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$435,000,000 On 10 December, 1971, the State Department informed a scandalised general public that the previous day in Brussels it had signed an agreement with Portugal promising that country a sum exceeding $435 million in credit, in addition to other forms of aid. This aid was allocated as fojlows i.a. $400 million loan for economic and social development, $ 30 million for farm commodities, and a right to draw a minimum of $ 5m in non- military excess equipment, in addition to a loan of $ 1 million for education and the free lease of an oceanographic ship. It was announced at the same time that the United Stated had been authorised to continue to use the Lajes base on Terceira Island in the Azores until February 1974. This announcement was made on the eve of Nixon's visit to the Azores where he was to meet Pompidou after being received by Portuguese Prime Minister Marcelo Caetano. Observers were immediately struck by two factors: The first was the unusually high amount of the promised loans which the New York Times referred to as «one of the largest assistance packages negotiated in many years in exchange for foreign base rights». The same observers stressed the considerable disparity between this and the sum paid to Spain for the renewal of the concession on the Rota base. The second factor is the relationship that has been intentionally suggested in the mind of the public by announcing this agreement on the eve of Nixon's trip to the Azores in order to give the average man the impression that the huge loan granted to Portugal was merely the proper payment for the use of the base. It is important to know if this is really the case, and what western strategists have been wondering is whether the Azores still play the same decisive strategic role as in the past. 22 NIXON'S INVESTMENT PORTUGUESE COLONIALISM The American presence in the Azores dates back to the end of the Second World War. Under the influence of the British, the Portuguese allowed the United States to use the Azores, only too happy to have the alibi of this newfound friendship with the winners of the war, in the hope that this would make people forget the too overt sympathy that they had previously shown for the Axis Powers. In 1951, the first formal agreement was signed under which the United States, within the framework of the North Atlantic Treaty, had the right to use the base in time of war. In time of peace the right to station troops there and to use the base is dependent on treaties which are renewable every five years. The strategic importance of the base, in which the US invested $100 million between 1951 and 1957, was not questioned until mid-1960. It figured greatly in the shaping of Kennedy's policy towards Portugal, of which we shall speak later. The Berlin crisis and the threat of a sudden aggravation of East-West relations in Europe, helped Portugal to retain an effective weapon for bringing pressure to bear on the United States and to ensure itself of that country's decisive backing in getting NATO's blessing for the colonial wars and, therefore, military support. The treaty for the lease of the Azores was renewed for five years in November 1957. Negotiations were started again in 1962, on the expiry of this new period, in the tense climate created by the Kennedy Administration's attitude at the United Nations. Finally, on 3 January, 1963, a temporary agreement was reached. A $ 50 million loan was granted by the American Export-Import Bank, an agreement for the 50-50 financing of a warship was extended to three ships representing $ 15 million in additional aid and 30 T-37 C fighter planes were supplied. Portugal, however, retained the right to revoke the agreement on the Azores at six month's notice. However, profound changes occurred in world strategic concepts owing to the development of intercontinental ballistic missiles and especially, as regards limited wars, the appearance of long-range aircraft and nuclear submarines.The«world's biggest gasoline station)) as the Azores have been called became a secondary factor in American strategy and western strategy as a whole. This was widely recognised by experts well before the signing of the last agreement. For more than three years a substantial number of experts who have analysed this problem have noted the considerable lessening of the strategic importance of the Azores and have urged the White House not to be guided by the need to keep the Azores. State Department officials have even hinted that the US was not prepared to pay too high a price for the Lajes base. One might therefore wonder why President Nixon decided to step up negotiations on the renewal of agreements which had been dragging on since 1969 and, to this end, to send his Vice-President to Portugal on his return from where he pleaded the Portuguese cause.
