struggle for freedom and independence.
We must, moreover, cite the condemnation of the military aid given to Portugal, whether directly or through the intermediary of NATO. We would also point
to the specific and documented denunciation and the consequent condemnation
of thc penetration of foreign capital into
the Portuguese colonies, particularly since
1965, a penetration which constitutes a
form of direct and effective support lo
tottering Portuguese colonialism.
But in reviewing this impressive mass oi
decisions and resolutions, we note an
equally impressive lag between the will of
the international community, which has
never been so clearly expressed as it is
now, and the ineffectiveness of what has
been done by th: United Nations in the
struggle against colonialism. The causes
of this peculiar failure of this passivitv
on the part of the United Nations is to
be found in the attitude of a certain
number of reactionary Powers which are
active everywhere, even here in the Security Council and in the General Assembly,
where they vote against resolutions condemning colonialism by an overwhelming
majority; it can also be found in our
own country, where we know them by
the names of companies that exploit our
resources and our people through their
investments, and in violation of recommendations of the United Nations: such
names as Anglo-American Corporation,
Bureau de recherches minieres, Soeiete
nationale des petrolesd'Aquitaine, Rothschild and Sons, Barclay's Bank, Pan
American Oil, Gelsenkirchner Bergwerks
Aktiengesellschaft, Sumitomo, Alcan and
others. We recognise them also in the
labels and trademarks on weapons, airplanes, helicopters and military vehicles
that we capture or destroy or shoot down
in our country, such as G-3, FN, Allouette,
Noratlas, Dornier, Fiat, Berlict, etc.
Here, before the Security Council, we
launch an appeal to the United Nations,
and to all its Members, particularly those
who bear responsibility for the maintenance of colonialism in Africa, to cease
their military support whether it be direct
or within the framework of NATO, to
put an end in their investments in our
country, and to collaborate in positive
action at the United Nations level.
It is not that we think such action can
replace our fight, for we are fully cognizant of the fact that the primary effort
must be ours, as we have already proved.
But we believe that in view of the scope
of the confrontation which is looming in
southern Africa between the African masses fighting for their liberation and the
colonialist, fascist and racist regimes that
want to perpetuate their domination and
oppression, vvhich are supported by the
imperialist Powers of NATO, the international community cannot ignore its
responsibilities.
Because it represents the people of Mozambique who are struggling for their
liberation, because it leads the armed
struggle, and because it is organising and
controlling life in (he liberated regions of
Mozambique as an emanation of the popu-
Lu will, the Mo/ambique Liberation Front
is th<: only representative of the people
of Mozambique. Today, we can no lon-
gei continik lo consider Portugal as an
administratis Power or attribute to it
an> degree ol represcntativity, from the
standpoint ol law »i ol fact. Even in the
region still under enemy domination, the
people ol Mo/ambique look at FRELIMO
as its organisation, bringing together,
therefore, tin elements which are required by the classical theory of sovereignty population, territory, organised
political power. It is the Mozambique
Liberation Front which stands for and
represents the people of Mozambique in
the international community, in the name
of the right of peoples to self-determination the true keystone to modern
international law. We hope that the
United Nations and the specialised agencies will know how to draw the practical
material and legal conclusions from this
situation.
We have already shown that it is the military, economic and diplomatic aid granted by certain Western countries to Portugal that enables it to pursue its repression
against thc people of Mozambique, Guinea
(Bissau) and Angola. This support seems to
us today to be the primary obstacle in the
path of our independence. In this connexion we ask the Security Council to
find means to persuade these countries,
and in particular the United States, the
United Kingdom, France, the Federal
Republic of Germany. Italy and Japan,
to cease all forms of co-operation with
Portugal which enables it or may enable
it to continue the war. We ask that the
decisions taken by the General Assembly
on prohibiting the provision of arms
destined to be used in the colonies should
become obligatory, and that controls
should be set up in order to verify this,
particularly with respect to the arms and
arsenal of NATO, whose very initials define the geographical limits of the utilisation of these weapons. We also ask that
sanctions should be taken vis-a-vis Portu
gal, because of its persistent refusal to
conform to the principles of the Charter
of the United Nations, the Declaration of
Human Rights, and resolutions of the
General Assembly. We ask that an immediate end should be put to all economic
co-operation designed to strengthen the
positions of colonialism - the most
striking example of which is the Cahora
Bassa project, which the General Assembly has unequivocally condemned. We
ask for a clear and active position to be
taken by the Security Council against the
racist colonial alliance of Portugal, South
Africa and Rhodesia.
Finally, we ask that all moral and material
assistance should be given to us in order
to help our people and our organisation
to continue the armed struggle for the
complete liberation of our country, thus
putting into practice the sacred principles
of human dignity, and the freedom of
nations, which are the irreplaceable foundation of the international community
and the United Nations.
The United Nations has a special responsibility in this question of colonialism.
It has declared it to be a crime against
humanity. Today, in Africa and in the
world there is already a whole series of
countries which have assumed this role -
the role of the United Nations - to ensure the defence of the peoples which are
fighting against colonialism. And we
want to talk here particularly about those
countries which are neighbours of our
countries and which are totally assuming
their responsibility, their historic responsibility as a rear base of the peoples
fighting against colonialism and racism.
We are talking of countries such as Tanzania and Zambia, countries like the Republic of Guinea and Senegal, and the
People's Republic of the Congo, which
are every day the victims of Portuguese
colonialist aggression, and which every day
strengthen their solidarity with our peoples.
But we want to say primarily that these
countries are in the process of assuming
almost alone this responsibility, which is
the responsibility of all mankind. We
believe that it is our duty and the duty of
all the Member of our World Organisation, the United Nations, to ensure all
the necessary support whether it be
material or moral, so that these countries
can continue to carry out their historic
role in the name of the United Nations
which they have already undertaken, to
defend peoples who have assumed a commitment to take up weapons to liberate
themselves completely, and who are thus
making a vast contribution to the progress of mankind.
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