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A sociocultural and developmental approach to intimate partner violence among a sample of Hispanic emerging adults

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A sociocultural and developmental approach to intimate partner violence among a sample of Hispanic emerging adults

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Content Running Head: IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS i
A Sociocultural and Developmental
Approach to Intimate Partner Violence
Among a Sample of Hispanic Emerging
Adults
By
Myriam Forster
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
(PREVENTIVE MEDICINE: HEALTH BEHAVIOR)
May 2016
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Table of Contents
Acknowledgements ............................................................................................................................. iii
List of Tables ............................................................................................................................................ v
List of Figures .......................................................................................................................................... v
Chapter 1: Introduction ...................................................................................................................... 1
Background and Significance ....................................................................................................................... 1
Overview of the Dissertation ........................................................................................................................ 6
Chapter 2: Perceived discrimination, adverse childhood experiences, and intimate
partner violence victimization among Hispanic emerging adults ....................................... 8
Abstract ................................................................................................................................................................ 8
Introduction ........................................................................................................................................................ 9
Literature Review .......................................................................................................................................... 12
Methods ............................................................................................................................................................. 16
Results ............................................................................................................................................................... 20
Discussion ......................................................................................................................................................... 22
Chapter 3: Perceived discrimination, alcohol use, adverse childhood experiences and
unilateral and bidirectional intimate partner violence in a sample of Hispanic
emerging adults ................................................................................................................................... 31
Abstract ............................................................................................................................................................. 31
Introduction ..................................................................................................................................................... 32
Methods ............................................................................................................................................................. 39
Results ............................................................................................................................................................... 43
Discussion ......................................................................................................................................................... 47
Chapter 4: Do adolescent peer contexts and adverse childhood events predict young
adult intimate partner violence? Findings from a Hispanic, community sample in
Southern California. ........................................................................................................................... 61
Abstract ............................................................................................................................................................. 61
Introduction ..................................................................................................................................................... 62
Methods ............................................................................................................................................................. 66
Results ............................................................................................................................................................... 71
Discussion ......................................................................................................................................................... 73
Chapter 4: Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 83
References ............................................................................................................................................. 89
Appendix: Measures ........................................................................................................................ 120

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Acknowledgements

I would like to thank the many people who supported me, contributed to this work, and
encouraged me over the last years. First, I need to express my extreme gratitude to and
appreciation for my advisor and mentor Dr. Jennifer Beth Unger, who has made the good times
even better and the difficult periods bearable. Your remarkable capacity for unwavering
encouragement and meticulous attention to students’ work has been instrumental in shaping my
desire to learn and grow. Your curiosity and passion for knowledge and truth will inspire me for
years to come. I would like to thank the other members of my committee: Dr. Jean Richardson,
Dr. Lourdes Baezconde-Garbanati, Dr. Ricky Bluthenthal, and most especially Dr. Steven
Sussman for your humor, including me in your work, your support on other projects, and the
many interesting conversations we have had over the years. I am deeply indebted to Marny
Barovich who’s incredible organizational skills and easy way with people made all our lives so
much smoother and to Daniel Soto who, despite his tireless efforts and work on multiple
projects, still found time to answer all graduate students’ questions. I would also like to
acknowledge Tim Grigsby, my wonderful friend and colleague, with whom partnering has been
such a joy, and Jon Patrick Allem for always keeping me on my toes.
More personally, I would like to thank my mother Francoise, my father Kurt, my sister
Stephanie and my aunt Katja, for their love and unfailing support. My family has inspired me to
continue to seek new challenges and adventures and to never rest on my laurels. I have also had
the privilege of sharing my life with a group of remarkable women who made the journey
worthwhile and interesting and to whom I owe enormous thanks. Thank you, Miranda, for being
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my rock and always reminding me that friends are a most treasured asset. To Patricia, Helene,
and Sarayu: I count myself among the lucky to have such wonderful friends and l look forward
to sharing the many joys and sorrows yet to come.

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List of Tables

Table 1 .............................................................................................................................................. 27
Table 2 .............................................................................................................................................. 28
Table 3 .............................................................................................................................................. 53
Table 4 .............................................................................................................................................. 54
Table 5 .............................................................................................................................................. 54
Table 6 .............................................................................................................................................. 79
Table 7 .............................................................................................................................................. 80
Table 8 .............................................................................................................................................. 81

List of Figures

Figure 1 ............................................................................................................................................ 29
Figure 2 ............................................................................................................................................ 30
Figure 3a .......................................................................................................................................... 55
Figure 3b ......................................................................................................................................... 56
Figure 4a .......................................................................................................................................... 57
Figure 4b ......................................................................................................................................... 58
Figure 5a .......................................................................................................................................... 59
Figure 5b ......................................................................................................................................... 60
Figure 6 ............................................................................................................................................ 82
Running Head: IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

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Chapter 1: Introduction

Background and Significance

Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a pervasive, social and public health concern that is
estimated to affect 20% to 50% of the US population (Archer, 2006; Coker et al., 2002; Reid et
al., 2008). IPV is defined as any form of physical, emotional or verbal aggression used against a
current, or past, romantic partner of any gender or relationship status (Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention [CDC], 2008). The immediate and life course consequences of IPV --
heightened risk of serious physical injuries, chronic health problems, involvement with law
enforcement and child welfare agencies, depression, and PTSD (Campbell, 2002; Coker et al.,
2002; Gilbert, El-Bassel, Schilling, Wada, & Bennet, 2000; El-Bassel et al., 2003) –are jointly
associated with annual costs that exceed 8 billion US dollars (CDC, 2012;Department of Justice
[DOJ], 2012). IPV has gained considerable attention since the 1970s when epidemiological
research demonstrated the prevalence of the problem and social scientists began to explore the
psychosocial and environmental factors that influence intimate partner behaviors. In response to
these early reports, the last 20 years have a witnessed a proliferation of research, the emergence
of clinical and community treatment centers in communities across the country, and policies
designed to deter perpetration. These efforts have contributed towards our current understanding
of the antecedents, correlates, and consequences of IPV, yet there is still little consensus
regarding the primary, fundamental causes or best practices in prevention and intervention work.
Currently, prevention programs implemented in schools rely on universal approaches that have
unfortunately had limited effectiveness. Persuasive arguments have been made that this may be
due to the unequal distribution of risk in the population and that those who are most vulnerable
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would likely respond more favorably to approaches that address prior exposure to other types of
violence, are tailored to provide social and emotional coping skills designed to ameliorate
stressors and risk exposures unique to specific sub groups of the population, and are sensitive to
the influence of gender in etiological processes (Babcock et al., 2005; Chen & White, 2004;
Dasgupta, 2002; Ehrensaft, 2008; Johnston & Campbell, 1993; Strauss 1999).
Ethnicity Disparities in prevalence of IPV
Large-scale epidemiological studies and community based studies have also found that
after controlling for socio-demographic factors minority populations are among the groups
disproportionately effected by IPV (Caetano et al., 2005; Kantor, Jasinski & Aldarondo, 1994;
Tjaden & Thoennes, 2000; Archer, 2006; Caetano, Field, Ramisetty-Mikler, & McGrath, 2005;
Coker et al., 2002; Gonzalez-Guarda, De Santis, & Vasquez, 2013). Hispanics are currently the
largest ethnic minority group in the United States, and are expected to represent approximately
30% of population by 2050, underscoring the importance of research that will contribute to the
health and well being of this substantial portion of the population. A review of Hispanic IPV
studies, that examined research published since 2000, revealed that a) there are far fewer studies
investigating IPV among Hispanic populations than majority populations, b) that few are
comprised of community based samples of young adult men and women and c) and that research
with the exception of studies investigating the role of acculturation in IPV, have failed to
investigate the interplay between developmental factors, sociocultural stressors or culture-
specific factors in IPV outcomes (Cummings et al., 2013). Although this is an important body of
work it speaks to the limited understanding of the influence that important culture-specific risk
and assets have in health behaviors and resilience.
There is an urgent need to advance scientific knowledge regarding culturally specific
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values, experiences and contexts in health outcomes. This effort will require empirical
approaches that investigate if, and how, variations in culturally specific factors shape relevant
behavior patterns involved in positive and negative outcomes. Culture not only defines the body
of shared norms and values of an ethnic group but should be viewed in a larger frame: how
shared values affect interactions with the majority culture, how they influence choices and
preferences, and how they are expressed in the lived experience of members of a cultural group.
The current scholarly challenge is to translate the importance of culture into research approaches
that clarify and highlight the impact of the sociocultural experience on behavioral outcomes, and
how health researchers can translate meaningful conceptualizations and measures of culture to
prevention and intervention services. Knowing that individuals will respond to prevention
programs in ways consistent with their cultural socialization necessitates the development and
design of interventions sensitive to those populations to whom they are delivered.
Developmental Approaches to IPV
The initial focus on women’s victimization and male to female perpetration were the
foundation of early feminist and power dominance theories of IPV (Dobash & Dobash, 1977;
Lenton, 1995; Straus, 1976;Walker, 1984; Yllo, 1988) that were soon followed by social learning
models (Bandura, 1973; Bowen, 1978; Mihalic & Elliott, 1997), personality theories (Dutton,
1995; Holtzworth-Munroe & Stuart, 1994), and background or situational theories (Riggs &
O'Leary, 1989). Although these efforts to provide conceptual understanding to the phenomena
of IPV led to a breadth of study approaches, provided a wealth of useful information, and led to
intense scholarly debate they have not, to date, led to adequate explanations of how and why
females perpetrate against males, why younger men are more vulnerable than older men,
accounted for the considerable heterogeneity in IPV, or explained the limited effectiveness of
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current prevention programs grounded in these theories.
Despite the urgings of federal agencies, juvenile justice workers, small groups of scholars
and evidence suggesting a strong link between childhood risk and a cluster of violence and
violence related behaviors (Ehrensaft, 2003; Hawkins & Catalano, 1992; Catalano et al., 2002)
few studies examining IPV outcomes have been guided by developmental perspectives.
Developmental theories of social and behavioral problems are built on the assumption that these
outcomes are driven by a set of etiological processes preceding the actual behavior or problem.
Developmental theories have long been the predominant explanations for other forms of
interpersonal violence and violence related behaviors (i.e. alcohol and drug use, aggression, gang
violence, assault, etc.) not typically considered in IPV research, with the exception of the
exposure to inter-parental IPV. These theories have identified that an integral requisite for
adaptive coping in adolescence and adulthood is the development of a coherent and secure
identity in childhood. Strong caring bonds between children and caregivers are essential to the
social and emotional self-regulation inherent in interpersonal effectiveness (Ainsworth, Blehar,
Waters, & Wall, 1978; Ainsworth, 1985; Erickson, 1986), the hallmark of later stage stability.
Developmental protective factors, that reduce the likelihood of involvement in problem behavior,
have also been identified in the extra-familial socializing agents of schools, peer groups, and
communities (Akers et al, 1979; Chalk & Philips, 1996; Garmezy, 1985). Conversely, violent
familial socialization and maltreatment undermines a child’s ability to develop the emotional
flexibility and self-competence essential to health and wellbeing (Fang & Corso, 2007; Loeber,
1990; Stoff et al, 1977; Wolfe, et al., 2001; Widom 1998; White & Widom, 2933; Stoff et al,
1977).
IPV Patterns and severity
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An important advance in IPV research has been the identification of dimensions of abuse,
abuse types, and measurement tools that differentiate among these behaviors (i.e. emotional or
psychological abuse, verbal threats of violence, minor and major physical injuries). However,
there are many unanswered questions regarding factors that precede each outcome and whether
they reflect the presence of unique or shared sets of risk and protective factors. Because most
longitudinal studies have either focused on women’s victimization or male offending the extent
to which these patterns are characteristic of both male and female IPV behavior remains unclear.
Moreover, recent work has revealed that men are frequent victims, that women’s aggression is
widespread, and that young adults are most vulnerable to IPV. Except in the case that violence
against women may be learned in home environments, research on the development of violence,
and the influence of child and adolescent experiences in the expression of such behaviors has not
been thoroughly investigated or incorporated into standard interventions for partner violence
(Catalona et al. 2002; Ehrensaft, 2007; Renner & Whitney, 2012).
There are many advantages to research that can integrate the developmental and
sociocultural literatures -- revealing the importance of cultural variables in shaping human
behaviors -- into investigations of the shared versus specific risk and protective factors for IPV.
First and foremost, this information will benefit health providers across a broad spectrum of
services; screening, treatment, education for treatment professionals, prevention, and social and
legal policy. Second, investigations that determine whether IPV categories (victims, perpetrators,
victim-perpetrators) share common risk and protective factors will ensure that primary and
secondary prevention programs emphasize the appropriate antecedents, correlates and
consequences of each class of IPV.
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Overview of the Dissertation
These dissertation studies are designed to fill the aforementioned gaps in scientific
knowledge by exploring both the associations between developmental risks (exposure to inter-
parental violence, childhood sexual, physical or verbal abuse), unidirectional and bidirectional
IPV across gender, and whether variations in culture-specific factors and experiences influence
these behaviors among a community sample of Hispanic emerging adults. To my knowledge this
is the first in depth exploration adopting a developmental approach within a sociocultural frame
to investigate how child and adolescent risks and assets shape patterns of IPV.
Study I addresses several gaps in IPV research by using a simulation based approach to
measure change in the probability of victimization related to variations in the culture-specific
factors (fatalism, cultural identity, and perceived discrimination), adverse childhood experiences
(i.e. childhood abuse types, parental IPV), and established correlates of IPV victimization
(perceived relative socioeconomic status, education, number of lifetime sexual partners). These
findings will provide a more comprehensive understanding of the context in which intimate
partner violence victimization occurs among Hispanic emerging adults.
Study II examines the distribution of observations across three distinct classifications of
IPV behaviors: victim only, perpetrator only, and reciprocity (victim - perpetrator) and assess the
associations between demographic factors (gender, education), behavioral correlates of IPV
(alcohol use), and child maltreatment ((child sexual abuse (CSA), physical abuse (CPA), and
verbal abuse (CVA), exposure to inter-parental violence (EIPV)) on IPV outcomes. In addition,
the study explores the risk or protective effects of sociocultural factors (cultural identity and
perceived discrimination) on these IPV patterns and outcomes.
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Study III examines the longitudinal effect of child and adolescent risk and protective
factors across the distribution of IPV outcomes (no IPV, victimization and perpetration) using
statistical method that can assess the relationship between a set of predictors and the presence,
severity, and absence of IPV behaviors in sample populations with skewed distributions and a
majority of respondents not involved in behavior. More specifically the study examines whether
social relationships and experiences (peer support, negative peer associations, peer bullying) in
adolescence are predictive of emerging adult IPV behaviors and developmental risk factors
(CPA, CVA, CSA, and EIPV) predict similar or different IPV patterns across gender.

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Chapter 2: Perceived discrimination, adverse childhood experiences,
and intimate partner violence victimization among Hispanic
emerging adults

Abstract

The present study was designed to assess the role of cultural-specific risk and protective factors
(fatalism, cultural identity), sociocultural stressors (perceived discrimination), and adverse
childhood experiences (childhood physical, verbal and sexual abuse; parental IPV) in IPV
victimization among a sample of Hispanic emerging adults (n=1,191) in Southern California.
Logistic regression models assessed the associations between predictors and verbal and
verbal + physical intimate partner violence victimization. Results indicate that perceived
discrimination and exposure to inter-parental IPV have the strongest independent positive
association with past year intimate partner victimization (both verbal and verbal + physical) of
all variables included in the study. Implications for prevention and intervention are discussed.

