CENPA-356~19 |
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cretely to the national liberation movements of Angola, Mozambique and Guine- Bissau, the General Assembly of the U.N. reaffirmed that they are the authentic representatives of the true aspirations of the respective peoples. A new note in the Resolution of the General Assembly was a statement on the need for negotiations; «The General Assembly deems it imperative that negotiations should be initiated at an early date between the government of Portugal and the national liberation movements)) with a view to the speedy independence of the peoples of Mozambique, Angola and Guine-Bissau. This organ recommended also that in the event of the non-compliance by the government of Portugal with its recommendations, the Security Council should urgently consider taking all affective steps with a view to forcing Portugal to recognise the right of the peoples of the colonies to independence. In fact, as Portugal then declared a few days later that it would not renounce its colonial policy and would not recognise the liberation movements, the Security Council met following the instructions >f the General Assembly. The Security Council again confirmed the right of the peoples of Angola, Guine-Bissau and Mozambique to self-determination and independence, and the legitimacy of the struggle they are waging to achieve that right. Addressing itself to the government of Portugal, the Security Council called upon it «to cease forthwith its military operations and all acts of repression against the peoples of Angola, Mozambique and Guine-Bissau; and to enter into negotiations with the parties concerned with a view to achieving a solution to the armed confrontation that exists in the territories of Angola, Mozambique and Guine-Bissau and permitting the peoples of these territories to exercise their right to self-determination and in- pendence.». Portugal isolated We can see that this formulation of the Security Council is weaker and less clear and direct than the one from the General Assembly. Thus, Portugal is not told to enter into negotiations with the liberation movements, but with the «parties concerned)) without specifying who those parties are. This was a concession that the progressive forces in the Security Council made to the imperialist powers, who still try at any cost to avoid the complete collapse of Portuguese colonialism. However, a very important aspect was that even those countries traditionally allied with Portugal like the USA, France and Great Britain, voted against colonialism in favour of negotiations for the independence of our people. This is one of the reasons why the decisions of the U.N. this year represent a great defeat for Portuguese colonialism. Comrades, We must make sure that those victories at the UN are properly understood. In fact, it is possible that certain comrades among us get the idea that the end of the struggle in in sight, that within a short time negotiations between the Portuguese Government and our Movement will take place under the auspices of the U.N. and thus shortly we shall be independent. And, what is more serious, those comrades may start to think of a change of strategy for FRELIMO. They may say: since the U.N. has espoused our cause, we must stop or at least relent our armed struggle and concentrate our efforts at the U.N. : many African countries have won their independence without armed struggle, with the help of the U.N. We must be aware that this is not an imaginary danger, but something likely to happen in a protracted struggle like ours. What must be then our attitude? It is evident that only complete ignorance of the nature of Portuguese colonialism and of the relationship of the world forces can explain that position. Other colonial powers such as Great Britain and France could give independence to most of their colonies because being economically developed and having solid bases in those territories, they hoped to continue exploitation even after independence. Portugal cannot have the same hope because being herself extremely underdeveloped, the independence of the colonies represents for her a certainty of losing all our riches. This is the reason why Portugal is so obstinately opposed to our independence, in contrast with the attitude of other colonial powers. On the other hand the imperialist countries which today support Portugal do so not so much out of friendship or solidarity with the regime of Caetano, but because through the Portuguese government they have access to the exploitation of the labour of our people and of the riches of our country. Proof of this is their recent change of attitude at the U.N.; as they see our struggle advancing, as they see Portugal progressively losing control of Mozambique, Angola and Guine, those countries, to a certain extent, abandon Portugal and declare their support for our cause, in the hope that we shall respect their interests after independence. The armed struggle must go on These two consideration are enough to show those who could think of changing strategy that they are wrong. The successes we are achieving at the U.N. are the fruits of the progress of our armed struggle. Our victories in the political and military fields and in national reconstruction in Mozambique are the basis of the action of our African and socialist allies who in the U.N. launched the offensive against colonialism. The preambles of the U.N. resolutions demonstrate this when in order to justify the resolutions they state for example, «noting with satisfaction the progress towards national independence and freedom made by the national liberation movements in the colonial territories of Southern Africa and Guine-Bissau, both through their struggle and their reconstruction programmes, the General Assembly decides. . .» To stop the struggle would be an irreparable retrogression as it would enable Portugal to reestablish its military force and in the long term its political position in the colonies. We must understand the international arena within the context of our present strategy, which the Central Committee which has just met declared to be still absolutely valid. Our strategy is: on the internal plane to spread the struggle to the whole country in order to gradually increase our forces and reduce those of the enemy. On the international plane, to isolate Portuguese colonialism and to win support for our struggle. These two sides of our strategy are complementary, they cannot be realised independently one from the other. Thus, whilst congratulating ourselves for the successes we have just achieved at the U.N. to which the action of our African brothers and socialist comrades there also contributed a great deal, we must be aware that they do not represent any spectacular change in the process of our struggle, nor do they justify any hopes of a quick independence. Our independence is being built step by step. It is the sum of an attack against one post, an ambush, the opening of a new school or a new shamba, the adherence of the population of one village more, the stronger support of one and another country, a more favourable resolution at the U.N. All these small victories summed up will constitute the great victory which will be our independence. This is the way we must go. 17
Object Description
Description
