CENPA-357~08 |
Save page Remove page | Previous | 8 of 27 | Next |
|
small (250x250 max)
medium (500x500 max)
Large (1000x1000 max)
Extra Large
large ( > 500x500)
Full Resolution
All (PDF)
|
This page
All
|
Loading content ...
How far have we gone along the road of unity, in the 10 years of the O.A.U.'s existence? What role has the O.A.U. played in the struggle for the liberation of Africa? To what extent has Africa been able to contribute to the building of a world of freedom, progress and peace, the aspiration of us all? In short, how deeply have the African states lived by the principles and objectives laid down for the O.A.U. in May, 1963? Taken as a whole, the O.A.U.'s record over the past 10 years has undoubtedly been positive. The O.A.U. has played an important role in solving border conflicts between African states; it has encouraged the creation of regional economic groupings; it has promoted inter- African exchanges in different fields. But it is in the contribution to the progress of the liberation struggle that the O.A.U. has earned the greatest merit. Today the armed struggle is steadily sprea ding to new areas of Mozambique, Angola and Guine, where vast regions have been liberated. There the people are building a new life and enjoying for the first time the attributes of sovereignty, under the leadership of their liberation movements. In the other countries under fascist regimes, the struggle is developing. The O.A.U. has made an important contribution to this - promoting unity between liberation movements, providing political support, funds and material, channelling external aid. Even in the cases where African countries have decided to give aid directly to a specific liberation movement, they have done so in the spirit of the O.A.U. It is true that the O.A.U. support for the liberation movements has been far from sufficient, especially considering the possibilities of the African states and given the fact that the O.A.U. Charter states that Liberation is one of the prime objectives of the Organisation. It is also true that The Mauritius Prime Minister and the Executive-Secretary of the OAU Liberation Committee (in the photo) were among many who visited the FRELIMO stand in Addis - Ababa. the second main objective laid down in the Charter - the political unity of the African countries — has remained by and large a dead letter. This, however, should not affect our confidence in the O.A.U., but should instead demand of us that we seek the causes of our shortcomings and draw up a new strategy for the second decade. This is the correct stand to take, and the only one which will make it possible to defend the independence of the African States and to win the freedom of dominated Africa. In the face of the alliance, increased military strength and growing aggressiveness of the colonialist and racist regimes of Southern Africa, and the ever greater involvement of the NATO powers - only one Africa consciously united in its support of the liberation struggle and in its efforts to achieve economic development will be able to emerge victorious. It is towards this aim that the O.A.U. should direct its action, now with more vigour, in the coming decade: firstly to hasten the liberation of the African Continent from the last vestiges of colonial oppression. Concretely, this means stepping up the political, material and financial support for the liberation movements; isolating Portugal, South Africa and Rhodesia internationally; and making all of Africa share the sacrifices now being made by countries adjacent to ours, which are so selflessly committed to our liberation war. Secondly, to unite the forces of the politically independent countries to win economic independence. These objectives do not differ, in essence, from those originally set by the O.A.U. But they have fallen short of fulfilment because the full participation of the people has not been engaged. The African people do not really know about our liberation struggle. Support for our struggle is dependent on the sympathies of individual leaders and governments, and tends to vary accordingly. This explains why African support is so unequal, limited and unstable. It is necessary to make them understand the inseparability of their destiny and ours. Only thus will the O.A.U. fulfill its historic mission.
Object Description
Title | Mozambique revolution, no. 55 (1973 Apr,-June) |
Description | Contents: Editorial - International solidarity (p. 1); Italian conference of solidarity (p. 3); Caetano get out! (p. 4); The O.U.A. 10th anniversary (p. 5); The president's visit to Soviet Union and Romania (p. 7); We must learn from the spirit of your struggle (p. 8); A trip to the Zambezi (p. 9); FRELIMO is in full control (p.11); War communique (p.12); Tackling the problems in our schools (p.15); The struggle to build a healthy Mozambique (p.17); The Josina Marchel orphanage (p. 20); Wiriyamu: Not an isolated crime (p. 23). This is an issue reprinted and distributed by the LSM Information Center in Richmond, Canada. |
Subject (lcsh) |
Nationalism -- Mozambique Self-determination, National Mozambique -- History Portugal -- Politics and government -- 1933-1974 |
Geographic Subject (Country) | Mozambique |
Geographic Subject (Continent) | Africa |
Geographic Coordinates | -18.6696821,35.5273477 |
Coverage date | 1373/1973-03 |
Creator | Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO) |
Publisher (of the Original Version) | Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO). Department of Information |
Place of Publication (of the Origianal Version) | Dar Es Salaam, U.R. of Tanzania |
Publisher (of the Digital Version) | University of Southern California. Libraries |
Date issued | 1973-04/1973-06 |
Type |
texts images |
Format | 26 p. |
Format (aat) | newsletters |
Language | English |
Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
Part of collection | Emerging Nationalism in Portuguese Africa, 1959-1965 |
Part of subcollection | Mozambique Collection |
Rights | The University of Southern California has licensed the rights to this material from the Aluka initiative of Ithaka Harbors, Inc., a non-profit Delaware corporation whose address is 151 East 61st Street, New York, NY 10021 |
Physical access | Original archive is at the Boeckmann Center for Iberian and Latin American Studies. Send requests to address or e-mail given. Phone (213) 821-2366; fax (213) 740-2343. |
Repository Name | USC Libraries Special Collections |
Repository Address | Doheny Memorial Library, Los Angeles, CA 90089-0189 |
Repository Email | specol@usc.edu |
Filename | CENPA-357 |
Description
Title | CENPA-357~08 |
Filename | CENPA-357~08.tiff |
Full text | How far have we gone along the road of unity, in the 10 years of the O.A.U.'s existence? What role has the O.A.U. played in the struggle for the liberation of Africa? To what extent has Africa been able to contribute to the building of a world of freedom, progress and peace, the aspiration of us all? In short, how deeply have the African states lived by the principles and objectives laid down for the O.A.U. in May, 1963? Taken as a whole, the O.A.U.'s record over the past 10 years has undoubtedly been positive. The O.A.U. has played an important role in solving border conflicts between African states; it has encouraged the creation of regional economic groupings; it has promoted inter- African exchanges in different fields. But it is in the contribution to the progress of the liberation struggle that the O.A.U. has earned the greatest merit. Today the armed struggle is steadily sprea ding to new areas of Mozambique, Angola and Guine, where vast regions have been liberated. There the people are building a new life and enjoying for the first time the attributes of sovereignty, under the leadership of their liberation movements. In the other countries under fascist regimes, the struggle is developing. The O.A.U. has made an important contribution to this - promoting unity between liberation movements, providing political support, funds and material, channelling external aid. Even in the cases where African countries have decided to give aid directly to a specific liberation movement, they have done so in the spirit of the O.A.U. It is true that the O.A.U. support for the liberation movements has been far from sufficient, especially considering the possibilities of the African states and given the fact that the O.A.U. Charter states that Liberation is one of the prime objectives of the Organisation. It is also true that The Mauritius Prime Minister and the Executive-Secretary of the OAU Liberation Committee (in the photo) were among many who visited the FRELIMO stand in Addis - Ababa. the second main objective laid down in the Charter - the political unity of the African countries — has remained by and large a dead letter. This, however, should not affect our confidence in the O.A.U., but should instead demand of us that we seek the causes of our shortcomings and draw up a new strategy for the second decade. This is the correct stand to take, and the only one which will make it possible to defend the independence of the African States and to win the freedom of dominated Africa. In the face of the alliance, increased military strength and growing aggressiveness of the colonialist and racist regimes of Southern Africa, and the ever greater involvement of the NATO powers - only one Africa consciously united in its support of the liberation struggle and in its efforts to achieve economic development will be able to emerge victorious. It is towards this aim that the O.A.U. should direct its action, now with more vigour, in the coming decade: firstly to hasten the liberation of the African Continent from the last vestiges of colonial oppression. Concretely, this means stepping up the political, material and financial support for the liberation movements; isolating Portugal, South Africa and Rhodesia internationally; and making all of Africa share the sacrifices now being made by countries adjacent to ours, which are so selflessly committed to our liberation war. Secondly, to unite the forces of the politically independent countries to win economic independence. These objectives do not differ, in essence, from those originally set by the O.A.U. But they have fallen short of fulfilment because the full participation of the people has not been engaged. The African people do not really know about our liberation struggle. Support for our struggle is dependent on the sympathies of individual leaders and governments, and tends to vary accordingly. This explains why African support is so unequal, limited and unstable. It is necessary to make them understand the inseparability of their destiny and ours. Only thus will the O.A.U. fulfill its historic mission. |
Archival file | Volume24/CENPA-357~08.tiff |