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Introduction

The extended reach of intimate partner violence (IPV) victimization and the lack of
knowledge regarding effective prevention programming underscores the need for research that
can identify specific risk and protective factors that will improve primary and secondary program
design (Palmetto, Davidson, Breitbart, & Rickert, 2013). IPV is any form of physical, emotional
or verbal aggression used against a current, or past, romantic partner of any gender or
relationship status (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2008). Victims of IPV are at an
increased risk of serious physical injuries, chronic health problems, involvement with law
enforcement and child welfare agencies, depression, HIV infection, and premature death
(Campbell, 2002; Coker et al., 2002; Gilbert, El-Bassel, Schilling, Wada, & Bennet, 2000; El-
Bassel et al., 2003). Moreover, the effects of IPV victimization on children of
parents/caregivers in abusive relationships include, but are not limited to, a heightened risk of
engaging in delinquent behaviors, impaired social functioning, and the adoption of aggressive or
submissive tactics in their adult relationships (Ballif-Spanville, Clayton, & Hendrix, 2007;
Black, Sussman, & Unger, 2010; Silverman, Raj, Mucci, & Hathaway, 2001).
Data from nationally representative samples indicate that approximately 24% of women
and 14% of men in the United States have experienced some form of IPV in their lifetimes
(Breiding, Chen, & Black, 2014; Black et al., 2011). These population-based estimates are
among the most conservative as studies using college student and community-based samples
report prevalence rates between 30% and 50% (Archer, 2006; Coker et al., 2002; Reid et al.,
2008). Although establishing reliable estimates of IPV victimization continues to be a challenge,
the bulk of the evidence from IPV research suggests that even after controlling for socio-
economic factors, minority groups experience higher rates of IPV than their non-Hispanic White
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counterparts, that women are more likely to be injured by physical abuse, and that emerging
adults (between the ages of 18-25) are at greatest risk (Archer, 2006; Caetano, Field, Ramisetty-
Mikler, & McGrath, 2005; Coker et al., 2002; Gonzalez-Guarda, De Santis, & Vasquez, 2013;
Halpern, Spriggs, Martin, & Kupper, 2009; Reid et al., 2008; Straus & Gelles, 1995; Tjaden &
Thoennes, 2000; Lindhorst & Tajima, 2008). Although women’s victimization is more likely to
lead to physical injury, the extent of gender symmetry in victimization and whether the
antecedents and correlates are similar or different among men and women remains unclear and a
source of considerable debate (Archer, 2000; Johnson, 2006; Langhinrichsen-Rohling, 2010). In
light of recent findings that the consequences of psychological victimization can be as severe, if
not more severe, than physical victimization (Coker, Smith, McKeown, & King, 2000; O’Leary,
1999), that men are often victims of both types of IPV (Archer, 2000; Stets & Straus, 1990), and
that the conventional wisdom shaping prevention efforts and policies has assumed men victimize
women in an effort to establish dominance, there is a considerable need for future research to
determine whether there are identifiable gender-specific risks profiles among emerging adult
populations.
Despite the heightened risk for IPV documented among ethnic minority groups (Breiding
et al, 2014; Caetano et al., 2005; Kantor, Jasinski & Aldarondo, 1994; Tjaden & Thoennes,
2000) there is a paucity of research assessing the role of factors salient to specific minority
groups. There are several compelling arguments that favor investigations of sociocultural factors
in the development, maintenance and desistance of IPV victimization: 1) cultural influences
shape family patterns, expectations, and behavior, 2) studying these influences can advance our
understanding of the etiology of relational abuse within cultural/ethnic groups and, 3)
sociocultural stressors, common among minority groups, remain understudied in health behavior
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outcomes (Aldarondo & Castro-Fernandez, 2011; Finch, Kolody & Vega, 2000; Lindhorst &
Tajima, 2008; McHugh, Livingston, & Ford, 2005; National Center for Victims of Crime, 2012;
Williams & Mohamed, 2009 for review). A review of Hispanic IPV studies published since
2000 (Cummings, Gonzalez-Guarda, & Sandoval, 2013), revealed that only a small percentage
of samples were comprised of men and women and that with the exception of studies
investigating the role of acculturation in IPV, research has failed to examine the role of
developmental risks (adverse childhood experiences), in conjunction with sociocultural stressors
and culture specific risk or protective factors in IPV outcomes.
Despite controversies regarding gender and ethnic minority differences, epidemiological
evidence indicates that emerging adults are at heightened risk for IPV victimization. Emerging
adulthood is the transitional period from late adolescence to the mid- to late- twenties (18 to 25
year olds) when dating and intimate partnership activity increases and the meaning and
perceptions regarding romance become more complex (Arnett, 2000; Arnett, 2004; Sussman &
Arnett, 2014). The importance of partner interactions during this developmental period is
twofold: First, these relationships serve as a training ground for future relational behavior
patterns and second, the quality of the relationships during this time period have been shown to
play a key role in behavioral and emotional functioning. Low quality relationships during
emerging adulthood have been found to be predictive of other externalizing behaviors (Van
Dulmen, Goncy, Haydon, & Collins, 2008; Linder & Collins, 2005; Seiffge-Krenke & Lang,
2002) whereas high quality, nurturing relationships have been empirically and theoretically
associated with improved quality of life and prosocial functioning (Bachman et al, 2002; Hirschi,
1969; Sampson & Laub, 2003). The benefits of establishing positive, meaningful relational
patterns highlight the need for timely prevention and intervention programs that can integrate the
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developmental needs of emerging adults within the Hispanic sociocultural experience. The aims
of the present study were to examine the relationships between adverse childhood experiences,
perceived discrimination, and culturally specific risk and protective factors for IPV victimization
in a community sample of Hispanic emerging adults.
Literature Review
Sociocultural influences
Culture is defined as a set of shared values, beliefs, language, behaviors, and customs
(Dana, 1998). Culture plays a significant role in shaping personal identity and in turn social
interactions both at the individual and community level. Many psychosocial constructs
influenced by cultural paradigms and sociocultural stressors are associated with health and
behavioral outcomes (Pascoe & Smart Richman, 2009; Schwartz et al., 2014; Soto, Perez, Kim,
Lee, & Minnick, 2011; Unger et al, 2006) but have largely been excluded from examinations of
IPV. The few studies that have examined IPV from a sociocultural perspective have focused
exclusively on acculturation (either to a U.S. or Hispanic orientation) in explanatory models
(Caetano, Cunradi, Schafer, & Clark, 2000; Cunradi 2009; Garcia, Hurwitz, & Kraus, 2005;
Lipsky, Caetano, Field, & Larkin, 2006; Klevens & Whitaker, 2007). However, the concept of
acculturation has inconsistent associations with health outcomes and may be the most
informative when applied to the investigation of health behavior outcomes among new
immigrant populations adapting to the US (Cabassa, 2003). Assessing the influence of
constructs drawn from a broader framework of cultural beliefs and experiences is a critical step
towards improving our current understanding of factors that heighten or inhibit risk for IPV
victimization among Hispanic populations that have lived in the US for many years or across
multiple generations.
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Cultural identity is the subjective sense of belonging to a group or culture (Phinney,
1990). Although cultural identity can be conceived as an aspect of acculturation (Schwartz,
Unger, Zamboanga, & Szapocznik, 2010), it is a separate and unique dimension that focuses on
an individual’s attachment to the culture of origin independent of perceptions of the host culture
(although these are theoretically linked). Cultural identity is a developmental factor that is
dynamic and evolves over the course of childhood and adolescence but may continue to fluctuate
throughout adulthood in response to changes in social, psychological, and contextual factors over
time (Marcia, Waterman, Matteson, Archer, & Orlofsky, 1993; Phinney, Horenczyk, Liebkind,
& Vedder, 2001). Cultural identity may be particularly important for minority groups or lower
status groups, as connection and confidence in one’s heritage group may ameliorate or negate
feelings of insecurity, or confusion, and increase social integration that in turn would facilitate
the adoption of health promoting behaviors (Phinney et al., 2001). Because research suggests
that cultural identity is protective for aggression, suicide, depression, and substance use
(Caldwell, Kohn-Wood, Schmeelk-Cone, Chavous, & Zimmerman, 2004; Chandler & Lalonde,
1998; Lee, 2005; Marsiglia, Kulis, Hecht, & Sills, 2004) we measure it in the present study to
assess whether a stronger cultural identity is protective for IPV victimization.
Fatalism is a belief that future events are determined by “fate” or destiny (Cuellar,
Arnold, & Maldonado, 1995). Fatalism has also been conceived as a belief in God and
compared to the western perception of external locus of control (Dettenborn, DuHamel, Butts,
Thompson, & Jandorf, 2004). In health behavior research fatalism has been studied primarily in
the context of chronic disease prevention and treatment. A review by De Los Monteros & Gallo
(2011) reported that after controlling for socioeconomic status and access to health care, fatalism
was inversely associated with screening behaviors among Latinas in over 50% of the studies
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examined. In psychological research a fatalistic belief system has been defined as a passive
coping style that can render individuals less capable of proactively addressing past and present
trauma (Marmar, Weiss, Metzler, & Delucchi, 1996; Pole, Best, Metzler, & Marmar, 2005).
Although fatalism has not been studied in relation to IPV, we theorized that a belief in “fate”
would be indicative of a diminished sense of personal agency that could heighten risk for IPV
victimization.
Perceived discrimination is the experience of feeling like one is treated differently than
others as a result of membership in a minority group (Sue et al., 2007; Williams, Neighbors &
Jackson, 2008). Among Hispanics, discrimination is a stressor that has been associated with
violence exposure (Wethington, Brown & Kessler, 1997), frequency of aggressive behavior
among youth (Smokowski & Bacallao, 2006), and depressive symptomology (Paradies, 2006;
Williams & Mohammed, 2009). Persistent perceptions of discrimination can contribute to the
overall physical and psychological “wear and tear” that diminishes an individual’s inner
resources and/or ability to access the necessary external resources that can buffer against the
negative effects of difficult or harmful circumstances. Despite the recognition that perceived
discrimination has negative effects on psychological and emotional health of adolescents and
adults, the construct has not been included in most of studies of behavioral health outcomes
(Flores, Tschann, Dimas, Pasch, & de Groat, 2010). A growing body of evidence that
discrimination negatively affects psychological and emotional health (Paradies, 2006; for review,
see Williams & Mohammed, 2009) suggests its relevance as a potential risk factor for IPV
victimization among minority populations.

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Adverse childhood experiences
The relationship between childhood maltreatment and re-victimization in adulthood has
been well researched. Two of the most commonly reported developmental risk factors for IPV
victimization are childhood maltreatment and exposure to inter-parental IPV (EIPV) (Ehrensaft
et al., 2003; Herrenkohl et al., 2004; Linder & Collins, 2005; Roberts, McLaughlin, Conron, &
Koenen, 2011; White & Widom, 2003). Prior research suggests that experiencing childhood
abuse undermines healthy development and is a central feature in problematic attachment
patterns that increase risk for unstable adult romantic relationships (Feerick, Haugaard, & Hien,
2002; Lackey, 2003) whereas EIPV may be the most robust familial risk factor predicting later
victimization (Black et al., 2010; Ehrensaft et al., 2003; Renner & Slack, 2006; Roberts et al.,
2011).
Although both women and men who have been sexually (CSA), physically (CPA) or
verbally (CVA) abused are more likely to be victims of IPV (Bensley, Eenwyk, & Simmons,
2003; Ballif-Spanville et al., 2007; Coker et al., 2000; Hamby, Finkelhor, Turner, & Ormrod,
2010; Jouriles, McDonald, Smith Slep, Heyman, & Garrido, 2008; Renner & Slack, 2006;
Thompson et al., 2006; Whitfield, Anda, Dube, & Felitti, 2003), further research is needed to
clarify whether emerging adult IPV victimization varies by gender or childhood victimization
type. Reports examining IPV disseminated by the large scale Adverse Childhood Experiences
study (Edwards, Anda, Filetti, & Dubes, 2003) indicate that CSA increased the odds of intimate
partner victimization for both men and women, that CPA increased the odds of victimization for
women, but not men, and that CPA, but not CSA or EIPV, dramatically increased the odds of
victimization in adulthood among a sample of Caucasian women (Bensely et al., 2003; Whitfield
et al., 2003).
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The current study
The present study addresses several of the aforementioned gaps in the literature. We
assessed potentially relevant cultural risk and protective factors (fatalism, cultural identity,
perceived discrimination), include measures of adverse childhood experiences (i.e. childhood
abuse types, exposure to inter-parental IPV), and control for established correlates of IPV
victimization (socioeconomic status, education, number of lifetime sexual partners) to provide a
more comprehensive understanding of IPV victimization among Hispanic emerging adults.
We hypothesized that 1) all childhood abuse types (CVA, CPA, CSA) and 2) exposure to
inter-parental IPV (EIPV) would be associated with a higher probability of experiencing verbal
and physical IPV victimization in emerging adulthood, 3) stronger cultural identity would be
protective against verbal and physical IPV victimization, 4) higher fatalism scores would be a
risk factor for verbal and physical IPV victimization, and 5) higher perceived discrimination
would be a risk factor for verbal and physical IPV victimization. We also explore gender
differences in these relationships. However, due to inconsistent findings in the literature
regarding gender specific responses to maltreatment and EIPV, we did not make any a priori
predictions about the strength or direction of gender differences.
Methods

Data are from Project RED (Reteniendo y Entendiendo Diversidad para Salud). Project
RED was designed to investigate acculturation patterns and substance use among Hispanic
adolescents in Southern California that began in 2006-2008 (Unger, Ritt-Olson, Wagner, Soto, &
Baezconde-Garbanati, 2007). In 2011–2012, the study team attempted to re-establish contact
with the Hispanic participants who had participated in any wave of the high school survey to take
IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

17
part in an Emerging Adulthood (EA) survey. Participants who verified their identity and
participation in the original Project RED study were invited to participate in the follow-up survey
by phone (n=275) or online (n=920). The analytic sample is drawn from the second wave of
data collection after high school that occurred in 2012-2013. This wave is the first to include
survey items assessing adverse childhood experiences and intimate partner violence
victimization. A more comprehensive review of recruitment procedures can be found elsewhere
(Unger et al., 2007).
Measures
Intimate Partner Violence (HITS: Sherin, Sinacore, Li, Zitter, & Shakil, 1998). This is a 4-item
scale that assesses whether a participant has been the victim of IPV (verbal or physical) in the
last year. Sample items include “How often does your partner physically hurt you?,” “Insult or
talk down to you?,” Threaten you with harm?” Response options were 1 (never), 2 (rarely), 3
(sometimes), 4 (fairly often), 5 (frequently). Respondents were categorized as experiencing
verbal abuse if they selected “sometimes,” “fairly often” or “often” to questions that did not
assess physical abuse. Physical abuse was assessed with the following item “How often does
your partner physically harm you?” Respondents were coded as experiencing physical abuse if
they selected “rarely,” “sometimes”, “fairly often”, or “frequently”. We dichotomized IPV
outcomes because approximately 70% of respondents reported that they ‘never’ or ‘rarely’
experienced victimization and data did not support meaningful comparisons between categories
of ‘sometimes’, ‘fairly often’ or ‘frequently’ in a multinomial logistic model.
Childhood abuse (verbal, physical, sexual, and witnessing parental IPV): Items originate from
the Adverse Childhood Experiences study to assess abuse prior to age 18 (Felitti et al., 1998).
Eight of the items were drawn from the Conflict Tactics Scale (CTS, verbal abuse, physical
IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

18
abuse, battered mother) and 4 items are from Wyatt and colleagues (sexual abuse). We coded
adverse experiences consistent with the method prescribed by the authors of the original measure
and study (Anda and colleagues, 1999). Sample questions include “How often did your parent,
stepparent, or adult living in your home swear at you, insult you, or put you down?,” “Sometimes
parents or other adults hurt children. While you were growing up, that is in the first 18 years of
your life, how often did your parent, stepparent, or adult living in your home (1) push, grab, slap,
or throw something at you?,” “Sometimes physical blows occur between parents. While you
were growing up in your first 18 years of life, how often did your father (or stepfather) or
mother’s boyfriend do any of these things to your mother (or stepmother): (1) push, grab, slap or
throw something at her, (2) kick, bite, hit her with a fist, or hit her with something hard, (3)
repeatedly hit her over at least a few minutes, or (4) threaten her with a knife or gun, or use a
knife or gun to hurt her?” Response options for all items were: 0 (never), 1 (once or twice), 2
(sometimes), 3 (often, or very often). Responses were dichotomized where responses for “often”
or “very often” indicated physical abuse and responses of sometimes, often, or very often
indicated verbal abuse. For the item assessing whether a respondent was hit hard enough to be
injured or leave marks a response of “sometimes” was included in the definition of having been
physically abused in childhood. Sample questions assessing sexual abuse include “During the
first 18 years of your life, did an adult, relative, family friend, or stranger ever (1) touch or fondle
your body in a sexual way, (2) have you touch their body in a sexual way, (3) attempt to have
any type of sexual intercourse with you (oral, anal, or vaginal), (4) actually have sexual
intercourse with you (oral, anal, or vaginal). A “yes” response to any 1 of the 4 items was coded
as having experienced childhood sexual abuse.
IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

