CENPA-356~06 |
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Another bridge blown up. This one was in Niassa Province Portuguese communiques at first denied or minimised our forces' activity in Manica e Sofala, or else reduced it to ((operations in the Tete isthmus.» At that very time, however, substantial information and the eye-witness accounts of civilian iraders, truck drivers and others, confirmed our presence and activity in the area around Vila Pery, which is well to the ..outh. The sole result of all this has been to discredit all information put out by the Portuguese High Command. The widespread distrust of official sources of information has been further aggravated by the fact that the South African and Rhodesian press, which until recently had no qualms about publishing pretty crude accounts of the war in Mozambique, is now showing barely concealed contempt for the military capacity of the Portuguese army. True, the lack of credibility of Portuguese war communiques has long been evident to world opinion, but now scepticism mingled with anxiety is gaining a hold on the colonialist population itself. Owing to their repercussions throughout the country, and especially in colonialist circles, the attacks on Chingozi airport and Tete provided an illustration of the confusion and difficulties besetting the colonial army as a result of its own lies. The Portuguese Command initially chose the tactic of silence. But in the face of the many reports circulating among the people, which had become a topic of conversation everywhere in the country, on 22 November they issued a first communique which denied that our operation had been successful claiming that only three mortar shells had hit the runway, but had failed to explode. Two days later, a second communique stated that long-range shells had been fired but that they had fallen short of their target and caused no damage. Three days later, the unofficial radio station broadcast a commentary on the reasons why the military command, contrary to usual practice, had issued two successive special communiques on the same attack, which had in any case failed. The commentary in question, apart from the usual recriminations against troublemakers and rumour-mongers, was permeated with a tone distinctly critical of the Portuguese Military Commander, Kaulza de Arriaga, who, through his haste and clumsy communique had merely increased the impact of the Tete operation. One can speculate on the reason for this criticism, the prelude to disintegration within the colonial apparatus in Mozambique. The foremost cause is doubtless the success achieved by our fighters, which is making each sector of the colonial apparatus wash its hands of the matter, as in every time of crisis, and to blame others for the failure. The second reason is to be found in what is now common knowledge, i.e. General Kaulza de Arriaga's political ambitions, which have not failed to rouse the anxiety of the Caetano government. In an interview published elsewhere in this bulletin, we mention the statements made by deserters from the Portuguese army who speak of indoctrination courses based on seemingly nationalist Mozambican watchwords, which are organised by General Kaulza de Arriaga for the troops under his direct command. If one were to relate this strange behaviour with the no less ambiguous ties the General maintains with J. Jardim, a Beira businessman and one of the upholders of the idea of white independence in Mozambique, one might reach the conclusion that having failed in his ambition to become President of the Republic of Portugal, General de Arriaga is seeking the political space he needs to realise his ambitions. Moreover, Kaulza de Arriaga's political designs are clearly connected with his efforts to appear to be a 'politician', as is revealed by the changing tone of the statements on strategic matters and the military communiques put out by the Portuguese military command in Mozambique. The initial bravado which preceded the big 'Operation Gordian Knot' launched in May June, 1970 'the war will be over in a few weeks' was followed by attempts to save face over the failure ,
Object Description
Description
Title | CENPA-356~06 |
Filename | CENPA-356~06.tiff |
Full text | Another bridge blown up. This one was in Niassa Province Portuguese communiques at first denied or minimised our forces' activity in Manica e Sofala, or else reduced it to ((operations in the Tete isthmus.» At that very time, however, substantial information and the eye-witness accounts of civilian iraders, truck drivers and others, confirmed our presence and activity in the area around Vila Pery, which is well to the ..outh. The sole result of all this has been to discredit all information put out by the Portuguese High Command. The widespread distrust of official sources of information has been further aggravated by the fact that the South African and Rhodesian press, which until recently had no qualms about publishing pretty crude accounts of the war in Mozambique, is now showing barely concealed contempt for the military capacity of the Portuguese army. True, the lack of credibility of Portuguese war communiques has long been evident to world opinion, but now scepticism mingled with anxiety is gaining a hold on the colonialist population itself. Owing to their repercussions throughout the country, and especially in colonialist circles, the attacks on Chingozi airport and Tete provided an illustration of the confusion and difficulties besetting the colonial army as a result of its own lies. The Portuguese Command initially chose the tactic of silence. But in the face of the many reports circulating among the people, which had become a topic of conversation everywhere in the country, on 22 November they issued a first communique which denied that our operation had been successful claiming that only three mortar shells had hit the runway, but had failed to explode. Two days later, a second communique stated that long-range shells had been fired but that they had fallen short of their target and caused no damage. Three days later, the unofficial radio station broadcast a commentary on the reasons why the military command, contrary to usual practice, had issued two successive special communiques on the same attack, which had in any case failed. The commentary in question, apart from the usual recriminations against troublemakers and rumour-mongers, was permeated with a tone distinctly critical of the Portuguese Military Commander, Kaulza de Arriaga, who, through his haste and clumsy communique had merely increased the impact of the Tete operation. One can speculate on the reason for this criticism, the prelude to disintegration within the colonial apparatus in Mozambique. The foremost cause is doubtless the success achieved by our fighters, which is making each sector of the colonial apparatus wash its hands of the matter, as in every time of crisis, and to blame others for the failure. The second reason is to be found in what is now common knowledge, i.e. General Kaulza de Arriaga's political ambitions, which have not failed to rouse the anxiety of the Caetano government. In an interview published elsewhere in this bulletin, we mention the statements made by deserters from the Portuguese army who speak of indoctrination courses based on seemingly nationalist Mozambican watchwords, which are organised by General Kaulza de Arriaga for the troops under his direct command. If one were to relate this strange behaviour with the no less ambiguous ties the General maintains with J. Jardim, a Beira businessman and one of the upholders of the idea of white independence in Mozambique, one might reach the conclusion that having failed in his ambition to become President of the Republic of Portugal, General de Arriaga is seeking the political space he needs to realise his ambitions. Moreover, Kaulza de Arriaga's political designs are clearly connected with his efforts to appear to be a 'politician', as is revealed by the changing tone of the statements on strategic matters and the military communiques put out by the Portuguese military command in Mozambique. The initial bravado which preceded the big 'Operation Gordian Knot' launched in May June, 1970 'the war will be over in a few weeks' was followed by attempts to save face over the failure , |
Archival file | Volume24/CENPA-356~06.tiff |