Title | CENPA-356~19 |
Filename | CENPA-356~19.tiff |
Full text | cretely to the national liberation movements of Angola, Mozambique and Guine- Bissau, the General Assembly of the U.N. reaffirmed that they are the authentic representatives of the true aspirations of the respective peoples. A new note in the Resolution of the General Assembly was a statement on the need for negotiations; «The General Assembly deems it imperative that negotiations should be initiated at an early date between the government of Portugal and the national liberation movements)) with a view to the speedy independence of the peoples of Mozambique, Angola and Guine-Bissau. This organ recommended also that in the event of the non-compliance by the government of Portugal with its recommendations, the Security Council should urgently consider taking all affective steps with a view to forcing Portugal to recognise the right of the peoples of the colonies to independence. In fact, as Portugal then declared a few days later that it would not renounce its colonial policy and would not recognise the liberation movements, the Security Council met following the instructions >f the General Assembly. The Security Council again confirmed the right of the peoples of Angola, Guine-Bissau and Mozambique to self-determination and independence, and the legitimacy of the struggle they are waging to achieve that right. Addressing itself to the government of Portugal, the Security Council called upon it «to cease forthwith its military operations and all acts of repression against the peoples of Angola, Mozambique and Guine-Bissau; and to enter into negotiations with the parties concerned with a view to achieving a solution to the armed confrontation that exists in the territories of Angola, Mozambique and Guine-Bissau and permitting the peoples of these territories to exercise their right to self-determination and in- pendence.». Portugal isolated We can see that this formulation of the Security Council is weaker and less clear and direct than the one from the General Assembly. Thus, Portugal is not told to enter into negotiations with the liberation movements, but with the «parties concerned)) without specifying who those parties are. This was a concession that the progressive forces in the Security Council made to the imperialist powers, who still try at any cost to avoid the complete collapse of Portuguese colonialism. However, a very important aspect was that even those countries traditionally allied with Portugal like the USA, France and Great Britain, voted against colonialism in favour of negotiations for the independence of our people. This is one of the reasons why the decisions of the U.N. this year represent a great defeat for Portuguese colonialism. Comrades, We must make sure that those victories at the UN are properly understood. In fact, it is possible that certain comrades among us get the idea that the end of the struggle in in sight, that within a short time negotiations between the Portuguese Government and our Movement will take place under the auspices of the U.N. and thus shortly we shall be independent. And, what is more serious, those comrades may start to think of a change of strategy for FRELIMO. They may say: since the U.N. has espoused our cause, we must stop or at least relent our armed struggle and concentrate our efforts at the U.N. : many African countries have won their independence without armed struggle, with the help of the U.N. We must be aware that this is not an imaginary danger, but something likely to happen in a protracted struggle like ours. What must be then our attitude? It is evident that only complete ignorance of the nature of Portuguese colonialism and of the relationship of the world forces can explain that position. Other colonial powers such as Great Britain and France could give independence to most of their colonies because being economically developed and having solid bases in those territories, they hoped to continue exploitation even after independence. Portugal cannot have the same hope because being herself extremely underdeveloped, the independence of the colonies represents for her a certainty of losing all our riches. This is the reason why Portugal is so obstinately opposed to our independence, in contrast with the attitude of other colonial powers. On the other hand the imperialist countries which today support Portugal do so not so much out of friendship or solidarity with the regime of Caetano, but because through the Portuguese government they have access to the exploitation of the labour of our people and of the riches of our country. Proof of this is their recent change of attitude at the U.N.; as they see our struggle advancing, as they see Portugal progressively losing control of Mozambique, Angola and Guine, those countries, to a certain extent, abandon Portugal and declare their support for our cause, in the hope that we shall respect their interests after independence. The armed struggle must go on These two consideration are enough to show those who could think of changing strategy that they are wrong. The successes we are achieving at the U.N. are the fruits of the progress of our armed struggle. Our victories in the political and military fields and in national reconstruction in Mozambique are the basis of the action of our African and socialist allies who in the U.N. launched the offensive against colonialism. The preambles of the U.N. resolutions demonstrate this when in order to justify the resolutions they state for example, «noting with satisfaction the progress towards national independence and freedom made by the national liberation movements in the colonial territories of Southern Africa and Guine-Bissau, both through their struggle and their reconstruction programmes, the General Assembly decides. . .» To stop the struggle would be an irreparable retrogression as it would enable Portugal to reestablish its military force and in the long term its political position in the colonies. We must understand the international arena within the context of our present strategy, which the Central Committee which has just met declared to be still absolutely valid. Our strategy is: on the internal plane to spread the struggle to the whole country in order to gradually increase our forces and reduce those of the enemy. On the international plane, to isolate Portuguese colonialism and to win support for our struggle. These two sides of our strategy are complementary, they cannot be realised independently one from the other. Thus, whilst congratulating ourselves for the successes we have just achieved at the U.N. to which the action of our African brothers and socialist comrades there also contributed a great deal, we must be aware that they do not represent any spectacular change in the process of our struggle, nor do they justify any hopes of a quick independence. Our independence is being built step by step. It is the sum of an attack against one post, an ambush, the opening of a new school or a new shamba, the adherence of the population of one village more, the stronger support of one and another country, a more favourable resolution at the U.N. All these small victories summed up will constitute the great victory which will be our independence. This is the way we must go. 17 |
Archival file | Volume24/CENPA-356~19.tiff |