19
Fatalism: (Cronbach’s α = .79). Four items were used to assess fatalism (Cuellar et al., 1995).
Sample items included “It’s more important to enjoy life now than to plan for the future,” and
“People can’t really do much to change what happens in life. You just have to accept things.”
Response categories were 1 (definitely no), 2 (probably no), 3 (probably yes), 4 (definitely yes).
Responses were summed with higher scores reflecting stronger tendencies towards fatalism.
Cultural Identity development: (Cronbach’s α = .91) This 12-item scale that measures cognitive
and affective affinity towards one’s culture of origin (Phinney, 1992). Example questions are: “I
have a lot of pride in my ethnic group,” and “I participate in cultural practices of my own group,
such as special food, music, or customs,” and “In order to learn more about my ethnic
background, I have often talked to other people about my ethnic background.” Response
categories were 1(strongly disagree), 2(disagree), 3(agree), 4(strongly agree). Responses were
summed with higher scores indicating stronger cultural identity.
Perceived discrimination (Cronbach’s α = .92) This 10-item measure assesses a person’s
perception of being discriminated against due to their ethnic and cultural identity (Guyll,
Matthews & Bromberger, 2001). Sample items are: “Sometimes people feel they are treated
differently because of their ethnic or cultural background, do people….” “treat you with less
respect than other people,” “receive poorer services than other people at restaurants or stores,”
“call names or insult you or your family,” “act as if they are afraid of you.” Response options
were 1 (never), 2 (rarely), 3 (sometimes), 4 (often). Responses were summed with higher scores
suggesting greater perceptions of being discriminated against.
Covariates:
Theoretically and empirically established covariates were included in statistical models to
rule out potential confounding effects. Self-perceived socioeconomic status was developed for
IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

20
the present study and asks respondents to place themselves on a ladder representing
socioeconomic status ranging from 1(at the bottom of the ladder) to 7(at the very top of the
ladder). Education was assessed with one survey item asking participants whether they have
completed their education; responses were coded 0 (no), 1(yes). Number of lifetime sexual
partners asked respondents: “With how many people have you had sexual intercourse?”
Response options range from 0 - 6+. Gender was coded 0 = (male), 1 = (female).
Analytic Plan
Frequencies, means and standard deviations were calculated on all variables. Multivariate
logistic regression models were used to calculate odds ratios (OR) with 95% confidence intervals
(95% CI). Quantities of substantive interest were calculated using the estimates from each
multivariate analysis by simulation using 1,000 randomly drawn sets of estimates from a
sampling distribution with mean equal to the maximum likelihood point estimates, and variance
equal to the variance-covariance matrix of the estimates, with covariates held at their mean
values (King, Tomz, & Wittenberg, 2000). To highlight the independent effect of a particular
explanatory variable, we reported “first differences.” To obtain a first difference, we calculated
the expected value of the outcome given a change in the primary explanatory variable going
from 0 to 1 in the case of dichotomous predictors and from the 10
th
percentile score to the 90
th

percentile score in the case of continuous predictors. All analyses were performed in STATA
version 12 (Stata Corp., 2011)
Results

The sample was comprised of 1,191 of the 1,371 respondents who had complete data on
the variables of interest (Table 1). One hundred and sixty one participants (13.51%) reported
physical + verbal IPV victimization and 334 (28.04%) reported verbal IPV victimization. All
IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

21
respondents who reported physical IPV also reported verbal IPV such that this category of
respondents actually experienced multiple forms of victimization (verbal + physical). Chi-square
analyses indicated no difference in the proportion of men and women who reported physical IPV
(p>0.05), although a larger proportion of women reported verbal IPV (p = .023).
Verbal IPV victimization: Table 2 presents results of the logistic regression model
assessing the association between demographic characteristics, covariates, adverse childhood
experiences, sociocultural constructs and verbal IPV (Hosmer-Lemeshow 
2
(9)

= 4.88, p = .88)
as well as verbal and physical IPV (Hosmer-Lemeshow 
2
(9)

= 8.14, p = .41). There were no
gender differences and no direct effects of SES, although having completed one’s education was
inversely related to IPV victimization. A difference in reported number of lifetime sexual
partners from the 10
th
percentile to the 90
th
percentile (1 lifetime partner to 7 lifetime partners)
was associated with a 14% increase in the probability of experiencing verbal abuse by a partner
in the last year. A history of CSA was associated with a 9% increase in the probability of
experiencing verbal abuse from an intimate partner. A difference from the 10
th
to the 90
th

percentile of perceived discrimination (e.g., a score of 10 to a score of 40) was associated with a
22% increase in the probability of being verbally abused by an intimate partner. Separate
analyses revealed that the relationship between predictors and IPV were not moderated by
gender.
Physical and verbal IPV victimization: There were no gender differences or direct effects
of SES on physical + verbal IPV, although those who had not completed their education were
more likely to report verbal + physical victimization by a partner (Table 2). A difference in
reported number of lifetime sexual partners from the 10
th
percentile to the 90
th
percentile was
associated with an 11% increase in the probability of verbal and physical abuse by a partner.
IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

22
Participants who reported CSA were 6% more likely to report victimization than those who did
not report childhood sexual abuse. Participants who reported EIPV in childhood were 14% more
likely to report victimization compared to those who did not witness parental IPV. A difference
from the 10
th
to the 90
th
percentile on perceived discrimination was associated with a 21%
increase in the probability of experiencing verbal + physical abuse (Figure 2). Separate analyses
revealed that the relationships between predictors and verbal + physical intimate partner violence
were not moderated by gender.
Discussion
Over 28% of this sample of Hispanic emerging adults acknowledged experiencing verbal
IPV and approximately 13% reported verbal + physical IPV. These rates are similar to current
national prevalence estimates and confirm the need for substantial improvements in prevention
and intervention work among emerging adults. Our findings that women reported higher rates of
verbal victimization but comparable rates of physical + verbal victimization as men, and that
individuals who have completed their education and had a fewer number of lifetime sexual
partners were less likely to report victimization is consistent with prior work conducted in the US
(Straus, 2006; Whitaker et al., 2006). Experiencing CSA increased the probability of verbal and
verbal + physical IPV victimization and contributes to the mounting evidence that individuals
with sexual abuse histories are particularly vulnerable to re-victimization in emerging adulthood
(Archer, 2000; Coid et al., 2001; Daigneault, Hébert, & McDuff, 2009; Whitfield et al., 2003).
The increased probability of experiencing victimization in emerging adulthood among
respondents reporting EIPV also mirrors the results of numerous studies that have emphasized
prior violence exposure as a key facet in the transgenerational transmission of IPV (Archer,
2000; Coid et al., 2001; Daigneault et al., 2009; Whitfield et al., 2003). Taken as a whole, these
IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

23
findings indicate that risk for victimization is not equally distributed in the population and
programs addressing trauma related consequences among high-risk groups could substantially
improve prevention efforts.
We did not find support for our hypotheses that fatalism and cultural identity would be
associated with IPV victimization. The survey items used in the present study to assess fatalism
measured an individual’s capacity to develop strategic plans or actions rather than assessing an
individual’s capacity to resolve situational threat or their degree of personal control in producing
positive or negative behavioral outcomes. Cultural identity was not associated with
victimization however we recommend that the potential protective effects of cultural identity
continue to be investigated in IPV studies using longitudinal designs.
Although there is likely both a social learning and developmental component to
victimization, our finding that perceptions of discrimination had the strongest association with
both verbal and verbal + physical IPV victimization suggests that IPV victimization is also
influenced by the presence of extra-familial stressors that are unique to minority populations.
There is considerable evidence that repeated exposure to discrimination undermines an
individual’s ability to cope effectively with stressful or challenging conditions, decreases
participation in healthy behaviors (Inzlicht, McKay, & Aronson, 2006), increases depressive
symptomology (Gee, Spencer, Chen & Takeuchi, 2007), and risk behavior involvement
(Landrine & Klonoff, 1996; Martin, Tuch & Roman, 2003; for review, see Williams &
Mohammed, 2009). Even with the considerable research attention highlighting the health effects
of discrimination, the scope and magnitude of the consequences may still be underappreciated.
Theoretically, chronic devaluation by others, whether overt or discrete, increases allostatic load
and depletes an individual’s internal resources by demanding a disproportionate amount of
IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

24
cognitive and emotional capacity to manage a devalued self-identity (Carlson & Chamberlain,
2005; Lazarus & Folkman, 1984; McEwen, 2004). Our findings suggest that these deficits
extend even to behaviors in the most intimate settings and diminish a person’s ability to
effectively adapt and cope with harmful circumstances.
Discrimination and victimization in social and community settings has not been studied
in the context of IPV. However, empirical work regarding the importance of rejection related
effects on self-esteem, attribution of meaning to one’s existence, and relational value (Muraven
& Baumeister, 2000; Perry, Hodges & Egan, 2001; Smart Richman & Leary, 2009; Williams,
2002, 2007) underscores the promise of primary and secondary prevention approaches that
facilitate the development of effective coping strategies to reduce the distress produced by
discrimination. Perceptions of belonging and being treated well by a community bolsters
individual level empowerment, psychological functioning, and wellbeing (Buckley, Winkel &
Leary, 2004; Pressman & Cohen, 2005; Williams, Cheung, & Choi, 2000) such that embedding
coping strategies within a cultural backdrop could provide vulnerable populations an opportunity
to explore and strengthen their individual and group identity that in turn could attenuate risk for
victimization across multiple settings. To date, few programs that provide a context in which to
openly examine the effects of pressures to assimilate, rejection by majority cultural groups, and
perceptions of social status have been implemented or evaluated.
To our knowledge this is the first study using a community-based sample to examine the
association between perceived discrimination and IPV victimization. We recommend that
researchers continue to examine these relationships to substantiate whether there is a causal link
between perceived discrimination and victimization across multiple contexts. The need for
continued research to identify effective coping strategies for minority populations to contend
IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

25
with discrimination is undeniable. However, coping strategies may be differentially effective
across individual and family characteristics and the context in which discrimination occurs
(Pérez, Fortuna, & Alegria, 2008; Umaña-Taylor & Updegraff, 2007; Finch, Kolody, & Vega,
2000) calling for continued research to determine which coping strategies are most effective for
specific sub groups across developmental stages.
Limitations:
The present findings should be interpreted in the context of at least four important
limitations. First, our findings are based upon cross sectional analyses and do not support any
cause and effect conclusions. Moreover, with only a single measure of constructs such as
discrimination, victimization, adverse childhood experiences, etc., this study could only measure
aspects of each construct. Studies in the future should incorporate multiple measures of key
constructs to ensure mono-method biases are reduced. Second, the generalizability of our
findings is limited to emerging adults of predominantly Mexican decent living in urban settings
similar to that of Southern California. Third, the EA survey did not include any items on IPV
perpetration and we were unable to assess whether adverse childhood experiences and cultural
factors contribute to perpetration as another outcome. Fourth, participants were not required to
report whether or not they were currently in a relationship, therefore our results are limited to
self reported, past year victimization regardless of relationship type or status. Lastly, social
desirability likely resulted in under reporting of IPV victimization in this sample. This may have
resulted in concluding certain hypothesized relationships were insignificant.

IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

26
Future directions:
The present study provides further evidence that a one size fits all approach to prevention
programs that aim to reduce rates of interpersonal violence among youth and adult populations
will have limited benefits. There may be substantial progress if programs can synthesize the
developmental and sociocultural needs of vulnerable populations -- that must balance multiple
streams of influence and interactions with other minority and majority groups – an approach that
should be incorporated in future prevention strategies. There is critical need to clarify how
cultural scripts and the real world day-to-day experience of minority youth and emerging adults
affect intimate partnerships. Research studies should continue to examine IPV victimization and
perpetration with increased sensitivity to the complexity of cultural influences and the distinct
experience of individuals from diverse cultural backgrounds living in the US. In addition,
ongoing efforts to promote an honest dialogue about the downstream effects of individual,
institutional, and structural discrimination remains a critical responsibility of public health work.

IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

27

Table 1: Descriptive statistics
(n=1,191)
Frequency (%) Mean (SD)

Intimate partner violence (verbal) 334 (28.04%)
Intimate partner violence (physical
and verbal)

161 (13.52%)
Female 766 (65.14%)
Education (completed) 457 (38.37%)
Sexual abuse (childhood) 207 (17.38%)
Physical abuse (childhood) 222 (18.64%)
Verbal abuse (childhood) 218 (18.31%)
Parental IPV (childhood) 171 (14.36%)
Fatalism 9.70 (3.17)
Cultural identity 35.82 (6.76)
Perceived discrimination 17.49 (6.40)
Number of lifetime sex partners 3.78 (2.01)
Age 21.30 (1.21)
Relative perceptions of SES 4.23 (1.22)
* Women had higher rates of verbal IPV than men (p < .023)

IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

28

Table 2: Logistic regression models for verbal IPV and verbal +
physical IPV
a
Predictor Verbal IPV

Verbal + physical IPV

Female 1.08 (.79, 1.46) 1.33 (.92, 1.92)
Education .64 (.41, .98) .88 (.81, .97)
SES 1.09 (.96, 1.22) .88 (.52, 1.52)
Sexual abuse 1.46 (1.12, 2.13) 1.57 (1.04, 2.38)
Physical abuse 1.31 (.85, 2.01) 1.20 (.73, 1.97)
Verbal abuse 1.11 (.72, 1.71) .82 (.49, 1.37)
Parental IPV 1.28 (.84, 1.96) 1.67 (1.06, 2.63)
Number of lifetime
sexual partners
1.15 (1.09, 1.22) 1.17 (1.08, 1.26)
Fatalism .96 (.92, 1.01) .95 (.91, 1.01)
Cultural Identity .98 (.96, 1.01) .99 (.97, 1.02)
Perceived
discrimination
1.08 (1.06, 1.10) 1.10 (1.07, 1.13)
a
Numbers in cells are odds ratios with corresponding confidence intervals.

IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

29

Figure 1: Estimated probabilities of verbal IPV for the 10
th
(light) and 90
th
(dark) percentile of
perceived discrimination, number of lifetime sexual partners, and no CSA (light) and CSA (dark)
holding covariates at their mean value. Black bars represent 95% CIs based on 1,000 simulations

IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

30

Figure 2: Estimated probabilities of verbal + physical IPV for the 10
th
(light) and 90
th
(dark)
percentile of number of number of lifetime sexual partners, perceived discrimination, and no CSA
(light) and CSA (dark), no EIPV (light) and EIPV (dark) holding covariates at their mean. Black
bars represent 95% CIs based on 1,000 simulations

IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

31
Chapter 3: Perceived discrimination and other predictors of both
unilateral and bidirectional intimate partner violence in a sample of
Hispanic emerging adults

Abstract

In a sample of Hispanic emerging adults from Southern California (N=1265), separate
generalized structural equation models were run to test the hypothesized paths between perceived
discrimination, adverse childhood experiences, past 30 day alcohol use and uni- and bi- IPV
outcomes among men and women. Perceived discrimination was a significant predictor for the
majority of IPV outcomes across gender, with the exception of physical perpetration, a path that
was only significant for males. Perceived discrimination was also consistently associated with
past 30-day drinking among men, but not women. Adverse childhood experiences were
predictive of IPV outcomes for females, but not males. Past 30-day alcohol use was associated
with unidirectional IPV for women and bidirectional IPV for both men and women. Given the
strong association between perceived discrimination and IPV typologies, the impact of
sociocultural stressors on minority populations necessitates their continued emphasis in health
education, research, and policy development.

IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

32
Introduction

Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a pervasive, complex social problem with varying
levels of severity and diverse typologies (Archer, 2000; Breiding et al., 2014a/b, Caetano et al.,
2005; Tjaden & Thoennes, 2000). In 2012, 12 million men and women in the US were victims
of IPV with national and regional studies reporting that between 20% and 50% of adults
experience some form of psychological, physical, or sexual IPV in their lifetimes (Black et al.,
2011; Renner & Whitney, 2010; Thompson et al., 2006). The sequalae of IPV include, but are not
limited to, higher lifetime prevalence of poor physical and mental health outcomes and increased
substance abuse. Moreover IPV accounts for 20% of all non-fatal reported crimes against women
and 3% of non-fatal reported crimes against men (Rennison, 2003; Campbell, 2002; Gilbert et al.,
2009). Comparisons across racial/ethnic groups have found that Hispanics are among the
populations disproportionately affected by IPV (Breiding et al., 2014a; Caetano et al., 2005;
Kantor, Jasinski & Aldarondo, 1994; Tjaden & Thoennes, 2000). A study of heterosexual
couples conducted by Caetano and colleagues reported that Hispanics were 2.5 times as likely to
report IPV than non-Hispanic couples and an analysis of police records by Lipsky et al. (2012)
revealed that ethnic minority females were more likely to report victimization as compared to
their non-Hispanic White counterparts. Despite the high risk of IPV among Hispanics (Bonomi,
Anderson, Cannon, Slesnick, & Rodriguez, 2009; Krishnan, Hilbert, & VanLeeuwen, 2001)
there is a paucity of research investigating the role of sociocultural stressors in risk profiles
across unidirectional and bidirectional psychological and physical IPV. Developing best
practices in prevention and intervention efforts will require that research continue to investigate
gender and intra-ethnic differences and how culturally specific factors affect psychosocial risk.
IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

33
Current theoretical and empirical knowledge regarding the antecedents and correlates of
IPV victimization and perpetration is fragmented and lags behind other types of aggressive or
violent criminal behaviors. Although both IPV and other forms of interpersonal violence are
linked to familial contexts and child maltreatment, IPV perpetration and victimization share
several characteristics that differentiate them from other types of aggressive behaviors. These
distinctions fall into two broad categories a) the contexts in which IPV occurs as compared to
other type of interpersonal violence and b) the extent of available knowledge regarding their
antecedents. First, IPV occurs in intimate settings between individuals involved in romantic or
sexual relationships. Second, the prevalence of IPV is highest among emerging adults (18-26),
whereas gang violence, assault, bullying, and non-spousal homicide tend to peak in mid- to late-
adolescence and decline precipitously after age 17 (Archer, 2006; Lipsky, Cristofalo, Reed,
Caetano, & Roy-Byrne, 2012; Caetano, Field, Ramisetty-Mikler, & McGrath, 2005; Coker et al.,
2002; Gonzalez-Guarda, De Santis, & Vasquez, 2013). Historically, scientific knowledge
regarding IPV prevalence, etiology, and correlates was based on findings from studies that
overwhelmingly focused on women’s victimization. More recent research has revealed that both
men and women are victims and perpetrators and that reciprocal IPV is much more common than
originally thought, rendering the extent of men’s victimization, women’s perpetration, and
bidirectional IPV understudied phenomena.
While the extent of gender and ethnic disparities continues to be a source of debate, the
bulk of the evidence suggests that different populations have different etiologies, varying
prevalence rates, and dissimilar patterns of abuse, arguably diminishing the effectiveness and
applicability of “one size fits all” approaches to prevention and intervention (Babcock, Canady,
Graham, & Schart, 2007; Ehrensaft, 2008; Johnston & Campbell, 1993; Straus 1999). To date,
IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

34
IPV research among Hispanics has focused exclusively on acculturation processes with the
majority of samples comprised of only men, only women, or married/cohabitating couples
(Cummings, Gonzalez-Guarda & Sandoval, 2013). Thus, the empirical evidence regarding the
role of gender and cultural stressors that could, or should, be emphasized in prevention work is
limited (Cummings, Gonzalez-Guarda &Sandoval, 2013; Gallo, Penedo, Espinosa de los
Monteros, & Arguelles, 2009).
The goal of the current study is to fill important gaps in the literature. First, we
investigate IPV in a community sample of Hispanic men and women. Second, we examine the
distribution of observations across three distinct classifications of IPV behaviors: victim only,
perpetrator only, and bidirectional IPV (victim - perpetrator). Third, we explore the effects of
perceived discrimination in conjunction with alcohol use -- implicated in the vast majority of
IPV studies and law enforcement data--, and adverse childhood experiences (child sexual abuse,
physical abuse, verbal abuse, exposure to inter-parental violence) on IPV outcomes. Lastly, we
investigate whether our hypothesized relationships varied across gender.
IPV typologies:
An important advance in IPV research has been the identification of dimensions of abuse,
abuse types, and measurement tools that differentiate among these behaviors (i.e. emotional or
psychological violence and physical acts of violence). Investigating the prevalence of
victimization, perpetration, bidirectional IPV and associated risk and protective factors among
community samples has several important clinical and policy implications. First and foremost,
this information will benefit health providers across a broad spectrum of services; screening,
treatment, education for treatment professionals, prevention work, social and legal policy.
Second, investigations that can identify the unique and shared risk and protective factors across
IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

35
IPV categories (victims, perpetrators, victim-perpetrators) will ensure that prevention programs
emphasize the appropriate antecedents, correlates and consequences of each class of IPV.
Theoretical Framework
This study applied a sociocultural and developmental framework to the investigation of
IPV. There is an extensive literature outlining the central role of family context in the
developmental etiology of problematic and adaptive behaviors. Strong bonding with caregivers
is an essential component of skills development, social and emotional self-regulation, and
interpersonal effectiveness (Ainsworth et al., 1978; Ainsworth, 1985; Erickson, 1968).
Conversely, violent familial socialization and maltreatment is an extreme detriment that can
undermine the ability to form healthy and nurturing relationships and has been longitudinally
predictive of depression, suicidality, and antisocial behavior over the life course (Brown, Cohen,
Johnson, & Smailes 1999; Fang & Corso, 2007; Horwitz et al., 2001; Stoff, Breiling, & Maser,
1997; Wolfe, Scott, Wekerle, & Pittman, 2001; Weeks & Widom 1998; White & Widom, 2003).
The effects of developmental risk on IPV have been studied among clinical samples, adjudicated
populations, high school samples and college samples yet little work has examined these
relationships in conjunction with sociocultural stressors among ethnic minority samples.
Moreover, the shared and unique effects of developmental risk and sociocultural stressors on
unidirectional and bidirectional IPV across gender has yet to be established. The following is a
discussion and review of the variables included in the present study.
Adverse childhood experiences (ACEs)
The relationship between childhood maltreatment and re-victimization in adulthood has
been well researched. Although a wealth of literature suggests that childhood maltreatment
increases risk of IPV victimization (Bensley, Eenwyk, & Simmons, 2003; Ballif-Spanville et al.,
IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

36
2007; Coker et al., 2000; Hamby, Finkelhor, Turner, & Ormrod, 2010; Jouriles, McDonald,
Smith Slep, Heyman, & Garrido, 2008; Renner & Slack, 2006; Stith et al., 2004; Thompson et
al., 2006; Whitfield, Anda, Dube, & Felitti, 2003), a growing body of work indicates that these
developmental risks may have differential effects over the life course for boys and girls, and that
the prognosis for girls exposed to maltreatment and parental IPV may be particularly poor
(Ehrensaft, Moffit & Caspi, 2006). However, few studies have examined these familial risk
factors among community samples of ethnic minority groups, limiting the generalizability of
such findings.
Perceived discrimination:
Empirically, research investigating the influence of sociocultural factors has emphasized
the role of acculturation as a predictor of IPV among Hispanics (Caetano et al., 2000; Garcia,
Hurwitz & Krauss, 2005; Kantor, 1993; Lown & Vega, 2001; Rodriguez-Madera & Toro-
Alfonso, 2005). However, limiting our assessment of sociocultural influence on behavioral
outcomes to acculturation processes, fails to account for the impact of sociocultural stressors in
shaping human relationships within the day-to-day context of minority populations (Lindohorst
Tajima, 2008; Dekeseredy & Schwarz, 1999). Perceived discrimination, commonly reported
among minority groups (Brodie, Steffensen, Valdez, Lenvin, & Suro, 2002; Perez & Fortuna &
Algeria, 2008), is the experience of feeling like one is treated differently than others as a result of
membership in a minority group (Sue et al., 2007; Williams, Neighbors & Jackson, 2008).
Among Hispanic youth, high levels of perceived discrimination have been associated with
aggression and risk behaviors (Surko, Ciro, Blackwood, Nembhard, & Peake, 2005; Smokowski
& Bacallao, 2007) while among Hispanic adults, discrimination has been identified as an
important stressor linked to increases in violence exposure (Wethington, Brown & Kessler,
IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

37
1997), frequency of aggressive behavior, and elevated depressive symptomology (Paradies,
2006; Williams & Mohammed, 2009). Despite the substantial evidence that persistent
perceptions of discrimination can diminish an individual’s inner resources and/or ability to
access the necessary external resources to address difficult or harmful circumstances,
discrimination has rarely been studied in the context of IPV.
Alcohol use
Alcohol can fuel aggressive and violent behavior by disinhibiting behaviors and
distorting cognitions and perceptions of threats (Barnett & Fagan, 1993; Duke Giancola, Morris,
Holt, & Gunn, 2011; Peranan, 1991; review by Roizen, 1997). Police records, hospital data, and
research studies all indicate that alcohol is an important behavioral correlate of IPV victimization
and perpetration (Field & Caetano, 2004; Kantor & Straus, 1989; Thompson & Kingree, 2006)
although the exact nature of the relationship between alcohol and IPV remains controversial
(Foran & O’Leary, 2008). Among the arguments suggesting a spurious relationship between
alcohol and IPV is that they are both associated with younger age. Assessing the direct
relationship between alcohol use and multiple IPV outcomes within an emerging adult sample in
conjunction with other factors known to contribute to alcohol consumption and IPV is timely.
More specifically, we were interested in whether the relationship between alcohol use and IPV
varies across gender and IPV typologies (unidirectional or bidirectional). Because our other
predictors, child maltreatment and perceived discrimination, have also been linked to
problematic adult use (Galaif, Stein, Newcomb & Bernstein, 2001; Mulia, Ye, Zemore &
Greenfield, 2008) we assess the association between predictors (ACEs, perceived discrimination,
and past 30 day alcohol consumption) as well as their independent relationship to IPV outcomes
in our statistical models.
IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

38
Conceptual model of hypothesized relationships:

Hypotheses tested:
We used a generalized structural equation model approach to test the paths associated
with each of our hypotheses. We hypothesized that 1a) a greater number of adverse childhood
experiences would be positively associated with past 30 day drinking and 1b) each classification
(victim only, perpetrator only, bidirectional) and type of IPV (psychological and physical). We
also hypothesized that 2a) perceived discrimination would be positively associated with past 30
day drinking and 2b) all classifications and types of IPV. In addition, we examined whether
these relationship varied by gender. However, due to the inconsistent findings in the literature,
we made no a priori hypotheses regarding gender differences. The current approach has several
important prevention and intervention advantages. It will improve theoretical and empirical
IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

39
understanding of IPV behavior and patterns by gender and inform culturally relevant approaches
to prevention and intervention programming.
Methods

This study utilized data from Project RED (Reteniendo y Entendiendo Diversidad para
Salud), designed to investigate acculturation patterns and substance use among Hispanic
adolescents in Southern California. In 2006 participants were students attending seven randomly
selected high schools in the Los Angeles area. Schools were approached and invited to
participate if 70% or more of the student body identified as Hispanic (as indicated by data from
the California Board of Education) and were not participating in other studies or interventions
designed to address similar outcomes. School principals and/or district superintendents provided
approval for the study before recruitment and procedures began.
Participants
In the first wave of data collection 1, 963 (88% of the original cohort) self-identified
Hispanic or Latino/a. In 2011–2012, the study team attempted to re-establish contact with the
Hispanic participants who had participated in any wave of the high school survey to take part in
an Emerging Adulthood (EA) survey. Research assistants began sending letters to the
respondents’ last known address and invited them to visit the study website or call a toll-free
phone number to complete the survey. If this was not successful, the study team began to contact
the participants via all information on file, including the phone numbers, email addresses, and
phone numbers of parents and family friends. If participants could not be contacted, research
staff searched for them online using publicly available search engines (e.g., Google) as well as
social networking sites (e.g., Facebook). Participants who verified their identity and participation
IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

40
in the original Project RED study were invited to participate in the follow-up survey by phone or
online and by EA surveys. The present analytic sample is comprised of study participants
initially enrolled (2006) that have responded to surveys in 2013-2014. This wave is the first to
include the CTS2 short form. A more comprehensive review of recruitment procedures can be
found in Unger et al., 2007).
Measures
Gender: Male = 0, Female =1. Education: Not completing ones education =0, completed
education =1
Number of past 30-days drinking alcohol: A one item survey question that asks respondents to
report how many days, of the last 30 days, that they drank at least one alcoholic beverage.
Response options were 1(0 or no days), 2 (1 or 2 days), 3 (3 to 5 days), 4(6 to 9 days), 5 (10 to
19 days), 6 (20 to 29 days), 7 (all 30 days). Higher scores represent a higher days drinking in the
past 30 days.
Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs) (verbal, physical, sexual, and witnessing parental
IPV): Items originate from the Adverse Childhood Experiences study to assess abuse prior to
age 18 (Felitti et al., 1998). Eight of the items were drawn from the Conflict Tactics Scale (CTS,
verbal abuse, physical abuse, battered mother) and 4 items are from Wyatt and colleagues
(sexual abuse). We coded adverse experiences consistent with the method prescribed by the
authors of the original measure and study (Anda and colleagues, 1999). Sample questions
include “How often did your parent, stepparent, or adult living in your home swear at you, insult
you, or put you down?,” “Sometimes parents or other adults hurt children. While you were
growing up, that is in the first 18 years of your life, how often did your parent, stepparent, or
adult living in your home (1) push, grab, slap, or throw something at you?,” “Sometimes
IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

41
physical blows occur between parents. While you were growing up in your first 18 years of life,
how often did your father (or stepfather) or mother’s boyfriend do any of these things to your
mother (or stepmother): (1) push, grab, slap or throw something at her, (2) kick, bite, hit her with
a fist, or hit her with something hard, (3) repeatedly hit her over at least a few minutes, or (4)
threaten her with a knife or gun, or use a knife or gun to hurt her?” Response options were: 0
(never), 1 (once or twice), 2 (sometimes), 3 (often, or very often). Responses were dichotomized
where responses for “often” or “very often” were considered positive responses for physical
abuse and response of sometimes, often, or very often were considered positive for verbal abuse.
For the item assessing whether respondent was hit hard enough to be injured or leave marks a
response of “sometimes” was included in the definition of having been physically abused in
childhood. Sample questions assessing sexual abuse include “During the first 18 years of your
life, did an adult, relative, family friend, or stranger ever (1) touch or fondle your body in a
sexual way, (2) have you touch their body in a sexual way, (3) attempt to have any type of sexual
intercourse with you (oral, anal, or vaginal), (4) actually have sexual intercourse with you (oral,
anal, or vaginal). A “yes” response to any 1 of the 4 items was coded as having experienced
childhood sexual abuse. Composite scores were calculated with responses that ranged from 0 =
no ACEs to 4= 4 ACES.
Perceived discrimination: (Cronbach’s alpha = .92) This 10-item survey measure assesses a
person’s perception of being discriminated against due to their ethnic and cultural identity
(Guyll, Mathews & Bromberger, 2001). Sample items include: Sometimes people feel they are
treated differently because of their ethnic or cultural background: “do people treat you with less
respect than other people,?” “do you receive poorer services than other people at restaurants or
stores?,” “are you call names or insult you or your family?,” “do people act as if they are afraid
IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

42
of you?” Response options were 1(never), 2(rarely), 3(sometimes), 4(often). Responses were
summed with higher scores suggesting greater perceptions of discrimination based on
race/ethnicity.
IPV was measured using the Short form of the revised Conflict Tactics Scale (Straus & Douglas,
2004). This is a 20-item measure that asked respondents to report if they have engaged in
psychological or physical IPV categories. We classified individuals into 4 prevalence groups (no
IPV, victim only, perpetrator only, and bidirectional) across several categories of IPV:
psychological IPV includes swearing, shouting or yelling, destroying objects/ belongings and
threatening physical harm. Physical IPV includes pushing, shoving or slapping, physical contact
that resulted in a sprain, bruise, small cut or pain the following day. Listed below are the three
outcome groups across psychological and physical IPV. No victimization or perpetration: This
group indicated that they had not been victims or perpetrators of any category or IPV
(psychological or physical). Victimization (only): This group reported only past year
victimization and no involvement in perpetration. Perpetration (only): This group reported past
year perpetration but no victimization. Bidirectional (victimization and perpetration): This group
reported both past year victimization and past year perpetration. Response options were no
perpetration/victimization =0, Once in the past year=1, Twice in the past year = 2, 3-5 times in
the past year = 3, 6-10 times in the past year =4, 11-20 times in the past year =5, more than 20
times in the past year =6.
Analytic Plan
Frequencies, means, and standard deviations were calculated for all covariates and
predictors. Chi Square and t tests were used to determine gender differences between covariates
and predictors and Wilson Mann Whitney tests were used to assess gender differences in
IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

43
outcomes. We used a structural equation model approach to conduct path analyses to test our
hypothesized relationships. Separate generalized structural equation models were used to
calculate OLS linear regression coefficients between predictors (adverse childhood experiences
and alcohol use and perceived discrimination and alcohol use). Due to the large number of zeros
(absence of IPV) in our dependent variables (IPV), that IPV outcomes measure frequency
(count) of events, and the positively skewed distribution of residuals, we calculated incident rate
ratios (IRR) to assess the influence of observed predictors across all IPV outcomes. Generalized
structural equation models allow for estimation and identification of simultaneous models
specified as linear or Poisson. To avoid potential confounding effects, all models controlled for
educations
Results

