Page 53 |
Save page Remove page | Previous | 53 of 162 | Next |
|
small (250x250 max)
medium (500x500 max)
Large (1000x1000 max)
Extra Large
large ( > 500x500)
Full Resolution
All (PDF)
|
This page
All
|
SUBVERTING STATE VIOLENCE 42
political efficacy within a political context to the extent to which people believe they can
influence political affairs. The term political efficacy was first used within the study of political
science in 1954 when Campbel (1954) writes:
“...the feeling that individual political action does have, or can have, an impact on the
political process, i.e., that it is worthwhile to perform one's civic duty. It is the feeling that
political and social change is possible, and that the individual citizen can play a part in
bringing about this change” (p.187).
Most discourse is based on the likelihood of voting as a display of civic engagement and
political efficacy. For example, Debellois (2009) found that the highest indicator of voting as an
indicator of political efficacy was volunteerism in high school, as opposed to activism.
Minoritized youth living in urban or inner-city communities appear to be the most disengaged
from political happenings and therefore vote disproportionately less due to increased risk factors
such as being Black, Latinx, immigrant, or growing up in poverty or single-parent household
(Debellis, 2009). Inversely, students with advantaged backgrounds are more likely to become
and remain politically active (Sohl & Arensmeier, 2014). (Condon & Holleque, 2013) analyzed
data from the Children of the National Longitudinal Study of Youth and found that general self-efficacy
has a positive effect on voter turnout, particularly for young people from low
socioeconomic-status families. Politically inexperienced young people base a part of their
political efficacy on observations of older family and community members participation (Condon
& Holleque, 2013; Serek, Lacinoca, & Macek, 2012). For instance,“Youth who contacted a
public official, given money to a candidate or issue, talked with family and friends about a
political issue, worked with a neighborhood on a political issue, and attended a protest or
Object Description
| Title | Subverting state violence through the art of hood politics: an exploratory study of Black and Latinx students' critical consciousness and political efficacy |
| Author | Rodgers, Kenneth W., Jr. |
| Author email | kwrodger@usc.edu;kenneth.rodgersjr@gmail.com |
| Degree | Doctor of Education |
| Document type | Dissertation |
| Degree program | Educational Leadership |
| School | Rossier School of Education |
| Date defended/completed | 2020-06-25 |
| Date submitted | 2020-08-07 |
| Date approved | 2020-08-08 |
| Restricted until | 2020-08-08 |
| Date published | 2020-08-08 |
| Advisor (committee chair) | Davis, Charles H.F., III |
| Advisor (committee member) |
Hancock Alfaro, Ange-Marie Green, Alan |
| Abstract | This qualitative study examines the experiences of Black and Latinx youth, the relationship between their critical consciousness development and political efficacy, and their continual subversion of state violence. The academic literature has predominately focused on critical consciousness solely as theorized by Freire and is often interpreted through neoliberal entities and paradigms, thereby minimizing its socialist, anti-colonial, anti-capitalist theoretical origin. The literature has also gauged political efficacy primarily through traditional metrics of civic engagement and voting that do not traditionally account for varying displays of organizing, activism, intentional non-voting, and other forms of resistance. The study investigated systems of power that converge to shape formal and informal educational experiences of the participants and capture the ways that they developed their critical consciousness and political attitudes, behaviors, and beliefs. As a result of 8 in-depth interviews and analyses of Black and Latinx youth (ages 17-19), snapshots emerged that allowed participants to foreground their experiences and construct meaning making of their worldviews. The findings of the study reveal the complex nature of critical consciousness development for Black and Latinx youth and serve as a model for utilizing critical consciousness and political efficacy as essential frameworks for future study and analyses. The findings add to the limited literature on the experiences of Black and Latinx youth concerning the system of education and its relation to critical consciousness development, political identity formation, and political efficacy. This study aimed to amplify the voices of Black and Latinx youth in a manner that acknowledges their humanity and agency. |
| Keyword | politics; political; political efficacy; efficacy; resistance; protest; hood; subvert; subverting; subversion; resist; state violence; state; Black; Latinx; socialist; anti-capitalist; anti-Blackness; communism; Marxism; decolonial; decolonization; critical consciousness; racism; white supremacy; gender; patriarchy; religion; anti-colonial; anti-capitalist; Freire, Paulo Freire; Frantz Fanon; Fred Moten; Karl Marx; Saidiya Hartman; education; schools; youth; exploratory; intersectionality; Crenshaw; Kimberle Crenshaw; Collins; James Baldwin; Gloria Anzaldua; whiteness; civics; civic engagement; neoliberalism; democracy; social justice; domination; power; gender; curriculum; walk-out; sit-in; paradigm intersectionality; BlackCrit; critical race theory, Henry Giroux; Kendrick Lamar; Wardell Milam |
| Language | English |
| Part of collection | University of Southern California dissertations and theses |
| Publisher (of the original version) | University of Southern California |
| Place of publication (of the original version) | Los Angeles, California |
| Publisher (of the digital version) | University of Southern California. Libraries |
| Provenance | Electronically uploaded by the author |
| Type | texts |
| Legacy record ID | usctheses-m |
| Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
| Rights | Rodgers, Kenneth W., Jr. |
| Physical access | The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the author, as the original true and official version of the work, but does not grant the reader permission to use the work if the desired use is covered by copyright. It is the author, as rights holder, who must provide use permission if such use is covered by copyright. The original signature page accompanying the original submission of the work to the USC Libraries is retained by the USC Libraries and a copy of it may be obtained by authorized requesters contacting the repository e-mail address given. |
| Repository name | University of Southern California Digital Library |
| Repository address | USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 7002, 106 University Village, Los Angeles, California 90089-7002, USA |
| Repository email | cisadmin@lib.usc.edu |
| Filename | etd-RodgersKen-8903.pdf |
| Archival file | Volume13/etd-RodgersKen-8903.pdf |
Description
| Title | Page 53 |
| Full text | SUBVERTING STATE VIOLENCE 42 political efficacy within a political context to the extent to which people believe they can influence political affairs. The term political efficacy was first used within the study of political science in 1954 when Campbel (1954) writes: “...the feeling that individual political action does have, or can have, an impact on the political process, i.e., that it is worthwhile to perform one's civic duty. It is the feeling that political and social change is possible, and that the individual citizen can play a part in bringing about this change” (p.187). Most discourse is based on the likelihood of voting as a display of civic engagement and political efficacy. For example, Debellois (2009) found that the highest indicator of voting as an indicator of political efficacy was volunteerism in high school, as opposed to activism. Minoritized youth living in urban or inner-city communities appear to be the most disengaged from political happenings and therefore vote disproportionately less due to increased risk factors such as being Black, Latinx, immigrant, or growing up in poverty or single-parent household (Debellis, 2009). Inversely, students with advantaged backgrounds are more likely to become and remain politically active (Sohl & Arensmeier, 2014). (Condon & Holleque, 2013) analyzed data from the Children of the National Longitudinal Study of Youth and found that general self-efficacy has a positive effect on voter turnout, particularly for young people from low socioeconomic-status families. Politically inexperienced young people base a part of their political efficacy on observations of older family and community members participation (Condon & Holleque, 2013; Serek, Lacinoca, & Macek, 2012). For instance,“Youth who contacted a public official, given money to a candidate or issue, talked with family and friends about a political issue, worked with a neighborhood on a political issue, and attended a protest or |
