Chinese people. We Chinese people also have some stereotypes of them. Because they
don’t have channels to know each other better.” Xiao also said, “So, I think these stereotypes are
very normal, and maybe Chinese people also have many stereotypes about America. It is
normal.” Hunterz considered the stereotypes things were becoming less serious, as he said:
Well, there’s a fun thing about the stereotype thing. We actually do. I have a lot of Asian
friends, not necessarily Chinese, in college. We actually have stereotypes against other
races. We just make jokes. So, I think right now people are taking it less and less
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seriously. Just take it as a joke, such as, like, Asians are good at math and Black people
like fried chicken. because I have a lot of Black friends. We just take the stereotypes as
jokes.
As all the stereotypes have been revealed in previous literature and participants’ neutral attitudes
toward this issue, new stereotypes are also not included as a major macro factor.
Except for the macro factors included in the interviews, participants commented on some
other elements that influence their life in the United States. Participants considered American
culture and living style easy to adapt to. Wenjiao had worried about her minority identity and
English capability before she came to the United States, as she said, “Before I came here, I
thought it would be very hard for me because I would be the minority group who is not good at
English.” After she “experienced the school life here,” she felt it was much easier than she
expected, as she said, “But when I came here, I found that it is a multi-culture place and there are
a lot of people just like me.” Alexz also had similar worries before coming to the United States.
He said, “I thought people would behave differently, and they would have different habits, and
customs. I expected it hard for me to get used to this distinct environment very quickly.” While
he adapted quite easily to life in America. He said, “But after only about 2 to 3 months, I felt I
had begun immersed in American life and enjoyed my school life. It is different from what I
expected before.” Most participants perceived adaptation to the American lifestyle as easier than
expected before coming to the United States.
Participants expressed their liking of the educational style in the United States. Chrisz
said, “I think the school system in U.S. college is very different from those in China. You will
get a lot of freedom after school and outside of classes. … I’m having a lot of fun in U.S.
college.” AlexMa learned a lot from campus activities besides formal classes and lectures. He
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said, “I think it’s pretty good and it’s a benefit to attend activities both online and in person. So,
there are many things I need to do except basic lecture learning.” Shao felt her life here was
good, but she thought the learning was more difficult than expected. She said, “But I feel like it
was a little harder than I had expected before I came here because before I came to the United
States. The message I got in China was like the school in the United States was easy.” She now
realized the difference between Chinese and American educational styles, as she said:
But after I came here, I found out it is not real. I feel, like, the United States is more a
kind of, like, a self-push study. You must clearly have your goals and push yourself to
work hard. That is different from China.
The pre-sojourn expectations participants had made them perceive the reality differently. The
real-life experience in the United States changed their perceptions after a period of time.
Participants considered that social networking with locals and other international students
made them frustrated. Zeng expressed the discrepancies from her expectations:
Well, for making friends, before I came to the United States, I had expected that I might
meet people from different countries, and I could make friends with people from different
countries. I thought people from different countries might become close friends. But it
turned out, so far, all my friends are CIS or American Chinese who originally came from
China. That’s quite different from what I had expected before.
Mike felt it was challenging to communicate with non-Chinese students in the United States, as
he said:
After I studied here for over 3 years, the most significant problems are social and living
in college life. I had to set up a new social network in college. I need to socialize with not
only Chinese students but also American domestic students and other international
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students. It is sometimes hard to communicate with them or make friends with non-
Chinese students because of their different cultural backgrounds.
Xiao thought social networking affected her college experience here. She said in length:
Overall, I don’t think I fit in very well at the university in America, because during this
year in the United States, my social circle was almost exclusively around Chinese people.
As far as I know, there is a tendency for Chinese students abroad to group together. They
tend to stay and play with Chinese people because we share the same language and
culture, which made it easier for us to get along. However, besides our own reasons, I
think American culture is also one of the reasons. Because I think college in America
makes me feel less sense of community. I think it’s hard to build a connection with other
people. Because there are no things like classes here, and everyone is on their own.
Everyone chooses their own classes according to their own plans. And in UC schools
each course is only ten weeks long, which is too short to build relationships with others in
such a short period of time for me. So, when the course is over, students in the same class
will barely keep any connection with each other.
In the interviews, participants mentioned social and cultural factors that produced some
influences on their acculturation process in the United States. Most of the results had been
discussed by previous literature, so they are beyond the focus of the present research.
Adaptation Strategies
In the interviews, participants showed resourcefulness in addressing the challenges and
stress while adapting to the new environment. Participants reported communication with
families, sharing with friends, and contact with classmates as effective strategies, which
confirmed findings in previous studies. The research presented some new findings in
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acculturation strategies, like keeping information balance, being brave, self-compassion, and
building confidence. The following section will present these findings on participants’ adaptation
strategies.
Social Networking
The interviews showed that communication with families and friends was an effective
strategy for overcoming their adaptation challenges. Participants reported talking to their parents
and sharing their experiences and feelings with friends when they encountered challenges and
acculturative stress. Adal said, “I basically would communicate with my host family and my
mom.” Zeng felt she was lucky because she has two cousins studying in universities here. “They
introduced a lot of their friends to me and taught me the differences between China and the
United States. That helped me a lot to get familiar with this city.” she said. Wenjiao said, “I
talked about everything with my parents.” Except for families, participants reported friends and
classmates as resources for help. Xiao stated that “Life in the United States is still quite easy to
adapt to” because she can “find Chinese people with similar backgrounds here.” Felixz
considered that his way to release pressure is to share with his friends, as he said, “So I would
just talk to friends, I guess.” He mainly communicated with other CIS, saying, “Most of my
friends are Chinese, so we are still making friends and doing things in the Chinese way here.” On
the contrary, Hunterz made friends mainly with non-Chinese students. He said, “I started to
make more friends that are local, and I know basically all my friends are, from my standpoint,
foreigners.” He felt good about that and said, “I think it is a pretty good start because I can fit
into their social trend and could be one of them. It’s a good thing.” Li Qiu also did not limit his
networking with CIS. He said, “So, I like to make friends even if they come from different
cultures. I try to ask a lot of questions. Try to understand these people’s feelings.” Zehui felt that
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his friends and classmates helped him get used to life in the United States, as he said,
“Sometimes I will chat with my friends, and we will share ideas and thoughts about those
conflicts on the Internet over China and America. And sometimes I will try to talk about the
problems with my American friends too.” He further emphasized the importance of
communication with classmates. He said:
I think the first thing to adjust myself to life in the United States is to communicate with
my classmates, especially in big classes where there are a lot of students. I tried to talk to
them and make friends with them. It really helped me to adjust to life in the United
States. I also tried to connect with more people by going to gyms, libraries, and dining
halls. I talked to students there and make more friends through various events and
activities. So, I think the biggest thing that I can adjust myself into the U.S. life is
communication and social interaction with other people.
Participants considered that social support and networking, including communication with
families, friends, and classmates, helped them adapt. Some participants mainly mixed with other
CIS, while others went beyond their co-national circles and made friends with domestic and
international students. All these networking enhanced participants’ acculturation process.
Being Brave
Some participants suggested that being brave and proactive in the host society is the key
to successful adaptation. Mike thought the experience in the United States changed him. He said,
“I find that I have changed to become more talkative and proactive after I came to the United
States because the social culture right here required me to be like this to adapt to this
environment.” He considered it a good thing to change himself like this, saying, “Because this
kind of behavior is positive, I would like to do this. It also improves my ability to socialize with
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others.” Li Qiu said, “I try to step out of my comfort zone. As I mentioned in the beginning, I
have a very strong purpose to practice my English and study in the beginning, so that’s why I
choose it.” He reflected on his attitude toward using English and said, “I have a lot of Indian and
other international student friends. They speak English with strong accents, but Americans
totally understand. That made me brave to practice my English!” Wenjiao said her father always
encouraged her to be brave, and that helped her grow. She said, “He just told me to bravely face
the challenges. In my first year in the United States, I met some troubles with host families and
different cultures and cried a lot. But all that just helped me grow.” Participants considered being
brave and proactive to be a positive change in themselves and helped them get immersed in the
new society.
Information Balance
Participants stated that keeping balance and objectivity in information is essential for
their mental and emotional well-being. They emphasized the necessity of getting information
from different sources and seeing things from multiple perspectives. Xiao said:
Well for me, to overcome the challenges is to rationally see the different cultures of
America and China. So, what I do is seek out some diverse sources of information.
Because I think that it can be helpful to see all the original sources. The different
perspectives of the United States and China make me better understand the cultural
backgrounds of both countries and those helped open my mind.
Mike emphasized the importance of balance, as he said, “So, I just feel that there still should be a
balance of information when I want to figure out this kind of issue. I need to find a balance so
that everything seems to be objective for me.” He further said:
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I think one of my most important ways to overcome those challenges is I watched the
news and comments on social media in both China and the United States. This is because
I try to find a balance between the news and comments and to see how normal people and
governments view these issues. That can ensure that I have a maximum objective on
those issues.
Wenjiao did not want to trust “everything on social media.” Whenever she faced a problem, she
would “search on the Internet, from both the Chinese side and the American side, and to see if
there are any differences.” She cared very much about the diversity of the news sources, as she
said:
I think the most important solution is not being stereotyped and not influenced by a single
news source. Search more and try to get information from different sources. I think more
information might not always lead you to the right answer, but it at least can tell you
more about how others think about the same thing.
Participants believed many news reports and social media postings were biased and extreme.
They showed reluctance to be swung by any single opinion but rather to find more diverse
information sources and balance their perceptions, which participants asserted helped them
address the acculturation challenges.
Self-Compassion and Confidence
Some participants said that one of the most effective strategies to address adaptation
problems is self-compassion and to keep confident. For example, HunterZ said, “Well, what I
think about overcoming these problems is that I get rid of all those opinions, and just do what I
do, and care none of other people’s businesses. Just don’t care, be yourself.” Felixz directly
expressed:
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I think just to be more confident. There are Americans pointed out my accents, but I just
don’t care. I think it helps just to be yourself and don’t care about those negative things or
stuff. Those people are just mean or just jealous of you. So just don’t care and to be
confident. It’s a powerful tool to overcome all those challenges.
Chrisz shared her change. She said that, in the past, she felt shy and awkward in communicating
with local people because “when they laugh you don’t know what they’re laughing about.” Now
she has become confident in networking with them. She said, “But right now, I think, honestly, it
is the easiest thing to overcome because you can just ask them what that means. Don’t be shy
about asking, that’s one of the things.” Participants highlighted the importance of confidence and
self-compassion in transitioning to the new environment. They chose to ignore some noises that
might cause distractions and kept their self-esteem. They believed this psychological condition
helped them adapt to the host society.
Summary
The 12 interviews produced findings on how participants perceived the recent macro
factors and the influences on their acculturation. COVID-19, rising nationalism in China, the
U.S.–China tensions, and anti-Asian racism were the main factors that participants reported
impacting their perceptions. Participants showed resourcefulness in addressing the challenges
and stress due to the macro environmental turbulences. They chose integration as their primary
acculturative strategy. They expressed willingness to immerse into the host society while
keeping strong connections with their home country. The interviews provided answers to the
research questions of the current study, which will be stated in the next chapter.