Frequencies, means, standard deviations and results of preliminary analyses assessing
gender differences among covariates and predictors are presented in Table 3. Females were more
likely to have completed their education at the time of EA2 survey implementation ( 
2
= 4.22, p
< .05), report fewer past 30 days using alcohol (t = -5.54, p .001) and experience less perceived
discrimination (t = 2.91, p < .001). There were also significant gender differences when
assessing the prevalence of adverse childhood experiences. Females were more likely to report
both verbal abuse ( 
2
= 4.54, p = .03) and sexual abuse ( 
2
= 19.17, p < .001) but not physical
abuse ( 
2
= 2.52, p > .05) or witnessing parental IPV ( 
2
= .25, p > .05). Wilcoxon Mann
Whitney tests were used to assess gender differences in prevalence of each IPV outcome.
Women were more likely to report psychological victimization (p < .01) and involvement in
bidirectional relationships (p < .05) than men. Among physical outcomes, women were more
likely to experience physical perpetration (p < .05) than men and approximately similar levels of
IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

44
victimization and involvement in bidirectional physical IPV.
Approximately 50% of the sample acknowledged experiencing some form of IPV.
Consistent with prior work, involvement in relationships where both partners experienced
psychological victimization and perpetration (bidirectional) (26%) was more common than either
victimization (10%) or perpetration (11%). Bidirectional physical IPV (18%) was also more
frequently reported than either victimization (13%) or perpetration (14%).
Unidirectional Psychological IPV outcomes (swearing, shouting, yelling, threatening
bodily harm and/or destroying objects):
Incident rate ratios (IRR) for unidirectional psychological IPV outcomes are displayed in
Table 4 and path coefficients are presented in Figure 3a and 3b. We did not find support for our
hypothesis that adverse childhood experiences would be associated with alcohol use. However,
there was a direct positive relationship between adverse childhood experiences and
psychological IPV outcomes among women. For every additional reported adverse childhood
experience the estimated IRR of victimization and perpetration increased by 19% and 16%,
respectively. This relationship was not observed among men. Among our variables hypothesized
to be predictive of higher alcohol use in path models, we found a positive relationship between
perceived discrimination and past 30 day drinking for victimization (β = .11, p< .01) and
perpetration (β = .12, p< 01) among males, but not females. There was also a direct association
between past 30-day alcohol and unidirectional psychological IPV outcomes among women. For
every one-unit increase in past 30 day drinking the estimated IRR of victimization increased by
13% (p < .01) and the IRR of perpetration by 12% (p < .01). We did find evidence to support
our hypothesis that perceived discrimination would be positively associated with IPV. Increases
IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

45
in perceived discrimination were associated with increases in victimization and perpetration for
both men and women. For every unit change in perceived discrimination among women, the
estimated IRR of victimization increased by 4% (p < .001) and perpetration increased by 3% (p <
.001). Among men, the estimated IRR of victimization increased by 7% (p < .001) and
perpetration increased by 12% (p < .001) for every unit increase in perceived discrimination.
Unidirectional Physical IPV outcomes (pushing, shoving, slapping, kicking, physical
contact that resulted in bruise, sprain, or hospitalization):
Incident rate ratios for physical IPV outcomes are presented in Table 5 and path
coefficients are displayed in Figures 4a and 4b. As with psychological IPV outcomes, we did not
find support for our hypothesis that adverse childhood experiences would be associated with
alcohol use for either men or women. However, we did find that increases in perceived
discrimination among men was associated with increases in past 30 day alcohol use in our
models assessing for victimization (β = .09, p< 01) and perpetration (β = .10, p< 01). We found
partial support for our hypothesis that adverse childhood experiences would be associated with
IPV. Among women, for every additional adverse childhood experience the estimated IRR of
victimization increased by 39% (p < .001) and perpetration increased by 43% (p < .001). This
association was not present among men. The association between past 30-day alcohol use and
victimization and perpetration was significant only among women. For every increase in past 30
day drinking the IRR of victimization increased by 15% (p < .01) and perpetration increased by
17% (p < .001). Our hypothesis that perceived discrimination and physical victimization would
be associated was supported, although there were gender differences. For every one unit
increase in perceived discrimination the estimated IRR for victimization increased by 10% (p <
.001) for men and by 5% (p< .001) for women. However, the association between perceived
IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

46
discrimination and perpetration was only significant for among men. For every one- unit
increase in perceived discrimination the IRR increased by 11% (p < .001).
Bidirectional IPV outcomes (psychological and physical):
Incident rate ratios for bidirectional outcomes are presented in Tables 3 and 4 and path
coefficients are displayed in Figures 5a and 5b. Similar to unidirectional outcomes, adverse
childhood experiences was not associated with past 30 day drinking. Also consistent with
unidirectional outcomes among men, perceived discrimination was associated increases in past
30-day alcohol use in our models assessing psychological (β = .10, p < .001) and physical (β =
.14, p < .001) bidirectional IPV. Among women, increases in the number of adverse childhood
experiences was predictive of a 17% increase in the estimated IRR for bidirectional
psychological IPV and by 47% in bidirectional physical IPV. Perceived discrimination was
directly associated with bidirectional IPV across gender. A one unit increases in perceived
discrimination increased the estimated incident rate of bidirectional psychological IPV by 9% (p
< .001) and physical IPV by 9% (p < .001) for men while a one unit increase in perceived
discrimination was associated with a 9% (p < .001) increase in IRR of bidirectional
psychological IPV and 7% (p < .001) bidirectional physical IPV for women. The unique feature
that distinguishes bidirectional from unidirectional outcomes is that the association between past
30 day alcohol use is significant for both men and women, increasing the IRR of bidirectional
psychological IPV by 10% (p < .01) and physical IPV by 9% ( p < .01) among men, and
bidirectional psychological IPV by 18% (p < 001) and physical IPV by 19% (p < .001) among
women.
IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

47
Discussion
Our findings indicate that approximately half of the respondents reported at least one type
of IPV. Among both psychological and physical IPV outcomes, bidirectional involvement was
the most frequent as compared to victim or perpetration only. These results are comparable with
other studies that have reported similarly high prevalence rates and a greater number of
individuals reporting involvement in bidirectional IPV as compared to unidirectional IPV
(Straus, 2011; Renner & Whitney, 2012).
Our finding that women with a history of child maltreatment are more susceptible to
victimization by an intimate partner in emerging adulthood is consistent with a study conducted
by Desai and colleagues (2002) who, using a nationally representative sample, found that women
who experienced any maltreatment type were more vulnerable to victimization by an intimate
partner than their maltreated male counterparts. The strong positive association between adverse
childhood experiences and unidirectional and bidirectional IPV among women (but not men) in
the present study, contributes to the growing literature that there may be substantial differences
in etiological process across gender (Chen & White, 2004; Dasgupta, 2002; Fang & Corso, 2008;
Magdol, Moffitt, Caspi, & Silva, 1998). There is some evidence that women with maltreatment
histories are more likely to choose abusive partners whereas men are more prone to externalizing
behaviors as a response to familial maltreatment (Wolfe, Zak, Wilson, & Jaffe, 1986; Widom,
1989) although findings across studies have been mixed. Several studies have shown that
childhood maltreatment is a risk factor for revictimization in adulthood (Baynard, Arnold &
Smith, 2000; Linder & Collins, 2005; White & Widom, 2003; Coid et al., 2001) and that the
sequelae of revictimization in adulthood may have more detrimental effects than victimization in
one context or life stage (Arata, 2000; Classen, Field, Koopman, Nevill-Manning, & Spiegel,
IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

48
2001; Messman-Moore, Long & Siegfried, 2000). Re-victimization is particularly detrimental in
that individuals who experience multiple victimizations over the life course must contend with
past maltreatment as well as the victimization they experience in adulthood. The absence of a
direct association between ACEs and IPV outcomes among males may be due to the role of
proximal mediators reported by researchers (quality of relationships, conduct disorder, antisocial
behavior) in the relationship between familial risk and IPV behaviors among men (Capaldi &
Clark, 1998; Ehrensaft et al., 2003;Lackey, 2003) that were not assessed in this study. Overall,
our findings contribute to the growing body of work that highlights the importance of context,
gender-specific cognitions, motivations, and perceptions (Clements, Gleghorn, Garcia, Katz, &
Marx, 1997; Kelly et al., 2011; Kruttschnitt, 2013; Masten 2001) in women’s risk behavior and
response to family processes (Silverman & Caldwell, 2005; Whaley, Hayes, & Smith 2014;
Worthen, 2012). Many of the current IPV prevention programs are universal (Foshee et al.,
2004) and do not account for the unique role of familial risk factors in the etiology of IPV and
that these may be more pronounced among women than men. Research will benefit from
continued longitudinal work that can clarify the role of gender and context in IPV in these
relationships. We recommend that screening for adverse childhood experiences will be an
important step in identifying women at risk for IPV and that addressing the emotional trauma of
familial maltreatment could substantially improve prevention efforts.
An additional research objective was to examine the relationship between perceived
discrimination and IPV outcomes. Among all variables included in this study, perceived
discrimination showed the most consistent association with IPV across gender. Notably, we
found that perceived discrimination was associated with past 30-day alcohol use and perpetration
of physical IPV among men only. This gender specific finding may indicate a gender specific
IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

49
externalizing behavioral response to stressors such as discrimination. Alternatively, men did
report higher levels of perceived discrimination than women, which suggests the possibility that
the severity (frequency and chronicity) of discrimination plays a role in behavioral outcomes.
Several studies have found a strong association between perceived discrimination and depressive
symptomology among Hispanic populations in general, but most especially among women
(Finch, Kolody, and Vega, 2000; Ryff, Keyes & Hughes, 2003). Cumulatively, these results
support the argument that coping in the context of discrimination likely varies by gender, social
support, and chronicity of exposure to discrimination within ethnic groups (Alvarzez & Juang,
2010). The psychological literature has shown that people are more likely to respond to
unjustified rejection, based upon membership in a specific group (ie. race, ethnicity, gender),
with anger and antisocial behavior (Solomon, 1990; Smart Richman & Leary, 2009) although
this has not been examined in the context of romantic partnerships. None the less, the
accumulated literature documenting the negative effect of discrimination on mental and physical
health outcomes (Landrine & Klonoff, 1996; Gibbons, Gerrard, Cleveland, Wills, & Brody,
2004; Okamoto, Ritt-Olson, Soto, Baezconde-Garbanati, & Unger, 2009), highlights the breadth
of the effect of discrimination on physiological and psychosocial functioning, calls for a closer
examination of gender specific responses to sociocultural stressors, and is a possible explanation
for the disproportionate rates of IPV among minority populations.
Alcohol use:
Past 30-day alcohol use increased the estimated IRR of IPV outcomes among women.
Although the direct link between alcohol and IPV remains a source of debate (for review see:
Foran & O’Leary, 2008), our findings suggest alcohol use is a central feature in women’s
unidirectional outcomes. It may also be an indicator of the presence of comorbid conditions,
IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

50
linked to alcohol use, that increase risk for victimization or perpetration only classifications.
Moreover, the unique feature differentiating uni- from bidirectional outcomes is that the path
between alcohol use and bidirectional IPV outcomes was significant for men and women. This
suggests that alcohol may be a shared behavior among individuals involved in reciprocally
violent relationships, the most commonly reported in this sample. A critical future step will be to
determine whether specific drinking patterns are associated with frequency and type IPV and
what role personal and familial alcohol use histories play in these relationships. Given the
consistent relationship with alcohol use and bidirectional IPV (the most common classification)
it seems clear that effective prevention programs should screen for problematic alcohol use and
provide appropriate referral services. We also recommend that future research continue to assess
the interplay between individual and sociocultural factors, alcohol use, and IPV among minority
community samples.
In sum, our analyses revealed some consistent gender specific trends across outcomes. First,
women’s IPV patterns were linked to early familial risk, perceived discrimination –with the
exception of physical perpetration- and alcohol use. Second, men’s IPV outcomes were
consistently associated with perceived discrimination. Perceived discrimination was also
associated with past 30-day alcohol use among men only. Third, the unique feature of
bidirectional IPV was the role of past 30-day alcohol use for both men and women.
Limitations:
There are several limitations to the current study that should be considered. First, the
generalizability of our findings are limited to emerging adults of predominantly Mexican descent
living in diverse urban settings similar to Southern California. Second, due to the cross sectional
IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

51
design of the present study no cause and effect conclusions can be drawn from these analyses.
Third, although we assessed adverse childhood experiences retrospectively while IPV was
assessed in the past year, it is reasonable to assume that reported adverse childhood experiences
precede past year IPV victimization. Fourth, although some individuals may have experienced
only one adverse childhood events, this study was interested in assessing the joint effects of
ACEs on IPV outcomes and therefore cannot address the relationship between each maltreatment
type and IPV patterns. Fifth, the survey item that measured educational attainment only assessed
whether an individual had completed their education in the emerging adult waves and we cannot
provide an exact number of years of education. However, it should be noted that approximately
50% of the sample report attending college. Lastly, although social desirability may have
affected the self-report responses regarding IPV behaviors, given the norms against intimate
partner violence victimization and perpetration our findings likely under, rather than over,
estimate the extent of victimization in this sample.
Future directions:
IPV behaviors are complex and influenced by numerous developmental, contextual, and
sociocultural factors. Careful investigations of the similarities and differences across gender and
the role of sociocultural risks and assets will help to broaden our understanding of IPV. Our
findings that adverse childhood experiences may differentially affect men and women’s intimate
partner behaviors should be replicated in larger studies and contributes to the literature that child
maltreatment may play a significant role in IPV behaviors as it does in other forms of aggression
and violence. The strong association between perceived discrimination and all IPV
classifications and outcomes speaks to the importance of cultural contexts. Physical and
psychological wellbeing are predicated upon people’s ability to cope and rebound from
IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

52
environmental stressors. Broadening our approach to IPV research to include sociocultural
stressors common among minority populations could enhance the effectiveness of programs that
to date have largely adopted universal strategies to prevention rather than considering the
contextual differences between majority and minority men and women. Developing effective
strategies to cope with discriminatory practices at the individual and community level will have
far-reaching benefits for minority population health and wellbeing. We recommend that public
health researchers and practitioners continue to investigate a broad range of sociocultural
contexts to improve our understanding of IPV.

IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

53
Table 3: Frequencies, means and standard deviations of covariates and predictors
n=1265

F % M(sd) 
2
/ t
Age 22.4 (1.23)
Education (completed) 202 (15.96%) 4,22*
Female 677 (53.51%)
Past 30day alcohol consumption 2.68 (1.20) -5.54***
Witnessing parental IPV 296 (23.39%) .25
Perceived discrimination 17.49 (6.40) -2.91**
Psychological IPV 593(47%)
Victim only 127(10%)
Perpetrator only 137(11%)
Reciprocity 329(26%)
Physical IPV 562(44%)
Victim only 161(13%)
Perpetrator only 174(14%)
Reciprocity 227(18%)

IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

54
Table 4: Verbal IPV Incident rate ratios for males and females

N=1265

Victim
only
n=127

Perpetration
only
N=137

Bidirectional
N=329

IRR
Males
N=59

95%
CI
IRR
Females
N=68

95%
CI
IRR
Male
N=73

95%
CI
IRR
Female
N=64

95%
CI
IRR
Male
N=175

95%
CI
IRR
Female
N=154

95%
CI
ACE comp 1.01 .94,1.03 1.19*** 1.13,1.28 1.06 .99,1.10 1.16** 1.12,1.22 1.03 .98,1.08 1.17*** 1.13,1.21
Perceived
discrimination

1.07***

1.04,1.11

1.04***

1.03,1.04

1.12***

1.09.1.19

1.03***

1.01,1.04

1.09***

1.07,1.13

1.09***

1.07,1.16
Past 30 day
alcohol use
1.03 .98,1.08 1.13** 1.09,1.19 1.03 .97,1.05 1.12** 1.07,1.17 1.10** 1.06,1.17 1.18*** 1.16,1.21
Education 1.01 .96,1.09 1.02 .99,1.04 1.02 .98,1.06 1.04 1.02,1.07 .99 .97,1.04 .99 .96.1.04

Table 5: Physical IPV Incident rate ratios for males and females

N=1265

Victim
only
n=161

Perpetration
only
N=174

Bidirectional
N=227

IRR
Males
N=75

95%
CI
IRR
Females
N=86

95%
CI
IRR
Male
N=57

95%
CI
IRR
Female
N=118

95%
CI
IRR
Male
N=84

95%
CI
IRR
Female
N=143

95%
CI
ACE comp 1.04 .96,1.13 1.19*** 1.13,1.28 1.06 .99,1.10 1.43*** 1.32,1.54 1.02 .94,1.09 1.47*** 1.40,1.59
Perceived
discrimination

1.10***

1.04,1.11

1.05***

1.03,1.08

1.11***

1.07.1.14

1.02

.99,1.05

1.09***

1.07,1.12

1.07***

1.02,1.16
Past 30 day
alcohol use
1.03 .95,1.08 1.15** 1.09,1.25 1.01 .95,1.07 1.17*** 1.09,1.27 1.09** 1.06,1.17 1.18*** 1.13,1.22
Education 1.00 .96,1.06 1.01 .99,1.03 1.02 .98,1.06 1.02 .97,1.07 .98 .96,1.04 1.02 .96.1.05

IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

55
Figure 3a: Path model for verbal victimization

IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

56
Figure 3b: Path model for verbal perpetration

IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

57

Figure 4a: Path model for physical victimization

IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

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Figure 4b: Path model for physical perpetration

IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

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Figure 5a: Path model for reciprocal physical IPV

IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

60
Figure 5b: Path model for reciprocal verbal IPV
IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

61
Chapter 4: Do adolescent peer contexts and adverse childhood
events predict young adult intimate partner violence? Findings from
a Hispanic, community sample in Southern California.