Object Description
Title | Mozambique revolution, no. 50 (1972 Jan.-Mar.) |
Description | Contents: Editorial - Building up victory (p. 1); On the 3rd anniversary of the assassination of FRELIMO's first president - Nothing can stop what Mondlane began (p. 3); Tanzania's tribute to Mondlane (p. 4); War communique (p. 5); After the massacres of Mukumbura - A victim's relatives join the struggle - A priest describes Portuguese butchery (p. 9); Interview with a Portuguese prisioner (p.11); FRELIMO at the Security Council (p.13); What is the Mozambican culture? FRELIMO's first cultural seminar (p.15); Angola's National Day - Statement on the 4th february (p.16); Visitors in free Mozambique - Chinese guests praise FRELIMO's success; FRELIMO and the people are one (p.17); FRELIMO at the all Africa fair (p. 20); $435,000,000 - Nixon's investment in Portuguese colonialism (p. 22). |
Subject (lcsh) |
Nationalism -- Mozambique Self-determination, National Mozambique -- History Portugal -- Politics and government -- 1933-1974 |
Geographic Subject (Country) | Mozambique |
Geographic Subject (Continent) | Africa |
Geographic Coordinates | -18.6696821,35.5273470 |
Coverage date | 1951/1972-01 |
Creator | Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO) |
Publisher (of the Original Version) | Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO). Department of Information |
Place of Publication (of the Origianal Version) | Dar Es Salaam, U.R. of Tanzania |
Publisher (of the Digital Version) | University of Southern California. Libraries |
Date issued | 1972-01/1972-03 |
Type |
texts images |
Format | 28 p. |
Format (aat) | newsletters |
Language | English |
Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
Part of collection | Emerging Nationalism in Portuguese Africa, 1959-1965 |
Part of subcollection | Mozambique Collection |
Rights | The University of Southern California has licensed the rights to this material from the Aluka initiative of Ithaka Harbors, Inc., a non-profit Delaware corporation whose address is 151 East 61st Street, New York, NY 10021 |
Physical access | Original archive is at the Boeckmann Center for Iberian and Latin American Studies. Send requests to address or e-mail given. Phone (213) 821-2366; fax (213) 740-2343. |
Repository Name | USC Libraries Special Collections |
Repository Address | Doheny Memorial Library, Los Angeles, CA 90089-0189 |
Repository Email | specol@usc.edu |
Filename | CENPA-350 |
Description
Title | CENPA-350~24 |
Filename | CENPA-350~24.tiff |
Full text | $435,000,000 On 10 December, 1971, the State Department informed a scandalised general public that the previous day in Brussels it had signed an agreement with Portugal promising that country a sum exceeding $435 million in credit, in addition to other forms of aid. This aid was allocated as fojlows i.a. $400 million loan for economic and social development, $ 30 million for farm commodities, and a right to draw a minimum of $ 5m in non- military excess equipment, in addition to a loan of $ 1 million for education and the free lease of an oceanographic ship. It was announced at the same time that the United Stated had been authorised to continue to use the Lajes base on Terceira Island in the Azores until February 1974. This announcement was made on the eve of Nixon's visit to the Azores where he was to meet Pompidou after being received by Portuguese Prime Minister Marcelo Caetano. Observers were immediately struck by two factors: The first was the unusually high amount of the promised loans which the New York Times referred to as «one of the largest assistance packages negotiated in many years in exchange for foreign base rights». The same observers stressed the considerable disparity between this and the sum paid to Spain for the renewal of the concession on the Rota base. The second factor is the relationship that has been intentionally suggested in the mind of the public by announcing this agreement on the eve of Nixon's trip to the Azores in order to give the average man the impression that the huge loan granted to Portugal was merely the proper payment for the use of the base. It is important to know if this is really the case, and what western strategists have been wondering is whether the Azores still play the same decisive strategic role as in the past. 22 NIXON'S INVESTMENT PORTUGUESE COLONIALISM The American presence in the Azores dates back to the end of the Second World War. Under the influence of the British, the Portuguese allowed the United States to use the Azores, only too happy to have the alibi of this newfound friendship with the winners of the war, in the hope that this would make people forget the too overt sympathy that they had previously shown for the Axis Powers. In 1951, the first formal agreement was signed under which the United States, within the framework of the North Atlantic Treaty, had the right to use the base in time of war. In time of peace the right to station troops there and to use the base is dependent on treaties which are renewable every five years. The strategic importance of the base, in which the US invested $100 million between 1951 and 1957, was not questioned until mid-1960. It figured greatly in the shaping of Kennedy's policy towards Portugal, of which we shall speak later. The Berlin crisis and the threat of a sudden aggravation of East-West relations in Europe, helped Portugal to retain an effective weapon for bringing pressure to bear on the United States and to ensure itself of that country's decisive backing in getting NATO's blessing for the colonial wars and, therefore, military support. The treaty for the lease of the Azores was renewed for five years in November 1957. Negotiations were started again in 1962, on the expiry of this new period, in the tense climate created by the Kennedy Administration's attitude at the United Nations. Finally, on 3 January, 1963, a temporary agreement was reached. A $ 50 million loan was granted by the American Export-Import Bank, an agreement for the 50-50 financing of a warship was extended to three ships representing $ 15 million in additional aid and 30 T-37 C fighter planes were supplied. Portugal, however, retained the right to revoke the agreement on the Azores at six month's notice. However, profound changes occurred in world strategic concepts owing to the development of intercontinental ballistic missiles and especially, as regards limited wars, the appearance of long-range aircraft and nuclear submarines.The«world's biggest gasoline station)) as the Azores have been called became a secondary factor in American strategy and western strategy as a whole. This was widely recognised by experts well before the signing of the last agreement. For more than three years a substantial number of experts who have analysed this problem have noted the considerable lessening of the strategic importance of the Azores and have urged the White House not to be guided by the need to keep the Azores. State Department officials have even hinted that the US was not prepared to pay too high a price for the Lajes base. One might therefore wonder why President Nixon decided to step up negotiations on the renewal of agreements which had been dragging on since 1969 and, to this end, to send his Vice-President to Portugal on his return from where he pleaded the Portuguese cause. |
Archival file | Volume23/CENPA-350~24.tiff |