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Chapter Five: Research Questions
Findings from the interviews addressed the three research questions of the study. They
revealed the correlations between the recent macro factors and CIS’ acculturative situations,
stress, and coping strategies. The macro factors concerned both China and the United States,
influencing participants’ perceptions of and attitudes toward their home country and the host
society, leading to different acculturation situations they chose to put themselves in through the
quadrants. Based on the findings, this chapter presents the answers to the three research
questions.
Research Question 1
This section presents the findings that help address the first research question, “How and
to what extent do CIS perceive macro-environmental factors to be related to their experience of
acculturative stress? (Macro-environmental factors may include rising nationalism, the COVID-
19 pandemic, tensions in U.S.–China relations, and experiences of anti-Asian racism and
negative stereotyping).” Among the recent macro factors, participants reported their perceptions
of major influences by the COVID-19 pandemic, rising nationalism in China, the U.S.–China
tensions, and anti-Asian racism in the United States. Participants showed a lack of interest in
international issues like the Ukraine War. Even some participants had some opinions over the
war, they stated that it did not affect their life. Participants identified some stereotypes discussed
in previous research regarding the new stereotypes. Also, participants noted that those
stereotypes had little effect on their perception of college life in the United States. As a result,
the Ukraine War and new stereotypes are not included in the analysis. The following sections
discuss participants’ perceptions of the influences on their acculturative stress due to COVID-19,
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rising nationalism in China, the U.S.–China tensions, and the anti-Asian racism in the United
States.
The Adverse Influences of COVID-19
As to the question about COVID-19, the timing of the study played a critical role. Most
participants considered that China did a better job at the early stage of the pandemic, while the
United States functioned much better at the later stage. The increasingly stringent “Zero-
COVID” policy in 2021 and 2022, when the Omicron had become the primary coronavirus
variant, seriously hurt participants’ perceptions of China’s performance during the pandemic.
Overall, observing from the standpoint of the ending of COVID-19, all participants were more in
favor of how the United States handled the pandemic. COVID-19 had multi-faceted influences
on participants’ mental, emotional, and physical conditions. Public opinions on Chinese social
media, the “Zero-COVID” policy, online learning, and perception of cultural differences were
mentioned as important influencing factors.
Participants were acutely aware of the cybernationalism and cyberbullies during the
pandemic in China, which targeted not only other countries but also CIS returned from abroad.
They expressed their indignation and dissatisfaction toward the Chinese government and the
media under its control for instigating the xenophobic and blind nationalistic sentiment.
Participants perceived that these public opinions significantly increased their negative feelings
toward their home country.
Besides the hostile social media discourses, participants were depressed and frustrated by
the travel restrictions, quarantine rules, community shut down, and other strict measures due to
the “Zero-COVID” policy. They strongly disagreed with the policy and considered some of the
Chinese government’s actions political rather than practical. Participants perceived that the
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stringent measures disrupted their life, obstructed their trip back home, and negatively affected
their perception of China, thus, increased their acculturative stress.
Online education during the pandemic affected participants’ learning experiences and
mental and physical health. Time differences, Internet connection, barriers in communication,
and lack of campus resources support made participants consider online education far less
effective than in-person education on campus. The time difference reversed the participants’
daily life routine while they were in China. They had to take classes at 2:00 or 3:00 a.m., which
made them exhausted and ineffective. The firewall block of important online learning resources
and unstable Internet connection disrupted participants’ academic activities, which led to
“permanent negative impacts” on their grades, as Mike put it.
The prolonged absence of in-person connection made participants lose the friendship and
networks they set up before the pandemic or might have developed in everyday campus life. All
participants believed they would have learned much more and better through in-person education
on campus. Participants felt regretful because the long-time online learning damaged their
learning outcome and deprived them of valuable college life.
Participants felt confused and annoyed by the extensive cultural conflicts and clashes
between their home country and the host society. They perceived that they obtained deepened
insights into the cultural differences between the United States and China through observing the
two countries’ different policies, reactions, and attitudes toward the pandemic. Participants
identified freedom, individualism, social Darwinism, and limited government power as critical
norms in American society. At the same time, they considered conformity to national strategy,
collectivism, respecting elders, self-sacrifice for majority interests, and omnipresent government
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power to be important principles in Chinese tradition. They thought the two distinct cultures
were almost “the opposite,” as Xiao and AlexMa put it separately.
Participants perceived that COVID-19 negatively influenced their attitudes toward their
home country and increased their acculturative stress. They felt depressed by the negative public
opinions on Chinese social media during the pandemic. They perceived the “Zero-COVID”
policy as unrealistic and political, seriously affecting their life and feelings. Participants
considered online learning as exhausting, frustrating, and low effective. They were confused and
frustrated by the confrontational contrasts between the cultures of their home country and the
host society.
Rising Nationalism in China Increases Stress
As the participants did not experience much of the Trump administration’s harsh policies
toward international students, they mainly talked about their perceptions of the rising
nationalistic ideology in China. Participants considered rising nationalism in China did more
harm than good and hurt the Chinese people’s image worldwide. The rising nationalism did not
increase the participants’ attachment to their home country but, instead, made them irritated,
disappointed, and worried by the irrational, arrogant, and antagonistic extreme nationalistic
remarks on Chinese social media. They attributed the increasingly aggressive and xenophobic
sentiment mainly to the official propaganda controlled by CCP and the Chinese government.
Participants were depressed by the thought that rising nationalism in China had become a
political tool for the government to manipulate its people. Participants expressed dismay about
China’s increasingly heightened conservative political environment and omnipresent government
control. Though some participants said that the nationalistic fervor in China had dramatically
decreased since 2021, when the “Zero-COVID” policy had caused widespread resentment and
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disillusionment, the disturbance and stress it imposed on participants may be a prolonged impact
on their acculturation and mental health.
Worries About the U.S.–China Tensions
The U.S.–China tensions made participants worried about their upcoming college life in
the United States and their expectations after graduation. Participants understood the reasons for
the turbulent political context between the two countries as America’s anxiety about losing the
global leadership position and China’s extreme nationalistic ideology, which would put CIS
vulnerable on both sides. While participants worried about the increasing racial and political
hostility in the United States, they were particularly frustrated and disturbed by the arrogant and
antagonistic remarks toward the United States on Chinese social media, which put them in the
crossfire of the bilateral confrontations.
In contrast to the depressing macro environment, participants reported a neutral and
friendly microsystem on campus and in their social networking. Their professors and U.S.
domestic peers were nice, and their CIS friends seldom discussed U.S.–China relationships.
Participants considered the university campus a safe place, shielding them from adverse
circumstances outside. With the protection of the microsystem, participants could employ their
agency to overcome the stress due to the hostile political context.
Perceptions of Stress Over Anti-Asian Racism
Anti-Asian discrimination heightened due to COVID-19 adversely impacted participants’
mental and emotional well-being, making them feel worried, depressed, and disillusioned. Five
participants reported personal experiences of racial discrimination. Their narration manifested
racial discrimination’s deleterious and prolonged effects on people’s psychological and
emotional welfare. Hunterz encountered racial discrimination in elementary school but still felt
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agonized to recall that experience even after almost 10 years. AlexMa felt greatly insulted by the
word “Chinc” which he learned the meaning of only after he looked it up in the dictionary
afterward.
Even without direct personal experiences, news reports on the upsurging anti-Asian
incidences nationwide at the beginning of the pandemic scared both the participants and their
parents, causing great anxiety and apprehension over the safety situation in the United States.
Participants in the current study expressed a loss of confidence and disillusionment toward
American society due to their observation of the widespread racism during the pandemic. In
addition, participants felt great empathy over their friends’ encounters with racial discrimination.
All this information created a hazardous macro system, making participants feel that the risks
and threats were around them.
Under precarious macro circumstances, university campuses provided comparatively safe
microsystems. Almost all participants expressed their satisfaction with their campus environment
regarding racial discrimination. Participants thought their professors, university staff, and
domestic peers were all nice and friendly. They perceived that people in universities were not
easily influenced by racism, unlike those racists, being described by participants as
“uneducated,” “hopeless,” “stupid,” and “down.” The agreeable microsystem on campus
enhanced participants’ perceptions that racists are only a minority group of people, not the whole
American society, which helped moderate the stress due to the adverse macro environment.
Conclusion
Among the recent macro factors included in the interviews, participants perceived
multifaceted stress related to COVID-19, rising nationalism in China, the U.S.–China tensions,
and anti-Asian racism. New stereotypes and the Ukraine War either drew little attention from
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participants or did not present particular findings different from what had been revealed in
previous literature. These participants witnessed a turbulent era during their college life in the
United States. They went through hardships and challenges unimaginable to their predecessors.
The interviews gave them a rare opportunity to express the mental and emotional stress they had
experienced, presenting insightful findings that had never been revealed.
Research Question 2
The second research question is, “To what extent and how do the experiences of stress
that CIS experience due to macro-environmental factors influence their acculturation, using the
lens of Berry’s acculturation model?” The interviews revealed that stress due to the recent macro
factors imposed varied influences on participants’ acculturation conditions. Participants reported
that they perceived stress from different sources in various scenarios, which led to disparate
impacts on their acculturation process. In this section, the macro factors and the subfactors are
analyzed through the lens of Berry’s acculturation mode (2005) and are categorized into the four
strategies according to the acculturative outcomes they produced.
Integration
Integration refers to the acculturation strategy that keeps strong connections both with the
home culture and the host society (Berry, 2005). Participants’ interviews revealed that the three
sub-factors, culture, campus, and education style, heightened participants’ perceptions of
integration. Participants all expressed their adherence to the Chinese traditional culture in which