Abstract

Minority populations are disproportionately affected by IPV, and as Hispanics are fastest
growing ethnic group in the United States, the importance of understanding the IPV risk and
protective factors for this population is paramount. This study examined the association between
adolescent social ties, peer bullying victimization, adverse childhood experiences and the
presence and frequency of IPV victimization and perpetration among a community sample of
Hispanic emerging adults (n=835). Zero-inflated negative binomial regression was used to
simultaneously predict expected IPV non-involvement as well as the presence and frequency of
IPV involvement. Gender differences in the relationships between predictors and outcomes were
also explored. Affiliations with substance-using peers and peer victimization were positively
associated with physical IPV in early adulthood, while bullying victimization was strongly
predictive of physical IPV victimization and perpetration. For females in particular, bullying
victimization in adolescence increased risk for, and frequency of, adult IPV victimization.
Increased exposure to adverse childhood experiences were predictive of high rates of
psychological victimization and perpetration. These findings highlight the longitudinal effects
of childhood maltreatment, adolescent social ties and peer victimization in the experience of IPV
victimization and perpetration. Implications for future prevention work are discussed.

IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

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Introduction

The annual combined costs of medical and psychological services, criminal justice
expenses, and lost productivity due to intimate partner violence exceeds 8 billion dollars
annually (Max, Rice, Finkelstein, Bardwell, & Leadbetter, 2004; National Center for Injury
Prevention and Control, 2003). Intimate partner violence (IPV) is defined as acts of
psychological (verbal abuse and threats), physical (physical acts of aggression), and sexual abuse
to, or by, a current or past romantic partner (CDC, 2008). Between 2003 and 2012, IPV
accounted for 21% of all violent victimization with the highest rates among persons between the
ages of 18 and 24 (Truman & Morgan, 2014). Despite prevalence estimates from both large
scale epidemiological and community level studies that suggest between 15% and 50% of the
population will experience some form of IPV in their lifetime, there is little consensus regarding
the theoretical underpinnings of victimization and perpetration or best practices for prevention
(Archer, 2000; Catalano, 2012; Renner & Whitney, 2010; Thompson et al., 2006).
Several broadly defined classes of theoretical arguments have been proposed; gender
based power and dominance approaches (Dobash & Dobash, 1977; Straus, Gelles, & Steinmetz,
1980), social learning models (Kalmuss, 1984; O’Leary, 1988), and genetic predisposition and/or
intrapersonal characteristics that increase vulnerability for victimization or perpetration (Dutton,
1995; Holtzworth-Munroe & Stuart, 1994). More recently scholars have argued that the scarcity
of developmental perspectives guiding IPV research has been a critical oversight and delayed the
development of effective prevention programs (Ehrensaft et al., 2003). The lack of theoretical
consensus regarding IPV has contributed to the perception that aggression between romantic
partners is a unique form of violence distinct from violence against non-partners, violence in
pursuit of other criminal objectives, gang violence and peer violence (e.g., bullying). The
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63
considerable heterogeneity in IPV behaviors and the confluence of factors that influence
aggressive or submissive behaviors in romantic partnerships may indeed not facilitate the
development of a parsimonious, unifying theory. However, if the set of risk factors that predict
other externalizing behaviors such as substance use, aggression, and criminal offenses are also
predictive of IPV, then school based programs that aim to reduce the prevalence of these
behaviors will be enhanced by incorporating prevention strategies that also address IPV
specifically. Schools are a central socializing agent and uniquely positioned to identify students
involved in prosocial friendships and activities and those who would benefit from programs
designed to intervene on health compromising behaviors and harmful social interactions among
students.
A developmental, life course perspective assumes that a child’s capacity for adaptive
psychological and behavioral functioning is due to the interplay between risks and assets in the
familial, social, and physical environments at critical developmental stages (Sampson & Laub,
1997; Rutter & Sroufe, 2000; Masten, 2001). Consistent with this approach, trauma based
theories argue that childhood victimization can lead to engagement in one or several deviant
activities (substance use, aggression, delinquency, and violence). There is a well-recognized
body of empirical research that has identified important early life course predictors of aggression
and interpersonal violence (Cairns, 1983; Loeber & Stouthamer-Loeber, 1986; Loeber &
Dishion, 1983; Moffit, 1993: Dodge, Bates & Pettit, 1990). However, these models have rarely
been applied to longitudinal studies of IPV. Among the most influential contexts are familial
environments. Family relationships are central in shaping the social expectations that children
have of their peers (Bowlby, 1969; Rutter & Sroufe, 2000), their ability to understand social
cues, and the adoption of skills to effectively navigate conflict (Bauer et al., 2006; Bohlin,
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64
Hagekull, & Rydell, 2000; Yates, Dodds, Sroufe, & Egeland, 2003). Maltreatment in childhood
[physical (CPA), verbal (CVA), sexual abuse (CSA)] and exposure to inter-parental violence
(EIPV) can undermine the development of essential self-regulatory functions and healthy
attachment to peers (Dodge et al., 1990) or adults (Graham-Bermann & Follett, 2002; Lieberman
& Knorr, 2007; Siegel, 2013), two factors that reduce the likelihood of aggressive behaviors in
adolescents (Dodge et al., 1990; Holt, Buckley, & Whelan, 2008; Margolin, 2005) and adults
(Black, Sussman, & Unger, 2010; Ehrensaft et al., 2003; Renner & Slack, 2006; Roberts,
McLaughlin, Conron, & Koenen, 2011).
During adolescence, youth shift their focus and attention towards their peers, who become
increasingly important and exert considerable influence in psychological and behavioral
outcomes (Dishion et al., 1994; Lauritsen, Laub, & Sapson, 1992; Patterson & Dishion, 1985;
Moffitt, 1993; Herrenkohl et al., 2000). Adolescents tend to rely less and less on authority
figures and parents for guidance and begin to look more towards their peers for acceptance,
behavioral cues, and normative standards. These peer relationships are the training ground for
the development of social and emotional skills that youth adopt and carry forward into future
relationships with other adults and romantic partners. If youth have positive social experiences
and integrate successfully into prosocial peer groups, these experiences encourage involvement
in health promoting activities, facilitate the ability to form mutually supportive friendships, and
shape their expectations of future social interactions (Barber, Eccles, & Stone, 2001; Hartup &
Stevens, 1999). Conversely, associations with youth engaged in risky behaviors and social
rejection -- a negative and painful social experience-- undermine a child’s ability to form
meaningful and rewarding relationships and often encourage further involvement in problematic
behaviors (Copeland-Linder, Lambert, & Ialongo, 2010; Dishion, Duncn, Eddy, Fagot, &
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65
Fetrow, 1994; Gil, Wagner, & Vega, 2001; Nagin & Tremblay, 2001). An important type of peer
rejection is being bullied at school. Theory suggests that all types of victimization enhance
vulnerability for other forms of victimization and that these victimizations have common
correlates (Finkelhor, Shattuck, Turner, Ormrod & Hamby, 2011; Saunders 2003). However,
since most bullying research has used cross sectional methods, it remains unclear if the
detrimental effects of school based bullying in early adolescence impact the quality of
relationships formed in adulthood.
However, relational effects are complex and the risks and benefits often co-occur, thereby
masking the independent associations of specific relationships on early adult outcomes. Many
studies focus on either familial factors or peer influences potentially obscuring the independent,
unconfounded effects of each. This gap in the literature calls for studies that can identify the
unique, independent influence of co-occurring peer and familial based risk and protective factors
on early adult IPV outcomes to better inform the development of more effective, early life course
primary and secondary prevention programs.
The aims of the present study are twofold. First, we investigate whether social
relationships and experiences (peer support, substance-using peer associations, school based
bullying) in early adolescence-- among a sample of students entering high school-- are
differentially predictive of the presence and frequency/intensity of past year IPV eight years later
in early adulthood. We use statistical models that allow for investigations across the full
distribution of behaviors (including absence of the behavior). Second, we investigate whether
adverse childhood experiences (CPA, CVA, CSA, and EIPV), predictive of multiple risk
behaviors in early adulthood, also predict IPV patterns. Identifying whether the familial and peer
variables associated with other risk behaviors (substance use, status offenses, aggression) are
IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

66
also predictive of IPV patterns is an important step towards understanding early markers of risk
and protection. Recent research indicates that men and women are both victims and perpetrators
of IPV, although it has yet to be determined whether the etiological processes of boys and girls
share common risk and protective factors (Allen, Swan, & Raghavan, 2009; Fang & Corso,
2008; Shorey, Cornellius & Bell, 2008). We therefore also explored if our hypothesized
relationships varied across gender.
We hypothesized that a greater number of adverse childhood experiences would be 1a)
positively associated with IPV patterns and 1b) inversely associated with the absence of IPV.
We also hypothesized that associations with a greater number of substance using peers (and
peers with more attitudes towards drugs) would be 2a) positively associated with IPV
perpetration and 2b) inversely associated with the absence of IPV. Consistent with the social
support literature we theorized that 3a) peer social support would be inversely associated with
IPV behaviors and 3b) positively associated with no IPV. Conversely, we expected that 4a)
having been bullied by peers at school would be predictive of IPV behaviors and 4b) inversely
associated with not experiencing IPV. Due to the inconsistent literature regarding gender specific
IPV behaviors and responses to maltreatment, we did not make any a priori predictions about the
strength or direction of gender differences.
Methods

Project RED (Reteniendo y Entendiendo Diversidad para Salud) was designed to investigate
acculturation patterns and substance use among Hispanic adolescents in Southern California,
beginning in 2006 (Unger, Ritt-Olson, Wagner, S, & Baezconde-Garbanati, 2007). Participants
were students who were enrolled in seven randomly selected high schools in the Los Angeles
area whose student bodies were at 75% Hispanic. The overall sampling strategy was designed to
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67
sample schools with a wide range of socioeconomic characteristics: the range of median
household incomes in the zip codes within the schools selected was $29,000 and $73,000
according to the US Census data. In 2006, all 9
th
grade students in the schools were invited to
participate in the survey if they provided written or verbal parental consent and student assent. A
more comprehensive review of recruitment procedures can be found elsewhere (Unger et al.,
2007). The University of Southern California Institutional Review Board approved all study
procedures. In 2011–2012, the study team attempted to re-establish contact with the Hispanic
participants who had participated in any wave of the high school survey to take part in an
Emerging Adulthood (EA) survey. Participants who verified their identity and participation in
the original Project RED study were invited to participate in the follow-up survey by phone or
online. The analytic sample is drawn from the third wave of data collection after high school
that occurred in 2013-2014. This is the first wave to include survey items assessing adverse
childhood experiences and IPV behaviors measured with the Conflict Tactics Scale (CTS2) short
form. The final analytic sample was comprised of 835 participants from the original high school
cohort (year 1) who self-identified as Hispanic or Latina/o and provided complete data on the
variables of interest on the measures described below.
Measures
Gender was measured with one item coded as 0= male and 1= female.
Adverse Childhood Experiences (CVA, CPA, CSA, EIPV) were assessed with items from the
Adverse Childhood Experiences study (Felitti et al., 1998). Eight of the items are from the
Conflict Tactics Scale (CTS, verbal abuse, physical abuse, battered mother) and the 4 sexual
abuse items are from Wyatt and colleagues (1985). We coded adverse experiences consistent
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68
with the method prescribed by the authors of the original measure and study (Anda & colleagues,
1999). Sample questions include “How often did your parent, stepparent, or adult living in your
home swear at you, insult you, or put you down?,” “Sometimes parents or other adults hurt
children. While you were growing up, that is in the first 18 years of your life, how often did your
parent, stepparent, or adult living in your home (1) push, grab, slap, or throw something at you?,”
“Sometimes physical blows occur between parents. While you were growing up in your first 18
years of life, how often did your father (or stepfather) or mother’s boyfriend do any of these
things to your mother (or stepmother): (1) push, grab, slap or throw something at her, (2) kick,
bite, hit her with a fist, or hit her with something hard, (3) repeatedly hit her over at least a few
minutes, or (4) threaten her with a knife or gun, or use a knife or gun to hurt her?” Response
options were: 0 (never), 1 (once or twice), 2 (sometimes), 3 (often, or very often). Responses
were dichotomized where responses for “often” or “very often” were considered positive
responses for physical abuse and response of sometimes, often, or very often were considered
positive for verbal abuse. For the item assessing whether respondent was hit hard enough to be
injured or leave marks a response of “sometimes” was included in the definition of having been
physically abused in childhood. Sample questions assessing sexual abuse include “During the
first 18 years of your life, did an adult, relative, family friend, or stranger ever (1) touch or fondle
your body in a sexual way, (2) have you touch their body in a sexual way, (3) attempt to have
any type of sexual intercourse with you (oral, anal, or vaginal), (4) actually have sexual
intercourse with you (oral, anal, or vaginal). A “yes” response to any 1 of the 4 items was coded
as having experienced childhood sexual abuse. Composite scores were calculated with responses
that ranged from 0 = no ACEs to 4= 4 ACES.
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69
Bullying victimization: Bullying victimization was measured by averaging responses to self-
reported frequency of events in the past 12 months. These items are part of the California
Healthy Kids Survey (California Department of Education, 2006), the largest statewide survey of
resiliency, protective factors, and risk behaviors among adolescents. Direct and indirect
victimization was assessed using a subset of this questionnaire distinguishing between physical
and nonphysical forms of harassment. Questions about indirect/verbal victimization included,
“During the past 12 months how many times have mean rumors or lies been spread about you?”
and “How many times have you been made fun of because of your looks or the way that you
talk?” Questions about direct/physical victimization included how many times respondents had
been shoved, hit, or threatened because of their race, ethnicity, religion or gender over the last 12
months while on at school. Response options ranged from 0 times to 4 or more times.
Peer social support: (Cronbach’s alpha = 0.90) was assessed using a subset of 4 items from the
Zimet, Dahlem, Zimet & Farley Multidimensional Scale of Perceived Social Support (1988).
This instrument is a twelve-item measure with ratings made on a 4-point Likert-type scale
ranging from strongly disagree (1) to strongly agree (4). Items included in the present study
measured the degree of social support a participant receives from friends and excluded items
assessing support from family or other adults.
Substance-using peers was measured using two self-report item: “How many of your friends do
you think would offer you drugs?” and “How many of your friends would think it’s OK for
someone your age to do drugs?” Response options ranged from none (0) to all 5 of my friends (4)
Outcome: IPV was measures using the Short form of the revised Conflict Tactics Scale (Straus
& Douglas, 2004). This is a 20-item measure that asks respondents to report if they have
engaged in any form psychological or physical IPV perpetration or experienced victimization.
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70
Psychological IPV includes swearing, shouting or yelling, destroying objects/ belongings and
threatening physical harm. Physical IPV includes pushing, shoving or slapping, and any
physical contact that resulted in a sprain, bruise, small cut or pain the following day. No
victimization or perpetration: This group indicated that they had not been victims or perpetrators
of any category of IPV (psychological or physical). Response options were no
perpetration/victimization =0, Once in the past year=1, Twice in the past year = 2, 3-5 times in
the past year = 3, 6-10 times in the past year =4, 11-20 times in the past year =5, more than 20
times in the past year =6.
Analytic strategy
Frequencies, means and standard deviations were calculated for all variables of interest.
Due to the skewed distribution of IPV outcomes, the Wilcoxon-Mann-Whitney test was used to
assess gender differences. Separate zero inflated negative binomial (ZINB) regression models
were run to test hypotheses for psychological and physical victimization and perpetration. Zero
inflated negative binomial regression is a statistical technique that can examine effects over a full
distribution of over dispersed count variables that have a large number of zero values. An
assumption of ZINB models is that the study population is comprised of two distinct sub
populations, one that engages in a behavior and another that does not. This approach facilitates
determining whether the set of predictors is differentially associated with IPV involvement and
the absence of IPV. The set of predictors is used in a logistic model to calculate the log odds of
an individual not experiencing IPV. The same predictors were used in a negative binomial
model to calculate incident rate ratios (IRR) of IPV victimization or perpetration. Interaction
terms were calculated (female*adverse childhood events, female*substance-using peers,
female*peer support, and female*peer bullied) to evaluate whether the association between
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71
covariates, predictors and IPV outcomes varied by gender.
Results

