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for merely providing the various sites. The West Germans, for example, have encountered a number of snags with their Beja base and in 1968 a newspaper lamented that there seemed to be no end to the financial needs of the Portuguese, "Money is the only thing they are after, more and more money..." But although this complaint might well be echoed by the other NATO partners, such is the strategic importance attached to the bases that it seems no price is too high - a fact of v/hich the Portuguese Government is well aware and exploits to the full.- witness the 19&2 treaty negotiations with the United States. In 1962, at a time when American-Portuguese relations were rather cool, the Azores treaty came up for extension. The West German Press Agency (DPA), (March 21, 1962) reported that: "apart from financial support, the US had also offered some warships, as well as other war material, which Portugal badly needs for her defence in the overseas territories, and all this in exchange for further use of the Azores base." Another paper reported that Portugal had demanded #80 million a year. During this period of negotiations the American policy towards Portugal changed completely. An important credit of approxinately #50 million was supplied by the American Export-Import Bank. A treaty concerning the building of one warship, 50% of which would be paid for by the United States, v/as extended to include three ships (i.e. an overall gift of #15 million for the armament of Portugal). It was announced in January, 1963 that the United States would supply 30 T-37C fighter planes and this v/as followed in May by the!delivery of a load of aircraft engines for the Portuguese airforce. On January 4-, 1963 an agreement on the temporary extension of the Azores treaty was reached - but with the crucial stipulation that the Portuguese could deny the Americans the right to use the base at six months notice. In this way the American administration has been kept under constant pressure by Portugal. American assistance to Portugal was later increased again, this time under the name 'military base rights, although a special committee considered this assistance in exchange for the base excessive and stated that Portugal had already been more than compensated in other ways. At the present time negotiations are again being conducted regarding the Azores Treaty. Portugal is said to have demanded #200 million worth of arms to be supplied in 5 years - it remains to be seen what she will get. It is difficult to assess the value of direct military assistance given to Portugal - apart from the generalisation that it runs in millions of dollars per year . The two major donors are West - 46
Object Description
Title | Mozambique revolution, no. 42 (1970 Jan.-Mar.) |
Description | Contents: Comrade Eduardo Chivambo Mondlane, 3rd February 1970 - 1st anniversary of the death of the president of FRELIMO (p. [1]); Editorial: One year ago... (p. 2); Tete / communiqué - FRELIMO (p. [5]); Military report (p. 7); Niassa Cabo Delgado (p. 12); A journalist in free Mozambique / Peter Spacek (p. 15); The Rome conference, June 1970 (p. 19); Dutch parliament condemns NATO support to Portugal (p. 22); Vladimir Ilich Lenin, 1860-1970 (p. 25); Imperialist conspiracy (p. [28B]); Africa on W. Germany - Far-sighted (p. 29); Open letter to the Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany / FRELIMO (p. 30); U.S.A. - How far from intervention? (p. 33); Cahora Bassa * Barclays D.C.O. (p. 35); The mystery of Mr. Giscard d'Estaing safari (p. 38); NATO in the Portuguese colonies (p. 41); "Resolution on foreign policy" (p. 56A). |
Subject (lcsh) |
Nationalism -- Mozambique Self-determination, National Mozambique -- History Portugal -- Politics and government -- 1933-1974 |
Geographic Subject (Country) | Mozambique |
Geographic Subject (Continent) | Africa |
Geographic Coordinates | -18.6696821,35.5273480 |
Coverage date | 1969-10/1970-06 |
Creator | Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO) |
Publisher (of the Original Version) | Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO). Department of Information |
Place of Publication (of the Origianal Version) | Dar Es Salaam, U.R. of Tanzania |
Publisher (of the Digital Version) | University of Southern California. Libraries |
Date issued | 1970-01/1970-03 |
Type |
texts images |
Format | 70 p. |
Format (aat) | newsletters |
Language | English |
Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
Part of collection | Emerging Nationalism in Portuguese Africa, 1959-1965 |
Part of subcollection | Mozambique Collection |
Rights | The University of Southern California has licensed the rights to this material from the Aluka initiative of Ithaka Harbors, Inc., a non-profit Delaware corporation whose address is 151 East 61st Street, New York, NY 10021 |
Physical access | Original archive is at the Boeckmann Center for Iberian and Latin American Studies. Send requests to address or e-mail given. Phone (213) 821-2366; fax (213) 740-2343. |
Repository Name | USC Libraries Special Collections |
Repository Address | Doheny Memorial Library, Los Angeles, CA 90089-0189 |
Repository Email | specol@usc.edu |
Filename | CENPA-361 |
Description
Title | CENPA-361~55 |
Filename | CENPA-361~55.tiff |
Full text | for merely providing the various sites. The West Germans, for example, have encountered a number of snags with their Beja base and in 1968 a newspaper lamented that there seemed to be no end to the financial needs of the Portuguese, "Money is the only thing they are after, more and more money..." But although this complaint might well be echoed by the other NATO partners, such is the strategic importance attached to the bases that it seems no price is too high - a fact of v/hich the Portuguese Government is well aware and exploits to the full.- witness the 19&2 treaty negotiations with the United States. In 1962, at a time when American-Portuguese relations were rather cool, the Azores treaty came up for extension. The West German Press Agency (DPA), (March 21, 1962) reported that: "apart from financial support, the US had also offered some warships, as well as other war material, which Portugal badly needs for her defence in the overseas territories, and all this in exchange for further use of the Azores base." Another paper reported that Portugal had demanded #80 million a year. During this period of negotiations the American policy towards Portugal changed completely. An important credit of approxinately #50 million was supplied by the American Export-Import Bank. A treaty concerning the building of one warship, 50% of which would be paid for by the United States, v/as extended to include three ships (i.e. an overall gift of #15 million for the armament of Portugal). It was announced in January, 1963 that the United States would supply 30 T-37C fighter planes and this v/as followed in May by the!delivery of a load of aircraft engines for the Portuguese airforce. On January 4-, 1963 an agreement on the temporary extension of the Azores treaty was reached - but with the crucial stipulation that the Portuguese could deny the Americans the right to use the base at six months notice. In this way the American administration has been kept under constant pressure by Portugal. American assistance to Portugal was later increased again, this time under the name 'military base rights, although a special committee considered this assistance in exchange for the base excessive and stated that Portugal had already been more than compensated in other ways. At the present time negotiations are again being conducted regarding the Azores Treaty. Portugal is said to have demanded #200 million worth of arms to be supplied in 5 years - it remains to be seen what she will get. It is difficult to assess the value of direct military assistance given to Portugal - apart from the generalisation that it runs in millions of dollars per year . The two major donors are West - 46 |
Archival file | Volume25/CENPA-361~55.tiff |