they were raised. At the same time, participants showed a great interest in American culture.
Their fondness for American culture originated from macro cultural factors, like the love of
freedom and independence, which they intensely witnessed during the COVID-19 pandemic, and
from the micro cultural factors, like the American lifestyle they experienced daily.
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The campus provided participants with a safe zone under the turbulent macro
circumstances of anti-Asian racism and the U.S.–China tensions. Participants stated that they
were well protected on campus, where ideologies like multiculturalism, diversity, equity, and
inclusion, are the mainstream. Participants reported that their professors and domestic peers were
all friendly and open minded. The friendly environment on campus created a microsystem of
multiculturalism, which enhanced participants’ confidence in integration.
Participants expressed their favorable perceptions of the education style at U.S.
universities. In terms of the macro system, participants preferred the American educational
principles, advocating freedom and independence. They could choose the courses they like and
manage their time on their own. The participants also expressed their conformity with the
independent and critical thinking they acquired in the United States. From the perspective of the
microsystem, participants reported a favorable classroom environment and good relationships
with their professors and classmates, both domestic and from other countries. They felt that
professors were helpful and showed due respect for CIS’ racial and cultural backgrounds. They
also stated that they felt safe and relaxed when discussing and working on tasks with their peers.
The friendly and inclusive atmosphere in the classroom motivated participants to integrate into
the host society.
Separation
Separation is defined as solid attachments to the home culture while reluctant to involve
in the host society (Berry, 2005). Three factors related to participants’ separation inclination
from American society: anti-Asian racism, the U.S.–China tensions, and networking with
domestic peers. Both personal experiences and the macro-environment seriously hurt
participants’ feelings and self-esteem and affected their perceptions of the host society. As a
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result, they chose to separate themselves from the mainstream culture rather than worrying about
the potential risks in further involvement.
Participants reported significant psychological and emotional disturbances due to anti-
Asian racism, resulting in increased inclination to separation. Their accounts of personal
experiences of racial discrimination revealed prolonged adverse effects on their mental health.
Incidences of anti-Asian racism they heard from news reports and their friends deteriorated their
impression of the host society and pushed them to separate themselves.
Participants showed concern over the trend of the U.S.–China tensions even though most
did not feel much impact in their lives. Their understanding of the causes of the bilateral tensions
strengthened the opinion in their mind of China’s rise and America’s anxiety, which led to a
stronger affiliation to their home country and an inclination to separate from American society.
The U.S.–China tensions mainly influenced the participants’ macro system, making them
apprehend their future. They chose not to be exposed to the deleterious social environment and
planned to return to China after graduation.
The frustration that participants experienced in networking with domestic students made
them reluctant to involve more in the host society. Most participants expressed disappointment in
failing to develop lasting friendships with peers other than CIS. Cultural differences, potential
prejudice, and perceived discrimination made participants feel awkward and self-abased in
mixing with American domestic students. Instead, participants chose to retreat to their co-
nationals and separate from mainstream society.
Assimilation
Assimilation is the strategy that actively immerses in the host society and weakens the
connection with the home culture (Berry, 2005). In the interviews, participants criticized the
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Chinese government’s media manipulation for encouraging blind nationalism and its “Zero-
COVID” policy at the later stage of the pandemic. Participants expressed anger and frustration
over the scathing remarks on Chinese social media during the pandemic and the arrogant and
aggressive public opinions toward other countries. These hostile sentiments hurt participants’
perceptions of their home country, pushing them more toward assimilation into the host society.
COVID-19 and rising nationalism made participants acutely observe that the Chinese
government’s ubiquitous media control and censorship seriously limited Chinese people’s
sources of information and objective voices on social and political issues. Participants attributed
the hostile public discourses to the Chinese government’s manipulation. Personal witness of
comparisons between the two political contexts strengthened participants’ inclination toward
American democracy and aversion to the Chinese autocracy.
The “Zero-COVID” policy has become a turning point not only for participants’
confidence in the Chinese administration but also for the Chinese public support for their
government. Participants expressed their strong support and sympathy for the recent protests all
over China against the government’s policies. The unrealistic goal, inhumane measures, and the
abrupt ending all heightened participants’ disgust of the “Zero-COVID” policy as irrational,
unrealistic, and ridiculous. Participants blamed government administrators at all levels in China
for caring only about their political performance and personal career rather than Chinese
people’s sufferings, which participants worried might happen to themselves in the future. All
these feelings significantly hurt participants’ perceptions of their home society and made them
more eager to accept American ideologies, like freedom of speech, human rights, and limited
government.
Marginalization
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Marginalization refers to the acculturation strategy that keeps weak connections both to
the home and host society (Berry, 2005). Participants perceived being marginalized and
antagonized by both their home and the host society when they were caught in the crossfire of
rising nationalism in China and the anti-Asian racism in the United States right amid the great
solicitude of COVID-19.
Participants expressed their frustration and disillusionment when they were ridiculed and
blamed by Chinese netizens during the pandemic while, at the same time, they were seized by
anxiety and fear in the face of anti-Asian racism in the United States. They reported depression
and frustration over the dramatically changed attitudes of Chinese people toward studying abroad
in the United States, from an enviable privilege to a sign of betrayal of the motherland. While on
the other hand, participants who planned to apply to postgraduate in the United States worried
about their student visa renewal due to the rising refusal rate of the U.S. embassy in China.
Participants experienced a sense of marginalization, which put them in great confusion and
anxiety.
Conclusion
The interviews revealed that the stress participants perceived due to the recent macro
factors directly or indirectly influenced their acculturation process. The macro factors led to
mixed influences on participants’ perceptions of their home country and the host society. Even in
the same macro factor, various subfactors produced discrepant influences on participants.
Analysis drawing on Berry’s acculturation model (Berry, 2005) showed that the macro factors
influenced all four acculturation strategies, integration, separation, assimilation, and
marginalization. Connecting to participants’ self-comments on their present acculturation
situation, the research revealed that integration was the prominent acculturation strategy and the
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most desired acculturation situation that the participants intentionally adapted themselves to. To
achieve the acculturation outcome, participants adopted various coping strategies to overcome
the challenges and difficulties they met in college in the United States.
Research Question 3
The third research question is, “What strategies do CIS report using to mitigate the
acculturative stress they experience due to macro-environmental factors?” In the interviews,
participants presented various coping strategies to help themselves overcome the challenges and
bad times in their college life. Besides the leisure activities, like playing games and hanging out
with friends, which have been discussed in previous literature, the participants shared some
methods they considered effective, including social networking, being brave, keeping
information balance, and keeping confident and self-compassion.
Social Support
Even though they were far apart, encouragement and consolation from their parents
provided significant support for participants when they were in difficulties. Their CIS friends in
the United States were another great source of emotional comfort and pressure relief. Participants
told stories about how they shared their concerns with other CIS and got valuable information
and suggestions from each other. The close relationship among CIS shielded participants from
the hostile environment and brought them peace and resilience. Beyond the co-nationals,
participants also got support from their classmates, including American domestic and other
international students. The friendliness and hospitality from non-Chinese peers and professors
mitigated participants’ stress due to the sense of isolation.
To Be Brave
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The experience of adverse situations did not dampen participants’ enthusiasm to learn
and thrive. Some participants stated that the best way to win the challenges was to become brave
to engage in communication with all kinds of people and to be proactive to immerse in the host
society. Participants recalled their experiences of active participation in class discussions and
thought it really helped them subdue fears in their transition to the new environment. Proactive
involvement in communication with domestic peers also familiarized participants with the
cultural and social norms in the United States, which significantly improved their adaptation.
Confidence and Self-compassion
The interviews showed that participants did not always passively address the challenges.
They developed their own agency and resourcefulness in overcoming the difficulties.
Participants reported that they sometimes encouraged themselves by ignoring or just despising
the negative voices around them. Regarding anti-Asian discrimination and blaming remarks on
Chinese social media, participants just considered them as a kind of jealousy and bias of some
hopeless people in both countries. These strategies helped them cheer themselves up and resume
mental peace.
Information Balance
One of the most exciting findings of the current study is that participants highlighted the
significance of information balance in their coping strategies. Participants were unwilling to be
influenced by opinions, especially on social media. They wanted to keep their independent
critical thinking and make judgments by themselves. Regarding the macro factors in the
interviews, participants showed independent judgment and critical thinking abilities, with
information and views from different sources. The balanced information helped them keep
balance in their emotional and psychological conditions.
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Summary
In the interviews, participants presented various coping strategies, which helped them
overcome challenges and difficulties in specific situations. The four representative strategies
discussed above showed that participants in this study tried actively to immerse in the host
society and enhance their acculturation outcomes. They did not retreat when encountering
difficulties but bravely challenged their potential and insisted on pursuing their goals. The
turbulent macro environments in the past several years made the already rough overseas-study
life more challenging. The participants showed remarkable resourcefulness and strong
willpower. They overcame the barriers and progressed with concrete steps toward their dreams
for which they came here, the United States of America.
The findings of the current study addressed the three research questions. They revealed
that participants experienced various stressors due to the recent macro factors, leading to
different acculturation perceptions. The study showed that participants developed effective
coping strategies for the challenges and barriers. Most participants intentionally tried to achieve
and currently landed themselves in integration, their ideal acculturation situation. Their
acculturation is a dynamic process, which might lead to unlimited possibilities in an era of
turbulence and uncertainty.

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Chapter Six: Discussion
The current study examined CIS’ experience of acculturative stress related to recent
macro factors, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, rising nationalism in China, the U.S.–China
tensions, and the anti-Asian racism in the United States. It explored how CIS perceived the
influences of stress due to the recent macro factors on their acculturation process in the United
States. This study also examined the coping strategies CIS employed to overcome their
challenges. The qualitative approach was used as the primary research method for the current
study. 12 interviews were conducted with undergraduate CIS currently studying at U.S.
universities. The interview consisted of 12 questions pertaining to this study’s research questions
and theoretical framework. Each interview lasted about 60 minutes. The interviews were
recorded and transcribed by the embedded Zoom functions. Atlas.ti was used to code and recode
the transcripts for the data analysis. There are three sections in this chapter, discussions,
recommendations, and limitations and future research. The chapter ended with a conclusion of
the current study.
Discussion
The current research generated some theoretical suggestions as well as practical
reflections, which will be discussed in this section. Firstly, the current study shows that the
combination of Berry’s acculturation theory (Berry, 2005) and Bronfenbrenner’s ecological
system theory (Bronfenbrenner, 1979) creates a meaningful theoretical framework to examine
CIS’ and other international students’ acculturation problems in the United States. While Berry’s
acculturation theory focuses on the acculturation strategies and outcomes (Berry, 2005),
Bronfenbrenner’s ecological system theory (Bronfenbrenner, 1979) mainly examines various
environmental factors impacting the acculturation process. By combining the two theories,
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researchers can dive deeper into the different levels of the ecological system to check their
specific influences on international students’ acculturation problems. In a complex society like
the United States, international students are simultaneously influenced by different, often
opposite, powers, leading to conflicting acculturation outcomes. Seeing the social environment
as a monolithic whole cannot reveal the complex acculturation experiences of international
students. By putting Berry’s acculturation model in the context of Bronfenbrenner’s ecological
systems, researchers can get a detailed and comprehensive overview of the complicated
acculturation process and acculturative stress of CIS.
Secondly, the study agrees with the spanning systems model by Garton et al. (2021), a
developmental model revision of Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model, which suggests that
international students simultaneously exist in and are influenced by the two ecological systems
of their home and the host countries. The two separated ecological systems connect, interact, and
interplay only through the international students at the center (Garton et al., 2021). Berry (2005)
pointed out that acculturation is an interactive and reciprocal process, leading to the four
categories of acculturation strategies and outcomes, integration, separation, assimilation, and
marginalization, defining specific attitudes toward and connections with the home country and
the host society. According to Garton et al. (2021), participants were caught between the two
cultures and ecological systems and had to choose which to follow under certain conditions. The
integration of the two cultures in harmony may enhance international students’ multicultural
competence and learning outcomes, but conflicts between two cultures can produce detrimental
effects on and marginalization of international students from both their home country and the
host society (Garton et al., 2021). Nowadays, technology has made seamless connection
convenient and at literally no cost. Through the Internet and social media, international students
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can instantly access the news in their home country and can virtually stay together with their
families and home networks all the time. The ecological systems of their home country and the
host society synchronously influence international students’ acculturation process. In this sense,
international students’ acculturation turns from the bilateral relationship between international
students and the host society into a trilateral interaction among the home country, the
international students, and the host society. The trilateral interactions open a whole new space for
acculturation researchers.
Thirdly, the study revealed that CIS’ acculturation is a dynamic process. Their ongoing
experiences and observations and the fluctuating contexts of ecological systems in both their
home country and the host society make their acculturation situation change all the time. Ward
and Geeraert (2016) suggested that acculturation should be considered as a much more complex
changing process rather than the so-called U-shaped pattern by Oberg (1960). With increasing
globalization, transnationalism, and transforming demographics within nations, the dramatically
changed world requires researchers and practitioners to revise and expand their knowledge to
conceptualize and measure acculturation (War & Geeraert, 2016). As short time sojourners, CIS
have different acculturation motivations from immigrants, who are more determined to
assimilate into the host society. CIS want to integrate into the new environment during their
college life, but they must consider their plans back to their home country after graduation,
which makes them more susceptible to the ecological contexts of both their home country and
the host society. In the volatile and turbulent environment of the current world, CIS’
acculturation process can be very unpredictable.
Fourthly, CIS studying at U.S. universities will unavoidably encounter comparisons and
conflicts between the two diametrically different political systems of China and the United
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States, which may increase CIS’ confusion and acculturative stress like what had happened
during the pandemic. Fan et al. (2020) stated that Chinese students who came to the United
States for college education were generally more in favor of democracy and Western culture
against the authoritarian political system and nationalistic ideology in China. Heng (2020) also
revealed that CIS appreciate the American culture that advocates freedom, independence, and
humanity. Except for their pro-democracy predisposition, most of the current CIS are self-
funded, exempt them from the obligations those public-funded students commit to toward their
government. However, regardless of their inclination to accept the Western political civilization,
CIS must be cautious of the risk of offending the authority in China. CIS perceive more intense
discord in the current situation where China is becoming more conservative and nationalistic in
its political ideology (Yu, 2021; Yu, 2022). The increasing tensions and clashes will put CIS in a
quagmire and increase their acculturative stress.
Finally, the study revealed that multiculturalism and the principles of diversity, equity,
and inclusiveness significantly enhance U.S. universities’ attractiveness to CIS. They come to
the United States not only for the advanced knowledge they learn from the universities but also
to broaden their visions and increase their cross-cultural competence. As a critical factor in the
globalization of higher education, CIS play an important part in U.S. higher education
institutions. However, global student mobility and academic exchange has become a tool in
geopolitical competitions between the largest world powers (Allen & Ye, 2021). University
campuses in the United States shield CIS from the hazardous effects of the macro environment
(Chen & Wen, 2021). In the turbulent and volatile environment of the current world, it is the
universities’ responsibility to create safe zones for CIS, who will become leaders in building a
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better future for the world. The institutional effort will improve CIS’ acculturation experience
and enhance America’s advantage in competitions for global student mobility.
Even with a dramatic decrease, China is still the largest source country for international
students in the United States in 2023 (Opendoors, n.d.). CIS made significant economic and
cultural contributions to U.S. higher education and American society. Due to the distant cultural
background, CIS might encounter more challenges and stress in their acculturation process in the
United States. As the current study’s findings indicate, various macro factors significantly
impacted CIS’ acculturation process, which, in turn, may influence their life and learning in the
United States. Commitment from multiple levels is needed to achieve CIS’ healthy growth and
universities’ prosperity.
Recommendations
The current study was conducted right after the Chinese government officially announced
abolishing the “Zero-COVID” policy, which basically meant the end of the COVID-19 pandemic
worldwide. The stringent elimination policy seriously impacted social and economic activities in
China and might have long-lasting detrimental effects on China’s economy (Liu, 2022). While
the study was going on, protests against the government’s policies erupted across China, which
showed unambiguous public dissidence and undermined nationalism unseen for decades in
China (Li & Hong, 2022). In the United States, anti-Asian racism has significantly subsided
since President Biden took office (Lee & Arroyo, 2022). Internationally, the Ukraine War
entered its second year, and the United States shot down a surveillance balloon from China, both
of which further deepened U.S.–China divisions and tensions (Carson, 2023; Glaser, 2022). The
macro factors included in the current study not only greatly influenced participants’ acculturation
in the United States but also dramatically altered the world. The changing environment requires
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institutions, scholars, and practitioners concerning CIS and other international students to refresh
their perspectives and upgrade their strategies. Based on the current study’s findings, five
recommendations are presented as practical implications.
Firstly, higher educational institutions should heighten the policy of multiculturalism and
cross-cultural communication and be dedicated to building the campus into a hospitable
microsystem of diversity, equity, and inclusion. As the findings revealed, participants postulated
that university campuses were critical in protecting them from the adverse macro environment
during anti-Asian racism, the U.S.–China tensions, and other difficult times. Universities and
colleges should continue to uphold the principles of open-mindedness and receptiveness,
welcoming and embracing academic innovations as well as different cultures. It will significantly
reduce CIS’ frustration and anxiety if they can find a safe zone on campus.
Secondly, it is necessary to set up an effective emergency response system in higher
educational institutions. Participants’ unpleasant experiences with online learning and other
incidents during the pandemic showed that U.S. universities and colleges were deficient in
addressing emergent situations. Under the turbulent circumstances of the current world,
institutions should get ready anytime to protect their students and consistently provide high-
quality educational services in extreme and unexpected situations, be it a war, natural disaster,
public health crisis, social turmoil, or political conflict. Universities and colleges should make
contingency plans and prepare backup resources to improve their capabilities to address the
challenges.
Thirdly, universities and colleges should create more opportunities to encourage CIS and
domestic students to network and communicate. As findings suggested, friendships with
domestic students were CIS’ expectations for college life as well as the reasons for their
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frustration and depression. Institutional and systematic efforts are needed to improve cross-
cultural connections, reduce CIS’ acculturation stress, and enhance American students’
multicultural competence.
Fourthly, higher education institutions, educators, and researchers should speak up
representing CIS. The authorities and experts should actively disseminate the knowledge and
awareness that most CIS nowadays are self-funded and have nothing to do with their home
government. CIS studying in the United States are predisposed to American democracy and
Western cultures. They should be separated from the Chinese administration and its ruling party,
the CCP. They deserve to be treated fairly and accepted into society.
Finally, universities and colleges should reinforce education of democratic ideologies and
Western political civilization toward CIS. The Chinese government and CCP are increasingly
strengthening their control over education and propaganda, brainwashing young students with
nationalism and the philosophy of struggle. Young CIS feel doubtful and reluctant to accept
those authoritarian doctrines, but they must also empower and equip themselves with
counteracting ideologies. As future leaders, young CIS’ inclination will have far-reaching
impacts on the world. Modern civilization and critical thinking capabilities will help CIS
contribute to a healthy U.S.–China relationship and sustainable world peace and prosperity.
Limitations and Future Research
The current study has some limitations, which leave space for suggestions for further
research in the future. Firstly, the study was conducted right after the COVID-19 pandemic and
in the middle of international turmoil, like the Ukraine War and U.S.–China tensions, which
might make participants’ responses temporary, transitional, and emotional. The timing of the
150