Of the 1,208 emerging adults who provided IPV responses, 885 provided responses to
survey items on the 9
th
grade and EA surveys. Of the 323 students that were eliminated from the
current analytic sample, 92 did not have EA survey data on the high school responses or did not
provide responses on bullying victimization (n=56), substance-using peers (n=86), and peer
support (n=89). The analytic sample was 42% female with a mean age of 13.99 (SD = .38 ) in 9
th

grade and a mean age 22.24 (SD = .29) at the time of the EA survey. At the EA survey
assessment, approximately 50% of our sample reported psychological victimization or
perpetration, 17% acknowledged being victims of physical IPV and 13% stated that they had
engaged in physical IPV perpetration. Preliminary analyses indicated that females were more
likely than males to experience physical victimization and use psychologically aggressive tactics
in their partnerships in emerging adulthood. Adolescent females had higher mean levels of
social support while young adult females were more likely to report physical victimization and
psychological perpetration (Table 6). The prevalence of IPV in this community sample is
consistent with several studies that report high rates of psychological IPV and lower, but
alarming, rates of physical victimization and perpetration between romantic partners (Daigneault
et al., 2009; Hines & Saudino, 2004, Coker et al., 2002).
The likelihood ratio tests for the full ZINB models were statistically significant indicating
good model fit ( 
2
= 15.39, p < .01 for psychological victimization; 
2
= 17.39, p < .01 for
psychological perpetration; 
2
= 21.07, p < .001 for physical victimization; and 
2
= 10.35, p <
.05 for physical perpetration). The results of the Vuong test assessing the appropriateness of a
zero inflated model as compared to an ordinary negative binomial regression model were also
IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

72
significant with p’s <.01 or <.001. Our final models report robust standard errors that adjust for
heterogeneity in the model.
Physical IPV pattern results
We found partial support for our hypotheses predicting physical IPV patterns. Having
substance-using peers and peer victimization in adolescence were positively associated with
early adult physical IPV victimization (Table 7). A one-unit increase in delinquent peer
affiliation and being bullied in adolescence increased the estimated incident risk ratio (IRR) of
emerging adult victimization by 24% and 13% respectively. Moreover, the increase in risk for
adult victimization due to being bullied in 9
th
grade was 21% for girls (Figure 6). Although
adverse childhood experiences were not directly associated with risk for victimization,
experiencing fewer forms of child maltreatment was predictive of not being victimized. A unit
increase in adverse childhood experiences was associated with an estimated 0.19 decrease in the
log odds of not experiencing physical victimization. Among this set of variables, only being
bullied on campus in 9
th
grade was predictive of perpetration. For every unit increase in self-
reported bullying victimization by peers, there was an estimated 16% increase in the IRR of
physical IPV perpetration. Substance-using peers were inversely associated with no perpetration
in that the log odds of not perpetrating decreased by .37 for every unit increase in substance-
using peers.
Psychological IPV pattern results
We also found partial support for our hypothesized relationship between adolescent peer
predictors and psychological IPV behaviors in young adulthood (Table 8). For every one-unit
increase in peer support there was an estimated increase of .12 in the log odds of not
experiencing victimization (p < .05) whereas each for additional risky peer there was an
IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

73
estimated .31 decrease in the log odds of being a non-victim (p < .05). Among girls, a one-unit
increase in peer support increased the log odds of not perpetrating psychological IPV by .17 (p <
.05). A higher number of adverse childhood experiences increased risk for higher rates of
psychological victimization and perpetration. For every additional form of maltreatment there
was an 11% increase in the IRR of victimization (p < .01) and an estimated 13% increase in
perpetration (p < .001). No variables were directly associated with not being a perpetrator,
although we did find moderation effects by gender. Every unit increase in the bullying measure
was associated with a decrease in the log odds of not perpetrating.
Discussion
Our results demonstrate that childhood maltreatment, early adolescent peer social ties,
and peer victimization are directly related to emerging adult IPV patterns. The prevalence of
psychological IPV victimization and perpetration in the current sample is consistent with other
large scale studies that suggest up to 50% of adults experience some form of IPV (Archer, 2006;
Coker et al., 2002; Reid et al., 2008; Renner & Whitney, 2010). Our hypothesis that childhood
maltreatment would be positively associated with psychological IPV victimization in early adult
intimate partnerships was supported. Children form their core beliefs about themselves and
others in part as a response to their experiences with caregivers (Garber & Flynn, 2001; Fonagy,
Gergely, & Jurist, 2004). Youth raised in violent and abusive homes can develop distorted
cognitions, self blame, and high levels of distress (Perry, Hodges, and Egan 2001; Finkelhor et
al., 2011) that in turn amplify risk for multiple victimizations over time (Golder & Logan, 2011;
McHugh, Livingston, & Ford, 2005). This association also held for psychological perpetration, a
finding that has been reported by several researchers examining developmental risk factors and
later IPV (Fang & Corso, 2008; Maxfield & Widom, 1996; Stith, Smith, Penn, Ward, & Tritt,
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74
2004). The predominant explanations for this link are either that the aggressive and violent
behaviors of parents are adopted and legitimized by children (Simons, Wu, Johnson & Conger,
1995) or that the trauma induced by victimization heightens sensitivity to threat leading to
mistrust, hostile attribution bias, and increased aggression (Baron & Richardson, 1994; Hartman
& Burgess, 1993). However, in contrast to other studies, we did not find that ACEs predicted
physical IPV perpetration or victimization, although being exposed to fewer forms of
maltreatment was associated with the absence of IPV. This differential association suggests the
involvement of individual level characteristics in the causal chain between maltreatment and the
expression of physical violence in intimate partnerships that were not measured in the present
study. Although there is empirical evidence demonstrating that engagement in youth violence
(Fang & Corso, 2008, Capaldi & Clark, 1998) or behaviors consistent with conduct disorder
(Ehrensaft et al., 2003) mediate the association between family risk and adult partner violence,
findings are inconsistent (Herrenkohl et al., 2004) and suggest that the mechanisms of IPV
require continued research attention. None-the-less, our results contribute to the growing
literature that for a significant proportion of young adults, the developmental pathway to IPV is
tied to family violence and child maltreatment.
Most notably, our hypotheses regarding the direct effects of social context variables in
adolescence were supported for some, but not all, IPV outcomes in early adulthood.
Associations with drug using friends, or friends with normative beliefs regarding drug use, was
predictive of physical victimization and inversely associated with no physical perpetration and
no psychological victimization. The youth involved with peers who are engaged in one risky
behavior are probably also engaging in other provocative behaviors (Jessor, 2001). Friendship
groups tend to be formed around shared experiences, values and characteristics (selection
IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

75
effects) that in turn sustain or facilitate (facilitation effects) behavioral norms (Thornberry,
Krohn, Lizotte, & Chard-Wierschem, 1993). These groups are likely comprised of youth with
poor social and emotional skills that curtail their ability to integrate well with highly adjusted
youth. Without intervention or assistance, these youth are often unable to successfully negotiate
complex adolescent social contexts or develop the requisite coping skills to prevent further
involvement in problem behaviors. Consequently, the social milieus of at-risk youth reinforce
maladaptive interaction styles that then set the stage for harmful romantic partnerships in
adulthood. In contrast, positive peer support increased the likelihood of no psychological
victimization in adulthood for the aggregate sample and increased the odds of not perpetrating
for women. The protective effects of social support for girls supports the preliminary, cross
sectional the findings of Branch, Richards, & Dretsch (2013) and confirms prior research
emphasizing the benefits of quality relationships among women across a host of behaviors. The
protective effects of peer support and deleterious effects of risky peer groups speak to the
necessity, and long term benefits, of identifying and providing services to students in need of
social and emotional skills training.
Of critical importance are our findings regarding the relationship between bullying
victimization and future IPV. Having been bullied was strongly predictive of physical IPV
victimization and perpetration years later, above and beyond family risk and other peer
phenomena. Gender differences were also found. First, women who reported being bullied were
more likely than men to be victims of physical IPV. Second, increased bullying decreased the
odds of not being a perpetrator for women as compared to men. This heightened sensitivity to
bullying among girls has been observed in several other studies (Crick, Bigbee & Howes, 1996;
Gower & Borowsky, 2013) and contributes to the growing literature that gender specific
IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

76
responses to risk during childhood and adolescence may require programs tailored to the needs
of each sex rather than relying on universal approaches that assume similar risk profiles across
gender.
Both the direct and indirect effects of bullying across physical IPV outcomes, and
psychological IPV for women, is further evidence of the destructive nature of peer-based
victimization. The direct link between peer victimization and future IPV victimization and
perpetration may reflect adult manifestations of bully, victim, and bully-victim behavioral
patterns that have been noted in the literature (Olweus, 2000; Schwarz, Proctor & Chien, 2001)
and warrants further research attention. Although internalizing and externalizing behavior
problems have been associated with bullying over the course of adolescence (Gower &
Borowsky, 2013), less work has examined the impact of bullying on emerging adulthood IPV
behaviors. Given that approximately 50% of the sample reported some form of bullying
victimization in 9
th
grade screening, prevention and intervention services could have long-term
benefits for victims, in particular.
Overall, our findings provide insight into the cascade of risk associated with family based
trauma, peer victimization, and risky peer groups. Although no consistent pattern was found,
there were significant protective effects conferred by social support from peers. The evidence
that effective social skills training and emotional regulation strategies can modify violence
related attitudes and behaviors is growing (Dahlberg & Potter, 2001), although addressing
multiple risk factors and developmental needs poses serious challenges. Social and emotional
skills acquisition and development occurs across contexts and prevention efforts localized in
schools must contend with the limits of focusing their efforts in one social setting rather across
several. Nonetheless, implementing programs in schools partnered with community
IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

77
organizations better suited to address family risk has the potential to ameliorate violence and
violence related behaviors in intimate relationships. Important in this effort will be identifying
youth that will benefit from services. Screening for bullying, deviant friends, and child
maltreatment is essential in combating future victimization and perpetration. Universal
approaches are well positioned to facilitate positive peer interactions and encouraging youth to
promote campus climates intolerant of bullying behaviors. However, children experiencing
maltreatment by caregivers and those already tied to deviant peers may be less responsive to
universal approaches and require specialized interventions that not only focus on emotional and
behavioral self-regulation but address trauma related cognitions, emotions, and behaviors.
Designing more intensive secondary prevention programs for selected and indicated groups of
adolescents and providing the necessary support services in middle school or high school will
have lasting life course benefits.
Limitations
Several limitations of this study should be noted. First, these findings are based on a
sample of Hispanic adolescents attending schools that were at least 70% Hispanic, necessitating
additional research to determine whether these results will generalize to adolescents of other
ethnic groups living in other cultural contexts. Therefore, the generalizability of our findings is
limited to students of predominantly Mexican decent living in urban settings similar to that of
Southern California. Second, although the longitudinal data used in this study provide some
evidence of temporal precedence, we did not assess dating violence in 9
th
grade. Third,
interpretations of self-report data should be taken with some caution as responses were not
corroborated or verified. Studies relying on self-report data may be biased by participants under-
or over-reporting some behaviors or feelings in an effort to present themselves in ways perceived
IPV AMONG HISPANIC EMERGING ADULTS

78
to be more desirable to researchers, peers, and themselves. While under- or over-reporting may
also be a function of recall and attribution bias, studies that rely on self-reports have yielded
reliable results (Bradburn, 1983; Rutherford, Cacciola, Alterman, McKay, & Cook, 2000).
Future directions
Prior programs have shown a reduction in delinquent behaviors when youth develop
sufficient social and emotional skills to participate in more conventional peer groups and
behaviors and experience this engagement as positive and rewarding (Ayers et al., 1999). We
recommend ongoing research efforts that can inform the design and subsequent evaluation of
prevention work that provide at-risk youth sufficient support and skills to facilitate healthy and
supportive friendships, reduce on campus bullying, and allow marginalized youth to begin to
participate in more conventional activities and peer groups. An important area for future
prevention design will be continue to investigate gender specific responses to contextual risks
and assets and how these should be incorporated and to tailored to the needs of high risk boys
and girls. Moreover, ongoing public health efforts should continue to focus on how assets in an
adolescent’s community and social environment can be utilized in efforts to bolster resilience
among vulnerable populations.

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Table 6: Demographic information and variables of interest n= 885
Demographic Variables Frequency (%)
Male 513 (58%)
Female 371 (42%)
Mean sd
Age 13.99 .38
Outcomes Frequency (%)
Yes
Mean sd Gender
differences
(z)
Psychological Victimization 451(51%) 1.51 2.11 -1.01
Psychological Perpetration 472(53%) 1.57 .92 -3.24***
Physical Victimization 151(17%) .51 1.39 2.33*
Physical Perpetration 113(13%) .29 .92 .52
Mean Std. dev.
Predictors
Mean sd Gender
differences
(z,t)
ACEs 460(52%) 1.20 1.23 .69
Bullied at school 558(63%) 2.86 2.09 .24
Peer social support 13.19 2.59 11.02***
* indicates p <.05, ** indicates p <.01, and *** indicates p <.001
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Table 7: Zero inflated negative binomial regression for physical IPV
victimization and perpetration
Victimization IRR S.E. z 95% CI
Female 1.1 0.16 0.64 .81,.48
ACEs 0.99 0.05 -0.1 .89,1.09
Subs-using peers 1.28*** 0.08 4.29 1.14,1.44
Peer support 0.97 0.02 0.18 .93,1.02
Being bullied 1.13*** 0.04 3.33 1.05,1.21
Female*bullied 1.21* 0.05 3.41 1.10,1.35
No Victimization Coef. S.E. z 95% CI
Female 0.35 0.22 0.12 -.08,.79
ACEs -.19* 0.08 -2.12 -.36,-.02
Subs-using peers -0.15 0.13 -1.14 -.43,.11
Peer support 0.06 0.04 1.41 -.02,.13
Being bullied -0.03 0.02 -0.54 -.09,.05
Perpetration IRR S.E. z 95% CI
Female 0.92 0.19 -0.41 .61,1.38
ACEs 1.11 0.1 1.36 .95,1.31
Subs-using peers 1.08 0.13 0.7 .85,1.36
Peer support 0.97 0.03 -0.85 .92,1.03
Being bullied 1.16** 0.06 2.93 1.05,1.27
No Perpetration Coef S.E. z 95% CI
Female -0.13 0.29 -0.45 -.71,.44
ACEs -0.08 0.11 -0.76 -.30,.13
Subs-using peers -.37* 0.16 -2.33 -.69,-.06
Peer support 0.05 0.02 0.48 -.10,.11
Being bullied 0.03 0.06 0.51 -.09,.16
Note. All significant findings are in bold. Only significant interaction terms are reported.
* p <.05, ** p <.01, and *** p <.001. Subs-using = substance-using

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Table 8: Zero inflated negative binomial regression for psychological IPV
victimization and perpetration
Victimization IRR S.E. z 95% CI
Female 0.99 0.12 -0.64 .78,1.28
ACEs 1.11** 0.04 2.76 1.03,1.21
Subs-using
peers
1.05 0.05 0.36 .94,1.16
Peer support 0.96 0.02 0.18 .93,1.01
Being bullied 1.02 0.03 1.22 .98,1.07
No
Victimization
Coef. S.E. z 95% CI
Female 0.09 0.26 0.36 -.41,.60
ACEs -0.05 0.07 -0.62 -.22,.11
Subs-using
peers
-.36* 0.14 -2.29 -.67,-.06
Peer support 1.12* 0.21 2.53 .92,1.44
Being bullied -0.05 0.05 -0.95 -.17,.06
Perpetration IRR S.E. z 95% CI
Female 0.34 0.17 -2.04 -.51,.95
ACEs 1.13*** 0.04 3.78 1.06,1.20
Subs-using
peers
1.09 0.05 1.62 .98,1.20
Peer support 0.94 0.03 -1.92 .89,1.01
Being bullied 1.01 0.02 0.66 .96,1.05
No
Perpetration
Coef S.E. z 95% CI
Female -0.32 0.27 -1.19 -.86,.21
ACEs -0.07 0.08 -0.94 -.24,.09
Subs-using
peers
-0.29 0.16 -1.82 -.61,02
Peer support 0.08 0.04 1.75 -.17,.09
Being bullied -0.11 0.06 -1.76 -.22,.03
Female*bullied -.22* 0.11 -1.99 -.44,-.03
Female*peer
support
1.17* 0.37 2.21 1.09,1.45
Note. All significant findings are in bold. Only significant interaction effects are reported.
* p <.05, ** p <.01, and *** p <.001. Subs-using = substance-using.

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Figure 6:

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Chapter 4: Conclusion

Cumulatively, the fields of public health, psychology and sociology have highlighted the
complexity and heterogeneity in intimate partner violence (IPV). Initially, IPV research focused
exclusively on women’s victimization and prevention program design was grounded in critical
feminist theory and power and dominance models. Although there has been some empirical
evidence supporting these theoretical paradigms, recent research has revealed that IPV is a much
more complex, social and public health issue than the original conceptualizations of “domestic
violence” implied. Current research has revealed important population based trends: emerging
adults report the highest prevalence of IPV behaviors, ethnic minority men and women may be at
increased risk, that men and women are victims and perpetrators (gender symmetry), and that the
interplay between developmental risks and assets likely play a central role in IPV behavior
patterns. Studies demonstrating gender symmetry in IPV outcomes have also reported that
bidirectional IPV may actually be much more common than either victimization or perpetration.
The advent of more reliable measures and more precise classifications of multiple forms of IPV
advanced our understanding of intimate partner relational patterns and stimulated lively and
contentious debates regarding the underpinnings of IPV behaviors across gender and ethnicity.
One primary explanation for this lack of consensus is the segmented nature of IPV research that
has produced more controversy than consensus. These dissertation studies were designed to
synthesize two important perspectives in health behavior research. By applying a sociocultural
frame to a developmental, life course approach to the investigation of IPV we present a more
comprehensive picture of IPV patterns among Hispanic, emerging adult men and women.
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84
These studies fill some of the aforementioned gaps in the literature regarding the
precursors and correlates of IPV and tested a sociocultural, developmental risk model of IPV.
Overall, the studies supported this conceptualization of IPV behaviors and were able to identify
shared and unique features of etiological processes for men and women and confirm that
sociocultural stressors increase risk for all IPV typologies. These findings have important
implications for future research and the development of more effective primary, secondary, and
tertiary prevention programs for Hispanic youth and emerging adults. First, among the most
notable findings across these studies is the consistent relationship between perceived
discrimination and IPV that, although novel, mirror similar results from within other disciplines.
Several criminological, sociological and psychological theories of interpersonal violence argue
that diminished status, rejection, and disempowerment are fundamental causes of individual level
violence (e.g. gang violence, criminal assault, and homicide). Based upon the studies contained
herein adopting cross disciplinary perspectives is a crucial future step that can further elucidate
the role of perceived discrimination and other culturally based stressors in psychological and
physical violence that occurs in romantic partnerships. Second, this link between perceived
discrimination and risk for victimization across gender, and perpetration for men, highlights the
necessity for continued research that can illustrate the short and long term costs associated with
discrimination, it’s contribution to psychosocial risk, and how this can be addressed in
prevention program design.
Gender specific risk profiles were a second pattern that was observed across studies.
Our results underscore the importance of intra- and extra-familial victimization, particularly for
girls and women. Moreover, our primary predictors and correlates (e.g. peer victimization,
social support, alcohol use), with the exception of perceived discrimination, all differentially
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85
associated with IPV patterns across gender. The second study demonstrated that adverse
childhood experiences had a direct association with victimization, perpetration, and bidirectional
IPV for women only. The third study was designed to assess the longitudinal impact of peer
influences in adolescence on emerging adult intimate partner relationships. As in the second
study, we found that women’s IPV behaviors were more likely to be associated with positive and
negative peer processes than men’s outcomes. The effects of early life course extrafamilal
victimization were most profound for women. Girls that had been bullied by their peers in early
adolescence where more likely to be physically victimized by an intimate partner and
experienced more frequent episodes of physical victimization eight years later. Conversely, girls
who were not bullied were significantly less likely to be involved in IPV perpetration as
emerging adults. An important protective factor was peer social support, which also decreased
the likelihood of perpetration in emerging adulthood among women. These dissertation studies
contribute to mounting evidence that girls and women’s health behaviors are grounded in
relational processes and social context. Most current prevention programs have adopted a
universal rather than selected or targeted approach, a strategy that may explain the limited
effectiveness and lack of long term benefit documented in evaluation studies. The focus on
comparisons across men and women has yielded important information, yet only gives rise to
further questions that cannot be answered in simple gender comparison tests. An important next
step will be in-depth investigations into why women perpetrate or become victims, particularly in
light of findings that suggest women have higher IPV perpetration rates than men. This will
require continued research that examines differences within female samples rather than
considering their responses, experiences and behaviors relative to males.
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86
There were also some risk factors unique to men. Perceived discrimination was
associated with higher alcohol use and physical IPV perpetration among men only. It is highly
likely that coping, in the context of culturally based stressors, varies by gender. Our findings
give rise to a number of thought provoking questions that speak to the importance of addressing
contextual stressors and the sensitive issue of minority and majority cultural interactions.
Conventional wisdom suggests that male dominance is a central feature of IPV, and this
paradigm has been applied to IPV studies among cultures that espouse traditional gender roles
and norms. However, our findings provide evidence that suggests that a) males are frequent
victims and b) that perpetration may have several alternative explanations. First, as evidenced in
study one, male victimization was associated with perceived discrimination and childhood sexual
abuse. Second, in the third study male and female victimization and perpetration were both
linked to an increase in the number of adverse childhood experiences and peer processes.
Continued longitudinal work needs to explore whether men and women differentially respond to
familial, social, and cultural risks and assets, what individual level characteristics increase risk
for internalizing and externalizing behavior patterns, and the role that substance use may play in
perceptions of threat, self regulation, and coping.
These studies have several limitations that should be considered when interpreting
current findings. While study specific limitations are discussed in each section six main
limitations are important. First, studies relying on self-report data may be biased by participants
under- or over-reporting some behaviors or feelings in an effort to present themselves in ways
perceived to be more desirable to researchers, peers, and themselves. Second, our measure of
perceived discrimination, also based on self- reports, could not assess the chronicity or context in
which discrimination took place, or provide an “objective” corroboration. Third, although we
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87
assessed adverse childhood experiences retrospectively while IPV was assessed in the past year,
it is reasonable to assume that reported adverse childhood experiences precede past year IPV
victimization. Fourth, the majority of analyses were cross sectional, which does not allow for
causal or temporal conclusions of the relationships between predictors and IPV behaviors. Fifth,
two studies utilized composite measures of adverse childhood experiences which may overlook
important differences in the relationships between specific types of maltreatment and uni- or
bidirectional IPV patterns in general or across gender. Sixth, in this study and the majority of
IPV studies, it has been difficult to determine the threshold or criteria that differentiates harmful
verbal or psychological victimization and perpetration from impassioned and exuberant
exchanges between partners. This has been addressed in a few studies that examine frequency
and severity and motivated the use of continuous outcome measures across categories in studies
two and three of this dissertation.
In sum, our findings suggest the need to focus on risk factors separately by gender and
that sociocultural stressors may partially explain the elevated rates of IPV behaviors among
minority populations. We present evidence that suggests people who perceive themselves to be
treated unfairly are more likely to be involved in harmful relationships although the mechanisms
that drive this association need further clarification. None-the- less, the full scope and breadth
of the sequelae of discrimination, and particularly chronic discrimination, remains
underappreciated and should continue to be a central concern in health behavior research. The
reluctance of scholars from diverse fields to consider alternative perspectives and the empirical
evidence that consistently shows strong links between developmental and contextual risk has
been a major hindrance in IPV research. To the best of my knowledge, these are the first studies
to have incorporated perceived discrimination into the study of multiple outcomes across gender.
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88
Due to the early nature of this work, future research will need to validate and replicate these
findings. However, these chapters provide strong preliminary evidence that sociocultural
variables and stressors shape human behavior and that gender differences in etiological processes
need further research attention. Lastly, although IPV occurs in intimate settings and may have
later onset than other types of interpersonal violence, these studies confirm the importance of
early life course events in emerging adult partnerships. Incorporating appropriate screening
methods to identify high-risk groups and addressing the trauma of prior violence exposure will
be critical in reducing the public health burden of intimate partner violence among emerging
adults.

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89
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Appendix: Measures

Childhood Adverse Experiences Anda et al. (1999) Adverse childhood experiences (ACE)
While you were growing up, that is, in your first 18 years of life,
how often did a parent, stepparent, or adult living in your home.
Never (1), Once or twice (2), Sometimes (3), Often (4), Very Often
(5), I prefer not to answer (-9)
 Swear at you, insult you, or put you down?
 Hit you or throw something at you, but didn't do it?
 Push, grab, slap, or throw something at you?
 Hit you so hard that you had marks or were injured?
Did your father (or stepfather) or mother's boyfriend do any of
these things to your mother (or stepmother)…
Never (1), Once or twice (2), Sometimes (3), Often (4), Very Often
(5), I prefer not to answer (-9)
 Push, grab, slap, or throw something at her?
 Kick, bite, hit her with a fist, or hit her with something hard?
 Repeatedly hit her over at least a few minutes?
 Threaten her with a knife or gun, or use a knife or gun to hurt her?
During the first 18 years of life, did an adult, relative, family
friend, or stranger ever…
Yes (1), No (0), I prefer not to answer (-9)
 Touch or fondle your body in a sexual way?
 Have you touch their body in a sexual way?
 Attempt to have any type of sexual intercourse with you (oral, anal, or vaginal)?
 Actually have any type of sexual intercourse with you (oral, anal, or vaginal)?
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Fatalism Cuellar et al. (2006).
Definitely not (1), Probably no (2), Probably yes (3), Definitely yes
(4), I prefer not to answer (-9)
 It’s more important to enjoy life now than to plan to for the future.
 People can’t really do much to change what happens in life. You just have to accept things.
 I live for today because I don’t know what will happen in the future.
 I don’t plan ahead because most things in life are a matter of luck.

Cultural identity Phinney et al. (1992).

Please indicate whether you
Strongly disagree (1), Disagree (2), Agree (3), Strongly agree (4) I
prefer not to answer (-9)
 I have spent time trying to find out more about my ethnic group, such as its history, traditions, and customs.
 I am active in organizations or social groups that include mostly members of my own ethnic group.
 I have a clear sense of my ethnic background and what it means for me.
 I think a lot about how my life will be affected by my ethnic group membership.
 I am happy that I am a member of the group I belong to.
 I have a sense of belonging to my own ethnic group.
 I understand pretty well what my ethnic group membership means to me.
 In order to learn more about my ethnic background, I have often talked to other people about my ethnic group.
 I have a lot of pride in my ethnic group.
 I participate in cultural practices of my own group, such as special food, music, or customs.
 I feel a strong attachment towards my own ethnic group.
 I feel good about my cultural or ethnic background.

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Perceived Discrimination Guyll, Mathews & Bromberger. (2001).
Sometimes people feel they are treated differently because of
their ethnic or cultural background. How do people treat you?
Often(1), Sometimes (2), Rarely (3), Never (4)
 You are treated with less respect than other people.
 You are treated with less courtesy than other people.
 People act as if they think you’re not smart.
 People act as if they are better than you.
 You receive poorer service than other people at restaurants or stores.
 People ignore you or act as if you are not there.
 You are threatened or harassed.
 You or your family members are called names or insulted.
 People act as if they think you are dishonest.
 People act as if they are afraid of you.

Intimate Partner Violence (HITS) Sherin et al. (1998).

How often does your partner?
No Partner (0), Never (1), Rarely (2), Sometimes (3), Fairly (4),
Frequently (5), I prefer not to answer (-9)
 Physically hurt you
 Insult or talk down to you
 Threaten you with harm
 Scream or curse at you

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Intimate Partner Violence (CTS2S) Douglas. (2004).

In the next question, we ask about your partner – this might be (or have
been) your husband or wife, a partner you live with, a boyfriend or
girlfriend, or someone you’ve had sex with once or twice.
Once in the past year(1), Twice in the past year(2), 3-5 times in the
past year(3), 6-10 times in the past year(4), 11-20 times in the
past year(5), More than 20 times in the past year(6), Not in the
past year, but it did happen before(7), This has never
happened(8), I prefer not to answer(-9)
 I insulted or swore or shouted or yelled at my partner. How often did this happen?
 My partner insulted or swore or shouted and yelled at me. How often did this happen?
 I had a sprain, bruise, or small cut, or felt pain the next day because of a fight with my partner. How often did this happen?
 My partner has a sprain, bruise, or small cut or felt pain the next day because of a fight with me. How often did this happen?
 I pushed, shoved, or slapped my partner. How often did this happen?
 My partner pushed, shoved, or slapped me. How often did this happen?
 I punched or kicked or beat-up my partner. How often did this happen?
 My partner punched or kicked or beat-me-up. How often did this happen?
 I destroyed something belonging to my partner or threatened to hit my partner. How often did this happen?
 My partner destroyed something belonging to me or threatened to hit me. How often did this happen?
 I went to see a doctor (M.D.) or needed to see a doctor because of a fight with my partner. How often did this happen?
 My partner went to see a doctor (M.D.) or needed to see a doctor because of a fight with me. How often did this happen?

Alcohol CDC. (1998). Youth Risk Behavior Survey

During the last 30 days how many days did you have at least 1
drink?
0 days (1). 1-2 days (2), 3-5 days (3), 6-9 days (4), 10-19 days (5),
20-29 days (6), 30 days(7), I prefer not to answer(-9)

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Bullying Victimization California Health Kids (2002). Wested

During the past 12 months, how many times on school property
have you . . .
0 times(1); 1(2); 2-3(3); 4 or more(4)
 had mean rumors or lies spread about you?
 been made fun of because of your looks or the way you talk?
During the past 12 months, how many times on school property
were you harassed or bullied for any of the following reasons . . .
0 times(1); 1(2); 2-3(3); 4 or more(4)
 You race, ethnicity, or national origin
 Your religion
 Your gender (being male or female)

Peer Social Support Zimet et al. (1998). Strongly disagree (1), Somewhat disagree (2), Agree (3), Strongly
agree (4)
 My FRIENDS really try to help me.
 I can count on my FRIENDS when things go wrong.
 I have FRIENDS with whom I can share my joys and sorrows.
 I can talk about my problems with my FRIENDS.

Delinquent Peer Associations Youth Risk Behavior Survey (1998)
Think of your five closest friends… None of them (1), 1 or 2(2), 3 or 4 (3), All 5 (4)
 How many think it's OK for someone your age to do drugs?
 How many would ever offer you drugs?

Abstract (if available)

Abstract Intimate partner violence research has yet to investigate the interplay between developmental risks, sociocultural stressors, and culture-specific factors in unidirectional and bidirectional IPV among minority populations. The current scholarly challenge is to translate the importance of culture into research approaches that clarify and highlight the impact of the sociocultural experience on behavioral outcomes, and how health researchers can translate meaningful conceptualizations and measures of culture to prevention and intervention services. These studies were designed to assess whether culture-specific factors and experiences influence these behaviors among a community sample of Hispanic emerging adults. Specifically, these studies contribute to scientific knowledge by exploring the associations between developmental risks (exposure to inter-parental violence, childhood sexual, physical or verbal abuse) sociocultural variables, and unidirectional and bidirectional IPV across gender. Study I tests hypotheses that the culture-specific factors (fatalism, cultural identity, and perceived discrimination) and adverse childhood experiences (i.e. childhood abuse types, parental IPV) are associated with the probability of IPV victimization. Study II extends these findings to examine the risk and protective effects of sociocultural factors on several classes of IPV outcomes (i.e. victimization, perpetration, bidirectionality) and whether these relationships are mediated by alcohol use. Study III examines whether the longitudinal effect of child and adolescent risk and protective factors predict similar or different IPV patterns by gender. As a whole, these studies were able to identify shared and unique features of etiological processes of IPV for male and female Hispanic emerging adults and confirm that sociocultural stressors increase risk for all IPV typologies. Among the most notable findings is the consistent relationship between perceived discrimination and IPV outcomes. Adopting cross-disciplinary perspectives in future prevention research and program design is crucial. Future studies would benefit from further exploration of the role culturally based stressors play in psychological and physical violence within romantic partnerships.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Forster, Myriam (author)

Core Title A sociocultural and developmental approach to intimate partner violence among a sample of Hispanic emerging adults

School Keck School of Medicine

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Preventive Medicine (Health Behavior Research)

Publication Date 01/13/2016

Defense Date 05/20/2015

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag adverse childhood experiences,Hispanic emerging adults,intimate partner violence,OAI-PMH Harvest,socioculural stressors

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Unger, Jennifer B. (committee chair), Richardson, Jean (committee member), Sussman, Steven Yale (committee member)

Creator Email myriamfo@usc.edu,myriamforster@msn.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c40-202948

Unique identifier UC11279498

Identifier etd-ForsterMyr-4068.pdf (filename),usctheses-c40-202948 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-ForsterMyr-4068.pdf

Dmrecord 202948

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Forster, Myriam

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA