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two weeks to come into the fortified villages. If they don't we shoot them». Although it is easy to see that such methods cannot but give rise to the fierce resistance of the population and their more active involvement in the liberation struggle, the Portuguese army seems to have been overcome by hysteria and destructive lunacy. Terrorism against the civilian population is attaining almost unbelievable degrees of cruelty. When they vigorously denounced the crimes of the Portuguese army and decided to leave Mozambique last July, the White Fathers merely raised a corner of the curtain of silence surrounding the terrorism of the Portuguese army. Other priests, 4 of whom are now in prison, and other witnesses, have exposed the barbarous practices of the without distinction of race, colour or social origin, is growing daily. The most marked worsening of repression, however, has been the use of chemical weapons in Cabo Delgado region. Under the two-fold pressure of the local forces and the spread of the struggle on other fronts, the Portuguese have been forced to evacuate a large number of posts in this area, thereby recognising their virtually definitive loss of control. They have embarked upon the use of chemical agents, trying to reduce the population by means of famine and starvation and trying to palliate their inability to maintain their direct military presence. Indeed in Cabo Delgado Province enemy activity over the past year was greatly reduced. This decline in activity started to make itself felt in September 1971, Portuguese soldiers which have become truly systematic and are as systematically unpunished, so that they can be looked upon not as individual acts but as part of a line clearly laid down by the High Command. In the areas which are still occupied, nationalist feeling is exploding with such power that the campaign of arrests can no longer contain it. During the month of June more than 1,800 Mozambicans were arrested in the south of the country, among them the principal leaders of the Protestant church of Mozambique. Recently, the Association of Mozambican Students in the University of Lourenco Marques was arbitrarily closed by the authorities. The awakening consciousness of the people in supporting FRELIMO after they had withdrawn from Ng' angolo post. In the central areas of Cabo Delgado, for example, in the last months of 1971, they only carried out one large scale attack against one of our bases. When they were counter-attacked they withdrew and took refuge at Ng'angolo post, which they did not leave again until 15th January, 1972. On that day they organised a few isolated operations, mainly bombing raids aimed at creating panic and at preventing the population from weeding the fields. It was in April that they started a programme of destroying crops with chemical agents sprayed from planes. These operations started in Nangade and Muidumbe areas along the Muera river; then moved into Ibo and Lurio. Four aeroplanes sprayed herbicides while 2 jets, 5 bombers, one reconnaissance plane and a number of helicopters gave them protection. After one of the planes had been hit by our anti-aircraft fire (wc saw it trailing smoke), these operations were drastically reduced. According to press reports The Sunday Times of 9 July, 1972, thc mercenary South African pilots who were piloting the aeroplanes were so afraid of our tire that they hastily cancelled their contracts and returned to their base, despite the enormous salary they were getting. Several crops were affected in the /ones which were hit, namely maize and cassava, but the surpluses produced in other regions of the province were taken to the affected zones and prevented a famine situation. The determination of the population also played an important role in preventing greater damage. Indeed, immediately after the planes had spread their chemicals, the people left their shelters and came out to cut the stalks to prevent the poison from travelling down the stalks into the roots. In this way, a lot of cassava was saved. It is important, however, to point out the significance of the involvement of South African pilots in spraying operations in Cabo Delgado. Coming in thc wake of multiple and camouflaged forms of South African support for thc Portuguese army, ranging from logistic and technical support to the psychological operations of the Soldiers' Comfort Fund, this last form of aid seems to forecast increased involvement by the South African racists. Already numerous reports and testimonies among them those of the Rhodesian Military Command itself, have confirmed the involvement of Rhodesian troops in repressive operations in Tete. In thc past few months a press campaign has been raging in South Africa aimed at preparing the public for direct intervention in Mozambique. These, as we have said elsewhere, arc difficulties which wc had foreseen and which, with the aid of thc world peace-loving and progressive forces, we shall be able to overcome. Thc fundamental point is this: three Provinces are liberated, and the armed struggle has already reached thc fourth of Mozambique's nine Provinces. And, taking into account thc favourable national situation, the growing international solidarity and the increasing disarray within the Portuguese system, there is every guarantee that our struggle will advance even faster in the future.
Object Description
Title | Mozambique revolution, no. 52 (1972 July-Sept.) (copy 2) |
Description | Contents: Editorial - The opening of a new front (p. 1); We value Africa's aid - FRELIMO at the conference of East and Central African states (p. 3); War review - Developments over the past 12 months (p. 4); FRELIMO's women envoys - In Africa, Europe and Asia (p. 7); The crimes of colonialism - Testimony to the un human rights commission (p. 9); Visitors in free Mozambique - British solidarity group; Canadian lecturer; Italian delegation; Bulgarian doctor (p.11); A soldier escapes from Caetano's war - A Portuguese deserter speaks (p.17); FRELIMO's new recruits - Mozambicans desert the colonial army and join FRELIMO (p.18); O.A.U. Secretary-General visits FRELIMO (p.19); War communique - Latest report from the front (p. 20); Economic development in the liberated areas - Report to the economic commission for Africa (p. 22). This is an issue reprinted and distributed by the LSM Information Center in Richmond, Canada. |
Subject (lcsh) |
Nationalism -- Mozambique Self-determination, National Mozambique -- History Portugal -- Politics and government -- 1933-1974 |
Geographic Subject (Country) | Mozambique |
Geographic Subject (Continent) | Africa |
Geographic Coordinates | -18.6696821,35.5273474 |
Coverage date | 1964/1972 |
Creator | Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO) |
Publisher (of the Original Version) | Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO). Department of Information |
Place of Publication (of the Origianal Version) | Dar Es Salaam, U.R. of Tanzania |
Publisher (of the Digital Version) | University of Southern California. Libraries |
Date issued | 1972-07/1972-09 |
Type |
texts images |
Format | 28 p. |
Format (aat) | newsletters |
Language | English |
Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
Part of collection | Emerging Nationalism in Portuguese Africa, 1959-1965 |
Part of subcollection | Mozambique Collection |
Rights | The University of Southern California has licensed the rights to this material from the Aluka initiative of Ithaka Harbors, Inc., a non-profit Delaware corporation whose address is 151 East 61st Street, New York, NY 10021 |
Physical access | Original archive is at the Boeckmann Center for Iberian and Latin American Studies. Send requests to address or e-mail given. Phone (213) 821-2366; fax (213) 740-2343. |
Repository Name | USC Libraries Special Collections |
Repository Address | Doheny Memorial Library, Los Angeles, CA 90089-0189 |
Repository Email | specol@usc.edu |
Filename | CENPA-355 |
Description
Title | CENPA-355~08 |
Filename | CENPA-355~08.tiff |
Full text | two weeks to come into the fortified villages. If they don't we shoot them». Although it is easy to see that such methods cannot but give rise to the fierce resistance of the population and their more active involvement in the liberation struggle, the Portuguese army seems to have been overcome by hysteria and destructive lunacy. Terrorism against the civilian population is attaining almost unbelievable degrees of cruelty. When they vigorously denounced the crimes of the Portuguese army and decided to leave Mozambique last July, the White Fathers merely raised a corner of the curtain of silence surrounding the terrorism of the Portuguese army. Other priests, 4 of whom are now in prison, and other witnesses, have exposed the barbarous practices of the without distinction of race, colour or social origin, is growing daily. The most marked worsening of repression, however, has been the use of chemical weapons in Cabo Delgado region. Under the two-fold pressure of the local forces and the spread of the struggle on other fronts, the Portuguese have been forced to evacuate a large number of posts in this area, thereby recognising their virtually definitive loss of control. They have embarked upon the use of chemical agents, trying to reduce the population by means of famine and starvation and trying to palliate their inability to maintain their direct military presence. Indeed in Cabo Delgado Province enemy activity over the past year was greatly reduced. This decline in activity started to make itself felt in September 1971, Portuguese soldiers which have become truly systematic and are as systematically unpunished, so that they can be looked upon not as individual acts but as part of a line clearly laid down by the High Command. In the areas which are still occupied, nationalist feeling is exploding with such power that the campaign of arrests can no longer contain it. During the month of June more than 1,800 Mozambicans were arrested in the south of the country, among them the principal leaders of the Protestant church of Mozambique. Recently, the Association of Mozambican Students in the University of Lourenco Marques was arbitrarily closed by the authorities. The awakening consciousness of the people in supporting FRELIMO after they had withdrawn from Ng' angolo post. In the central areas of Cabo Delgado, for example, in the last months of 1971, they only carried out one large scale attack against one of our bases. When they were counter-attacked they withdrew and took refuge at Ng'angolo post, which they did not leave again until 15th January, 1972. On that day they organised a few isolated operations, mainly bombing raids aimed at creating panic and at preventing the population from weeding the fields. It was in April that they started a programme of destroying crops with chemical agents sprayed from planes. These operations started in Nangade and Muidumbe areas along the Muera river; then moved into Ibo and Lurio. Four aeroplanes sprayed herbicides while 2 jets, 5 bombers, one reconnaissance plane and a number of helicopters gave them protection. After one of the planes had been hit by our anti-aircraft fire (wc saw it trailing smoke), these operations were drastically reduced. According to press reports The Sunday Times of 9 July, 1972, thc mercenary South African pilots who were piloting the aeroplanes were so afraid of our tire that they hastily cancelled their contracts and returned to their base, despite the enormous salary they were getting. Several crops were affected in the /ones which were hit, namely maize and cassava, but the surpluses produced in other regions of the province were taken to the affected zones and prevented a famine situation. The determination of the population also played an important role in preventing greater damage. Indeed, immediately after the planes had spread their chemicals, the people left their shelters and came out to cut the stalks to prevent the poison from travelling down the stalks into the roots. In this way, a lot of cassava was saved. It is important, however, to point out the significance of the involvement of South African pilots in spraying operations in Cabo Delgado. Coming in thc wake of multiple and camouflaged forms of South African support for thc Portuguese army, ranging from logistic and technical support to the psychological operations of the Soldiers' Comfort Fund, this last form of aid seems to forecast increased involvement by the South African racists. Already numerous reports and testimonies among them those of the Rhodesian Military Command itself, have confirmed the involvement of Rhodesian troops in repressive operations in Tete. In thc past few months a press campaign has been raging in South Africa aimed at preparing the public for direct intervention in Mozambique. These, as we have said elsewhere, arc difficulties which wc had foreseen and which, with the aid of thc world peace-loving and progressive forces, we shall be able to overcome. Thc fundamental point is this: three Provinces are liberated, and the armed struggle has already reached thc fourth of Mozambique's nine Provinces. And, taking into account thc favourable national situation, the growing international solidarity and the increasing disarray within the Portuguese system, there is every guarantee that our struggle will advance even faster in the future. |
Archival file | Volume23/CENPA-355~08.tiff |