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-li- . powerful native economic groups, independence movements tend to be conservative, for they want to conserve the oligarchic order and to recover or replace the financial control by a political control. In this way financial oligarchy is replaced by political oligarchy. The movements often ally themselves with the former masters in a pseudo- intellectualistic guidance of philosophies that oppose any radical change within the nation. The slogan of "law and order" becomes the banner of such movements, as they plead with the masses to remain quiet and peaceful despite their continual sufference. This kind of conservatism often gives way to "liberalism" which leads society into the acceptance of incoming ideologies, nost of which are inimical to the progress of the country. Yet some circles praise ~~ this sort-of_liberalism as condusive to democracy and stability. In countries where the imperial powers have completely stripped the society of its political tradition, and where no native privileged group, an economic elite, exists, the radical inpulse becones nore irresistable, since no single group is appreciative of the capitalistic order which prevails in colonized countries. Moreover freedon, for the radicals, does not solely mean a home rule and the defense of the false thesis of ethicael values thiit preserve feudalisms and oligarchies; it appears as a way for individual creativity which makes a given society excel others at producing all sorts of goods. Freedon does not nean, for the radicals, rationing or bargaining the existing wealth, as some people night pretend; rather, it means opportunity for creating or producing more, which requires the adoption of a better economic systen, elimination of foreign exploitation and revamping of social structures. Another characteristic of radicalisn is the direct participation of the masses in the struggle, without which there can be no real revolution. For a "palace" or political revolution you only need a snail clique, whereas a socio-political revolution entails a thorough reconstruction of the socio-political institutions, which cannot possibly be carried out by such a small group. Radicalisn and radical movements usually appear when the value position of the masses is at its lowest point, when the ruling regime and its supporters offer no forma.listic possibility for changes in the power structure as well as in socioeconomic distribution. Further radicalism rises when there is a high degree of political awareness canong the masses and consciousness of - their power potentialities. As to whether radicalism is preferable to conservatism in the ' energing nations, it will be the subject of our following article. Joao Nhambiu - - ■ - * - • i t •
Object Description
Title | Boletim de informação: The Mozambican - UNEMO U.S. section (1964 June) |
Description | Contents: Guilherme A. Mabunda (p. 1); Mozambica student and Mozambican revolution by João Nhambiu (p. 2); Spokesmen for Mozambique by Patrick Mayazi (p. 3-5); Speech at friends house in London, England by Pascoal Mocumbi (p. 6-8); Brother David Mabunda in Syracuse by Garrincha (p. 9); Radicalism and the liberation movement by João Nhambiu (p. 10-11); An African views America by Mille ELO (p. 12-15); Communique - some activities of UNEMO Central Committee (p. 16); Letters (p. 17-18); unity—take one - Si Vis Pacera Para Bellum by Pele (p. 19); Action speaks louder by Garrincha (p. 20); Article of the month by Eli Ndimeni (p. 21); I View Mocumbi as a patriot by Eli Ndimeni (p. 22); At random (p. 23). |
Subject (lcsh) |
Nationalism -- Mozambique Self-determination, National Mozambique -- History Portugal -- Politics and government -- 1933-1974 |
Geographic Subject (Country) | Mozambique |
Geographic Subject (Continent) | Africa |
Geographic Coordinates | -18.6696821,35.5273450 |
Coverage date | 1875/1964-05 |
Creator | União Nacional dos Estudantes de Moçambicanos - UNEMO |
Editor | Mabunda, G.A. |
Publisher (of the Original Version) | União Nacional dos Estudantes de Moçambicanos - UNEMO |
Place of Publication (of the Origianal Version) | Indianopolis, Indiana, USA |
Publisher (of the Digital Version) | University of Southern California. Libraries |
Date issued | 1964-06 |
Type |
texts images |
Format | 24 p. |
Format (aat) | newsletters |
Language |
English Portuguese |
Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
Part of collection | Emerging Nationalism in Portuguese Africa, 1959-1965 |
Part of subcollection | Mozambique Collection |
Rights | The University of Southern California has licensed the rights to this material from the Aluka initiative of Ithaka Harbors, Inc., a non-profit Delaware corporation whose address is 151 East 61st Street, New York, NY 10021 |
Physical access | Original archive is at the Boeckmann Center for Iberian and Latin American Studies. Send requests to address or e-mail given. Phone (213) 821-2366; fax (213) 740-2343. |
Repository Name | USC Libraries Special Collections |
Repository Address | Doheny Memorial Library, Los Angeles, CA 90089-0189 |
Repository Email | specol@usc.edu |
Filename | CENPA-329 |
Description
Title | CENPA-329~12 |
Filename | CENPA-329~12.tiff |
Full text | -li- . powerful native economic groups, independence movements tend to be conservative, for they want to conserve the oligarchic order and to recover or replace the financial control by a political control. In this way financial oligarchy is replaced by political oligarchy. The movements often ally themselves with the former masters in a pseudo- intellectualistic guidance of philosophies that oppose any radical change within the nation. The slogan of "law and order" becomes the banner of such movements, as they plead with the masses to remain quiet and peaceful despite their continual sufference. This kind of conservatism often gives way to "liberalism" which leads society into the acceptance of incoming ideologies, nost of which are inimical to the progress of the country. Yet some circles praise ~~ this sort-of_liberalism as condusive to democracy and stability. In countries where the imperial powers have completely stripped the society of its political tradition, and where no native privileged group, an economic elite, exists, the radical inpulse becones nore irresistable, since no single group is appreciative of the capitalistic order which prevails in colonized countries. Moreover freedon, for the radicals, does not solely mean a home rule and the defense of the false thesis of ethicael values thiit preserve feudalisms and oligarchies; it appears as a way for individual creativity which makes a given society excel others at producing all sorts of goods. Freedon does not nean, for the radicals, rationing or bargaining the existing wealth, as some people night pretend; rather, it means opportunity for creating or producing more, which requires the adoption of a better economic systen, elimination of foreign exploitation and revamping of social structures. Another characteristic of radicalisn is the direct participation of the masses in the struggle, without which there can be no real revolution. For a "palace" or political revolution you only need a snail clique, whereas a socio-political revolution entails a thorough reconstruction of the socio-political institutions, which cannot possibly be carried out by such a small group. Radicalisn and radical movements usually appear when the value position of the masses is at its lowest point, when the ruling regime and its supporters offer no forma.listic possibility for changes in the power structure as well as in socioeconomic distribution. Further radicalism rises when there is a high degree of political awareness canong the masses and consciousness of - their power potentialities. As to whether radicalism is preferable to conservatism in the ' energing nations, it will be the subject of our following article. Joao Nhambiu - - ■ - * - • i t • |
Archival file | Volume27/CENPA-329~12.tiff |