study only provided a snapshot of participants’ acculturation situations at a specific time point.
Future research might produce more findings with more settled conditions and longitudinal data.
Secondly, the participants in this study mainly come from California and the West Coast
(except two from Baltimore), limiting the samples’ representativeness. Future studies could
expand recruiting scope to include participants from various locations in the United States, which
might lead to different responses and findings. Some participants stated that the reasons why
they had never personally encountered racial discrimination might be their residence in
California, where a high ratio of immigrants and multiculturalism creates a more inclusive
environment than in other parts of America. Geographic and demographic variance might lead to
very different social and cultural circumstances, which, in turn, may affect CIS’ acculturation
process.
Thirdly, the interviews in the current study were all conducted in English, which might
affect the participants’ expression of some subtle feelings. Though it was made clear to every
participant before the interview that they could use Chinese, when necessary, they rarely needed
that help. Future research could do interviews in Chinese or bilingually in English and Chinese to
obtain more obscure and comprehensive responses.
Finally, the present study only interviewed CIS, representing one-sided perceptions.
Future studies may invite American domestic students or professors who have contacts with CIS.
They may contribute ideas and observations from different perspectives. It is particularly
important for studies on the influences of macro factors, like COVID-19, the U.S.–China
tensions, anti-Asian racism, and the Ukraine War, which everybody witnesses and is more or less
affected by. Perceptions from different perspectives may deepen understanding and enrich
findings.
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The current study may serve as a start to investigate macro factors’ influences on CIS’
acculturation process and stress. It will help improve CIS’ learning outcome and life experience
in the United States. It may also benefit U.S. higher educational institutions, promoting their
capabilities to serve and manage international students.
Conclusion
The present study examined CIS’ perceptions of the recent macro factors related to their
acculturative stress. The macro factors include COVID-19, rising nationalism in China, the U.S.–
China tensions, and anti-Asian racism. The study also explored how stress due to the macro
factors influenced CIS’ acculturation situation through the lens of Berry’s acculturation model
(2005) and CIS’ coping strategies in their transition to the new cultural and social environment in
the United States. The study used the qualitative method and based the research on a theoretical
framework combining Bronfenbrenner’s ecological system theory and Berry’s acculturation
model. Twelve interviews were conducted with CIS participants currently studying at U.S.
universities.
The study found that CIS were simultaneously affected by the two ecological systems,
defined by Bronfenbrenner (1979), of their home country and the host society. The macro factors
included in the study produced mixed impacts on the macro- and micro-environments in both
ecological systems, affecting participants’ perceptions of the two societies differently. The
different attitudes toward home and host countries resulted in discrepant acculturation strategies
and situations in terms of Berry’s acculturation model (2005).
Regarding the macro system, the Chinese government’s media manipulation, the “Zero-
COVID” policy, and acrimonious public opinions on social media during the pandemic in China
hurt participants’ perceptions of their home country and made them more inclined to assimilate
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into the host culture. The anti-Asian racism and the U.S.–China tensions impaired participants’
feelings toward the United States, leading them to more separated conditions. At the intersection
of all the macro factors, COVID-19 pandemic, anti-Asian racism, the U.S.–China tensions, and
rising nationalism, participants were caught in the crossfire and marginalized by both sides.
As to the microsystem, campus experience and classroom atmosphere in the United
States enhanced participants’ willingness to integrate the two cultures. Participants wanted to
absorb the advantages of both sides, which will broaden their visions and strengthen their cross-
cultural competencies. On the negative side, networking with domestic students frustrated
participants and drove them to isolation and separation.
Culture, including the comparison between the macro features, like individualism versus
collectivism and the advocation of freedom versus respect for authority, and personal
experiences of different living styles, all motivated participants to integrate the two very different
cultures.
Participants did not passively undertake all the challenges and turbulences. They
developed effective strategies to cope with all the circumstances, including getting social
support, being brave, keeping information balanced, and self-compassion. These strategies
helped them adapt to the new environment and overcome barriers.
The current study presented findings that will help organizations and educators better
understand CIS’ experience in the United States. It also might help future CIS to adapt to their
college life in the United States successfully.

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Appendix A: Interview Protocol
Research questions:
1. How and to what extent do CIS perceive macro-environmental factors to be related to
their experience of acculturative stress? (Macro-environmental factors may include
rising nationalism, the COVID-19 pandemic, tensions in U.S.–China relations, and
experiences of anti-Asian racism and negative stereotyping)
2. To what extent and how do the experiences of stress that CIS experience due to
macro-environmental factors influence their acculturation, using the lens of Berry’s
acculturation model?
3. What strategies do CIS report using to mitigate the acculturative stress they
experience due to macro-environmental factors?
Respondent type:
The respondents are CIS currently studying at U.S. universities.
Introduction to the interview:
Thank you for agreeing to participate in my study. I appreciate the time that you have set
aside to answer my questions. As I mentioned when we last emailed, the interview should take
about an hour. Does that still work for you?
Before we get started, I want to remind you about this study, the overview provided to
you in the study information sheet and answer any questions you might have about participating
in this interview. I am a student at U.S.C and am conducting a study on challenges CIS encounter
while studying in the United States. I am particularly interested in the effects of COVID-19,
rising nationalism in China, anti-Asian racism, and the U.S.–China tensions CIS’ experience in
the United States. I also want to ask about CIS’ perceptions of their native country after they
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spend some time at U.S. universities. I am talking to multiple CIS to learn more about this. I will
also interview some American domestic and international students from other countries to gain
further information about their perspectives.
I want to assure you that I am strictly wearing the hat of a researcher today. What this
means is that the nature of my questions is not evaluative. I will not be making any judgments on
how you are performing as a university student. My goal is to understand your perspective.
As stated in the study information sheet, this interview is confidential. What that means is
that your real name will not be shared with anyone. I will not share them with other CIS, other
students, or the universities. The data for this study will be compiled into a report, and while I do
plan on using some of what you say as direct quotes, none of this data will be directly attributed
to you. I will use a pseudonym to protect your confidentiality and will try my best to de-identify
any of the data I gather from you. I am happy to provide you with a copy of my final paper if you
are interested.
As stated in the study information sheet, I will keep the data on a password–protected
computer, and all data will be destroyed after 3 years. Might you have any questions about the
study before we get started, please ask. I will use the recording function of Zoon to record the
interview today to accurately capture what you share with me. The recording is solely for my
purposes to best capture your perspectives and will not be shared with anyone else. May I have
your permission to record our conversation?
You have the right to stop at any time, as it is strictly voluntary.

