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SUBVERTING STATE VIOLENCE 20
receiving a qualifying score of 3 or more on an exam (2014). This problem is magnified when
considering the limited access to schools that offer advanced and honors courses. A quarter of
high schools with the highest percentage of Black and Latinx students do not offer Algebra II; a
third of these schools do not offer chemistry. Fewer than half of American Indian and Native-
Alaskan high school students have access to the full range of math and science courses in their
high school (Department of Education, 2014). This evidence highlights the gender gap and
educational attainment issues in the U.S., which is most dramatic among racial and ethnic
minority groups (Lopez, 2003).
Black students are more likely than their white peers to be suspended, expelled, or
arrested for the same kind of alleged misconduct at school. This is evident in the data stating that
in 2003, Black youth made up 16 percent of the nation’s juvenile population but accounted for
45% of juvenile arrests (Kim, 2010). For these reasons, it is evident that there is a connection
between teacher perception and bias, school/student discipline practices, and legal repercussions
that disproportionately affect Black students.
White educators can resist white supremacy and build an antiracist paradigm by
combating whiteness and its impact on education and pedagogy (Johnson, Rich, & Castelan
Cargile, 2008). White fragility, good intentions, privilege, color blindness, and a deficit
educational and racial ideology all act as barriers to constructing an antiracist education system
(DiAngelo, 2017; Howard, 2017; Johnson, 2006; Linley, 2017; Preston, 2007). This act requires
separation from the individualist/capitalist notion that transcendence is a personal choice and that
educators are somehow separate from the social structures that reproduce harm (Johnson, Rich,
& Castelan Cargile, 2008).
Object Description
| Title | Subverting state violence through the art of hood politics: an exploratory study of Black and Latinx students' critical consciousness and political efficacy |
| Author | Rodgers, Kenneth W., Jr. |
| Author email | kwrodger@usc.edu;kenneth.rodgersjr@gmail.com |
| Degree | Doctor of Education |
| Document type | Dissertation |
| Degree program | Educational Leadership |
| School | Rossier School of Education |
| Date defended/completed | 2020-06-25 |
| Date submitted | 2020-08-07 |
| Date approved | 2020-08-08 |
| Restricted until | 2020-08-08 |
| Date published | 2020-08-08 |
| Advisor (committee chair) | Davis, Charles H.F., III |
| Advisor (committee member) |
Hancock Alfaro, Ange-Marie Green, Alan |
| Abstract | This qualitative study examines the experiences of Black and Latinx youth, the relationship between their critical consciousness development and political efficacy, and their continual subversion of state violence. The academic literature has predominately focused on critical consciousness solely as theorized by Freire and is often interpreted through neoliberal entities and paradigms, thereby minimizing its socialist, anti-colonial, anti-capitalist theoretical origin. The literature has also gauged political efficacy primarily through traditional metrics of civic engagement and voting that do not traditionally account for varying displays of organizing, activism, intentional non-voting, and other forms of resistance. The study investigated systems of power that converge to shape formal and informal educational experiences of the participants and capture the ways that they developed their critical consciousness and political attitudes, behaviors, and beliefs. As a result of 8 in-depth interviews and analyses of Black and Latinx youth (ages 17-19), snapshots emerged that allowed participants to foreground their experiences and construct meaning making of their worldviews. The findings of the study reveal the complex nature of critical consciousness development for Black and Latinx youth and serve as a model for utilizing critical consciousness and political efficacy as essential frameworks for future study and analyses. The findings add to the limited literature on the experiences of Black and Latinx youth concerning the system of education and its relation to critical consciousness development, political identity formation, and political efficacy. This study aimed to amplify the voices of Black and Latinx youth in a manner that acknowledges their humanity and agency. |
| Keyword | politics; political; political efficacy; efficacy; resistance; protest; hood; subvert; subverting; subversion; resist; state violence; state; Black; Latinx; socialist; anti-capitalist; anti-Blackness; communism; Marxism; decolonial; decolonization; critical consciousness; racism; white supremacy; gender; patriarchy; religion; anti-colonial; anti-capitalist; Freire, Paulo Freire; Frantz Fanon; Fred Moten; Karl Marx; Saidiya Hartman; education; schools; youth; exploratory; intersectionality; Crenshaw; Kimberle Crenshaw; Collins; James Baldwin; Gloria Anzaldua; whiteness; civics; civic engagement; neoliberalism; democracy; social justice; domination; power; gender; curriculum; walk-out; sit-in; paradigm intersectionality; BlackCrit; critical race theory, Henry Giroux; Kendrick Lamar; Wardell Milam |
| Language | English |
| Part of collection | University of Southern California dissertations and theses |
| Publisher (of the original version) | University of Southern California |
| Place of publication (of the original version) | Los Angeles, California |
| Publisher (of the digital version) | University of Southern California. Libraries |
| Provenance | Electronically uploaded by the author |
| Type | texts |
| Legacy record ID | usctheses-m |
| Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
| Rights | Rodgers, Kenneth W., Jr. |
| Physical access | The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the author, as the original true and official version of the work, but does not grant the reader permission to use the work if the desired use is covered by copyright. It is the author, as rights holder, who must provide use permission if such use is covered by copyright. The original signature page accompanying the original submission of the work to the USC Libraries is retained by the USC Libraries and a copy of it may be obtained by authorized requesters contacting the repository e-mail address given. |
| Repository name | University of Southern California Digital Library |
| Repository address | USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 7002, 106 University Village, Los Angeles, California 90089-7002, USA |
| Repository email | cisadmin@lib.usc.edu |
| Filename | etd-RodgersKen-8903.pdf |
| Archival file | Volume13/etd-RodgersKen-8903.pdf |
Description
| Title | Page 31 |
| Full text | SUBVERTING STATE VIOLENCE 20 receiving a qualifying score of 3 or more on an exam (2014). This problem is magnified when considering the limited access to schools that offer advanced and honors courses. A quarter of high schools with the highest percentage of Black and Latinx students do not offer Algebra II; a third of these schools do not offer chemistry. Fewer than half of American Indian and Native- Alaskan high school students have access to the full range of math and science courses in their high school (Department of Education, 2014). This evidence highlights the gender gap and educational attainment issues in the U.S., which is most dramatic among racial and ethnic minority groups (Lopez, 2003). Black students are more likely than their white peers to be suspended, expelled, or arrested for the same kind of alleged misconduct at school. This is evident in the data stating that in 2003, Black youth made up 16 percent of the nation’s juvenile population but accounted for 45% of juvenile arrests (Kim, 2010). For these reasons, it is evident that there is a connection between teacher perception and bias, school/student discipline practices, and legal repercussions that disproportionately affect Black students. White educators can resist white supremacy and build an antiracist paradigm by combating whiteness and its impact on education and pedagogy (Johnson, Rich, & Castelan Cargile, 2008). White fragility, good intentions, privilege, color blindness, and a deficit educational and racial ideology all act as barriers to constructing an antiracist education system (DiAngelo, 2017; Howard, 2017; Johnson, 2006; Linley, 2017; Preston, 2007). This act requires separation from the individualist/capitalist notion that transcendence is a personal choice and that educators are somehow separate from the social structures that reproduce harm (Johnson, Rich, & Castelan Cargile, 2008). |
