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SUBVERTING STATE VIOLENCE 17
In this quote, Baldwin characterizes both the assimilation into hegemonic
whiteness and the underpinning anti-Blackness that propagates white racialization, white
supremacy, and the culture of whiteness. Baldwin then proceeds to position the ascription to
whiteness as a moral choice, given that the premise of “white” as a race is socially constructed
and exists as an attitude, pervasive in our culture. (Kivel, 1996) characterizes whiteness as a
learned behavior that is multidimensional, complex, and systemic. Whiteness dictates that those
in positions of power decide who is racialized as white, therefore whiteness is relational and
fluid. It is maintained systemically largely because it provides a structural advantage in our
society. Whiteness is fundamental to oppression as it often exists in an unconscious state,
especially to those who benefit from it (hooks, 1994). This study’s investigation of Black and
Latinx students will require an analysis of hegemonic whiteness prevalent in their education,
assimilation into white systems, and how that may contribute to their political attitudes, beliefs,
and behaviors.
Multiculturalism and neoliberalism work to maintain white supremacy and continually
recycle antiblackness into academic and educational discourse, as well as enact violence on black
people (Alexander, 2010; Dancy, Edwards, Davis, Royal, & Hill, 2018, Dumas, 2015; Spring,
2010; Utt, 2017). For example, Dumas (2015) stated that education policy is a cite of anti-
Blackness:
Fundamentally, it is an acknowledgment of the long history of Black struggle for
educational opportunity, which is to say a struggle against what has always been (and
continues to be) a struggle against specific anti-Black ideologies, discourses,
representations, (mal)distribution of material resources, and physical and psychic assaults
on Black bodies in schools (p.16).
Object Description
| Title | Subverting state violence through the art of hood politics: an exploratory study of Black and Latinx students' critical consciousness and political efficacy |
| Author | Rodgers, Kenneth W., Jr. |
| Author email | kwrodger@usc.edu;kenneth.rodgersjr@gmail.com |
| Degree | Doctor of Education |
| Document type | Dissertation |
| Degree program | Educational Leadership |
| School | Rossier School of Education |
| Date defended/completed | 2020-06-25 |
| Date submitted | 2020-08-07 |
| Date approved | 2020-08-08 |
| Restricted until | 2020-08-08 |
| Date published | 2020-08-08 |
| Advisor (committee chair) | Davis, Charles H.F., III |
| Advisor (committee member) |
Hancock Alfaro, Ange-Marie Green, Alan |
| Abstract | This qualitative study examines the experiences of Black and Latinx youth, the relationship between their critical consciousness development and political efficacy, and their continual subversion of state violence. The academic literature has predominately focused on critical consciousness solely as theorized by Freire and is often interpreted through neoliberal entities and paradigms, thereby minimizing its socialist, anti-colonial, anti-capitalist theoretical origin. The literature has also gauged political efficacy primarily through traditional metrics of civic engagement and voting that do not traditionally account for varying displays of organizing, activism, intentional non-voting, and other forms of resistance. The study investigated systems of power that converge to shape formal and informal educational experiences of the participants and capture the ways that they developed their critical consciousness and political attitudes, behaviors, and beliefs. As a result of 8 in-depth interviews and analyses of Black and Latinx youth (ages 17-19), snapshots emerged that allowed participants to foreground their experiences and construct meaning making of their worldviews. The findings of the study reveal the complex nature of critical consciousness development for Black and Latinx youth and serve as a model for utilizing critical consciousness and political efficacy as essential frameworks for future study and analyses. The findings add to the limited literature on the experiences of Black and Latinx youth concerning the system of education and its relation to critical consciousness development, political identity formation, and political efficacy. This study aimed to amplify the voices of Black and Latinx youth in a manner that acknowledges their humanity and agency. |
| Keyword | politics; political; political efficacy; efficacy; resistance; protest; hood; subvert; subverting; subversion; resist; state violence; state; Black; Latinx; socialist; anti-capitalist; anti-Blackness; communism; Marxism; decolonial; decolonization; critical consciousness; racism; white supremacy; gender; patriarchy; religion; anti-colonial; anti-capitalist; Freire, Paulo Freire; Frantz Fanon; Fred Moten; Karl Marx; Saidiya Hartman; education; schools; youth; exploratory; intersectionality; Crenshaw; Kimberle Crenshaw; Collins; James Baldwin; Gloria Anzaldua; whiteness; civics; civic engagement; neoliberalism; democracy; social justice; domination; power; gender; curriculum; walk-out; sit-in; paradigm intersectionality; BlackCrit; critical race theory, Henry Giroux; Kendrick Lamar; Wardell Milam |
| Language | English |
| Part of collection | University of Southern California dissertations and theses |
| Publisher (of the original version) | University of Southern California |
| Place of publication (of the original version) | Los Angeles, California |
| Publisher (of the digital version) | University of Southern California. Libraries |
| Provenance | Electronically uploaded by the author |
| Type | texts |
| Legacy record ID | usctheses-m |
| Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
| Rights | Rodgers, Kenneth W., Jr. |
| Physical access | The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the author, as the original true and official version of the work, but does not grant the reader permission to use the work if the desired use is covered by copyright. It is the author, as rights holder, who must provide use permission if such use is covered by copyright. The original signature page accompanying the original submission of the work to the USC Libraries is retained by the USC Libraries and a copy of it may be obtained by authorized requesters contacting the repository e-mail address given. |
| Repository name | University of Southern California Digital Library |
| Repository address | USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 7002, 106 University Village, Los Angeles, California 90089-7002, USA |
| Repository email | cisadmin@lib.usc.edu |
| Filename | etd-RodgersKen-8903.pdf |
| Archival file | Volume13/etd-RodgersKen-8903.pdf |
Description
| Title | Page 28 |
| Full text | SUBVERTING STATE VIOLENCE 17 In this quote, Baldwin characterizes both the assimilation into hegemonic whiteness and the underpinning anti-Blackness that propagates white racialization, white supremacy, and the culture of whiteness. Baldwin then proceeds to position the ascription to whiteness as a moral choice, given that the premise of “white” as a race is socially constructed and exists as an attitude, pervasive in our culture. (Kivel, 1996) characterizes whiteness as a learned behavior that is multidimensional, complex, and systemic. Whiteness dictates that those in positions of power decide who is racialized as white, therefore whiteness is relational and fluid. It is maintained systemically largely because it provides a structural advantage in our society. Whiteness is fundamental to oppression as it often exists in an unconscious state, especially to those who benefit from it (hooks, 1994). This study’s investigation of Black and Latinx students will require an analysis of hegemonic whiteness prevalent in their education, assimilation into white systems, and how that may contribute to their political attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors. Multiculturalism and neoliberalism work to maintain white supremacy and continually recycle antiblackness into academic and educational discourse, as well as enact violence on black people (Alexander, 2010; Dancy, Edwards, Davis, Royal, & Hill, 2018, Dumas, 2015; Spring, 2010; Utt, 2017). For example, Dumas (2015) stated that education policy is a cite of anti- Blackness: Fundamentally, it is an acknowledgment of the long history of Black struggle for educational opportunity, which is to say a struggle against what has always been (and continues to be) a struggle against specific anti-Black ideologies, discourses, representations, (mal)distribution of material resources, and physical and psychic assaults on Black bodies in schools (p.16). |