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Table A1
Interview Questions
Interview questions Potential probes RQ Key concept Q type
1. How do you feel about
your college life in the
United States so far?
Is there any difference
from what you
expected before you
came to the United
States? If yes, what?
General
feeling
Feeling
2. How did COVID-19 19
affect you in the United
States?
Tell me something
about the experience
that troubled you
during the pandemic
(e.g., university
shutdown,
transferring to distant
learning, travel
restrictions, etc.).
RQ1 COVID-19 Experience
and
behavior
3. How do you think about
the different reactions
of China and the United
States toward COVID-
19 19?
How do you feel about
the controversies over
the different policies?
How did those affect
you? How did these
different policies
influence your
perception of the
United States? And
China?
RQ2 COVID-19 Experience
And
behavior
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Interview questions Potential probes RQ Key concept Q type
[If the topic of rising
nationalism hasn’t
come up yet:]
4. How do you feel about
rising nationalism in
China?
Did you feel any
changing attitudes of
Chinese people
toward studying
abroad in the United
States? If yes, how
did they influence
you? How did the
rising nationalism
influence your
perception of the
United States? And
China?
RQ2 Nationalism Experience
and
behavior
[if the topic of the Ukraine
War hasn’t come up:]
5. How do you think about
the different stances of
China and the United
States on the Ukraine
War?
How do you feel about
the divided opinion
on Chinese social
media on Ukraine
War? Did it affect
you? If yes, give me
some examples. How
did the division of
opinions influence
your perception of the
United States? And
China
RQ2 Tensions in
U.S.–China
relations
Feeling
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Interview questions Potential probes RQ Key concept Q type
[if rising tensions in
United States–Sino
relations haven’t come
up:}
6. How did the recent
tensions in China–U.S.
relations make you
feel?
How do people around
you feel about the
tensions? Other
Chinese students in
the United States?
People in China? And
the American people
around you? How do
these people’s
attitudes affect you?
How the rising
tension influence your
perception of the
United States? And
China?
RQ2 China–U.S.
relations
Experience
and
behavior
7. How do you feel about
the anti-Asian racism in
the U.S?
Have you ever
perceived any
discrimination? If
any, how does that
affect you? How did
these social issues
affect your opinions
of the United States?
And China?
RQ2 Anti-Asian
racism
Opinions
and values
8. What do you feel are
people’s stereotypes of
CIS in the United States
How did those
stereotypes affect
you? How did these
stereotypes influence
RQ2 Stereotype Experience
and
behavior
knowledge
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Interview questions Potential probes RQ Key concept Q type
your opinions of the
United States? And
China?
9. How do you overcome
the challenges from
those issues we talked
about above?
How did you adjust
yourself when you
perceive differences
between the United
States and China in
those issues we talked
above?
RQ3 Strategies Opinions
and values
10. Tell me some ways
you consider effective
in helping you adjust to
the learning life in the
United States
How do you perceive
the United States
social culture?
RQ3 Expectations
Opinions
and values
11. (With the help of
“Berry’s Jigsaw
Puzzle”) Which
quadrant do you think
you are in right now?
Would you please
explain why you put
it in the quadrant you
chose?
RQ4 Acculturation
Theoretical
Framework
Experience
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Interview questions Potential probes RQ Key concept Q type
12.(With the help of
“Berry’s Jigsaw
Puzzle”) Based on your
experience, how have
the different challenges
that we have been
discussing influenced
your position on this
chart?
Would you say that all
of the challenges have
affected you in the
same way, or in
different ways? How?
RQ4 Acculturation
theoretical
framework
Feeling

Conclusion to the interview:
Thank you so much for you sharing your thoughts with me today! I appreciate your time
and willingness to share. Everything that you have shared is beneficial for my study. If I find
myself with a follow–up question, can I contact you, and if so, is the email, ok? And if there are
any websites or documents that you feel comfortable sharing with me in my learning of this
content, could you please email them to me? Again, thank you for participating in my study.

177

Appendix B: Visual Support
Visual support for interview
1. This visual support for interviews is based on Berry’s acculturation quadrant matrix
(2005).
2. This visual support is to help the interviewees better understand the questions in a
short time.
3. I will explain visual support to the interviewees briefly before they answer the
question.

178

Figure B1
Visual Support for Interviews

Abstract (if available)

Linked assets

University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

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Asset Metadata

Creator Zhang, Hongchang (author)

Core Title Acculturative stress of Chinese international students in the United States

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)

Degree Conferral Date 2023-05

Publication Date 06/14/2023

Defense Date 03/28/2023

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag acculturation,acculturative stress,Chinese student,international student,OAI-PMH Harvest

Format theses (aat)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Filback, Robert A. (committee chair), Foulk, Susanne M. (committee member), Min, Emmy Jungwon (committee member)

Creator Email 51zhanghc@gmail.com,hzhang72@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC113170490

Unique identifier UC113170490

Identifier etd-ZhangHongc-11958.pdf (filename)

Legacy Identifier etd-ZhangHongc-11958

Document Type Dissertation

Format theses (aat)

Rights Zhang, Hongchang

Internet Media Type application/pdf

Type texts

Source 20230613-usctheses-batch-1055 (batch), University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the author, as the original true and official version of the work, but does not grant the reader permission to use the work if the desired use is covered by copyright. It is the author, as rights holder, who must provide use permission if such use is covered by copyright.

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu