CENPA-356~21 |
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zar died, as when he took power 40 years earlier, except for an increased consciousness and awareness in the colonies and at home of a people that saw a world changing around them that did not include Portugal. Salazar's prime preoccupation throughout his reign was the establishment and maintenance of order and the strengthening of Portugal's finances. Colonial policies were never questioned, and when wars broke out in the early sixties the logical response was the deployment of more and more military force. Gold and foreign reserves may have accumulated, but the economy stagnated trapping the majority of the people into near subsistance existence. A feudal agricultural model, an all powerful church that was a vital part of state machinery, leaderless urban workers straightjacketed into state controlled unions, and a population that was 40 per cent illiterate all worked together to insure the maintenance of control by the Salazarist elite. A long history of political repression as the response to any form of political opposition, dealt with any forces that questioned the fascist power structure. However, because these political and economic structures were clearly not moving, new forces developed towards the end of his rule which emphasised the necessity for some kind of change after his death. The economic standstill, which reduced Portugal to the poorest country in Europe, forced large numbers of workers to emigrate due to the lack of jobs. This eventually created labour shortages, and increased the opposition from those workers who did return. The forced conscription of all men between the ages of 18 and 45, and the drain that the wars had on the economy, led to more frequent questioning of colonial policies and increased support for the liberation movements. This was the situation when Caetano moved in. Some kind of change was apparent. But the important point about the changes which have occurred is that they have been designed to preserve the status quo. Caetano was the right hand man of Salazar for many years, and had played a vital role in the drafting of the 1933 constitution which established the fascist ^unitary and corporate republic)). They had their differences, but these were mainly on the tactics and methods of maintaining and sustaining the fascist, corporate state. They were in agreement on ideology. For, in fact, it is Caetano's adherence to this ideology, which in an historical context must be viewed as «Salazarism)>, that encourage modification in tactics in order to ensure the continuance of unitary, state power. Continuity with reform—not liberalisation Caetano's sensitivity to internal and external pressures, and awareness of more sophisticated tactics can be seen on many levels. First, there are the concrete changes to attack the problems of the economy, to neutralise growing discontent among the politically unorganised social groups, and to divert and stifle opposition to colonial policies. Working with this is the psychological aspect, which attempts to sell to the Portuguese people, as well as to the outside world, that there are, and most important, that there will be «changes». Yet as he himself, refers to it, it is not liberalisation, but «renovation)). The machinery of the state must be remoulded to fit the pressures of the times. But the fascist state will continue to exist. The allocation of power will not change, and the basic contradictions and conflicts within Portugal will still remain. For these cannot be resolved within the context of small modifications in the fascist state. If we examine the first three years of Caetano's rule, we can see the nature of this renovation, the political strategy behind it, and the growing consciousness within Portugal of the vacuous nature of this so-called change. « Liberal» reforms From the time that Caetano took office, he tried to avoid strong identification with the previous regime. He barely mentioned Salazar's name, though he was alive for another two years. In his first speech as Prime Minister, his adherence to doctrine while maintaining a flexible strategy became clear, as he emphasised that ((fidelity to a doctrine is not obstinate attachment to formulas and solutions)). Yet in all that was to follow, 19
Object Description
Description
Title | CENPA-356~21 |
Filename | CENPA-356~21.tiff |
Full text | zar died, as when he took power 40 years earlier, except for an increased consciousness and awareness in the colonies and at home of a people that saw a world changing around them that did not include Portugal. Salazar's prime preoccupation throughout his reign was the establishment and maintenance of order and the strengthening of Portugal's finances. Colonial policies were never questioned, and when wars broke out in the early sixties the logical response was the deployment of more and more military force. Gold and foreign reserves may have accumulated, but the economy stagnated trapping the majority of the people into near subsistance existence. A feudal agricultural model, an all powerful church that was a vital part of state machinery, leaderless urban workers straightjacketed into state controlled unions, and a population that was 40 per cent illiterate all worked together to insure the maintenance of control by the Salazarist elite. A long history of political repression as the response to any form of political opposition, dealt with any forces that questioned the fascist power structure. However, because these political and economic structures were clearly not moving, new forces developed towards the end of his rule which emphasised the necessity for some kind of change after his death. The economic standstill, which reduced Portugal to the poorest country in Europe, forced large numbers of workers to emigrate due to the lack of jobs. This eventually created labour shortages, and increased the opposition from those workers who did return. The forced conscription of all men between the ages of 18 and 45, and the drain that the wars had on the economy, led to more frequent questioning of colonial policies and increased support for the liberation movements. This was the situation when Caetano moved in. Some kind of change was apparent. But the important point about the changes which have occurred is that they have been designed to preserve the status quo. Caetano was the right hand man of Salazar for many years, and had played a vital role in the drafting of the 1933 constitution which established the fascist ^unitary and corporate republic)). They had their differences, but these were mainly on the tactics and methods of maintaining and sustaining the fascist, corporate state. They were in agreement on ideology. For, in fact, it is Caetano's adherence to this ideology, which in an historical context must be viewed as «Salazarism)>, that encourage modification in tactics in order to ensure the continuance of unitary, state power. Continuity with reform—not liberalisation Caetano's sensitivity to internal and external pressures, and awareness of more sophisticated tactics can be seen on many levels. First, there are the concrete changes to attack the problems of the economy, to neutralise growing discontent among the politically unorganised social groups, and to divert and stifle opposition to colonial policies. Working with this is the psychological aspect, which attempts to sell to the Portuguese people, as well as to the outside world, that there are, and most important, that there will be «changes». Yet as he himself, refers to it, it is not liberalisation, but «renovation)). The machinery of the state must be remoulded to fit the pressures of the times. But the fascist state will continue to exist. The allocation of power will not change, and the basic contradictions and conflicts within Portugal will still remain. For these cannot be resolved within the context of small modifications in the fascist state. If we examine the first three years of Caetano's rule, we can see the nature of this renovation, the political strategy behind it, and the growing consciousness within Portugal of the vacuous nature of this so-called change. « Liberal» reforms From the time that Caetano took office, he tried to avoid strong identification with the previous regime. He barely mentioned Salazar's name, though he was alive for another two years. In his first speech as Prime Minister, his adherence to doctrine while maintaining a flexible strategy became clear, as he emphasised that ((fidelity to a doctrine is not obstinate attachment to formulas and solutions)). Yet in all that was to follow, 19 |
Archival file | Volume24/CENPA-356~21.tiff |