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Britain. In Britain the Committee for Freedom in Mozambique, Angola and Guine joined forces with the Anti-Apartheid movement and other progressive organisations to form the Dambusters Mobilising Committee, which has been carrying out a systematic campaign against British participation. There has been widespread support for the campaign to withdraw accounts from Barclays Bank; particularly among students and various organisations. Most recently the campaigners have been attending shareholders' meetings of the companies involved such as Barclays and ICI. Canada. At the beginning of April, 75 people attended the Annual General Meeting of ALCAN, a company providing 12,000 tons of aluminium rod for Cahora Bassa. As with previous cases in Britain the Chairman had been forced to prepare a statement in which he defended the company's actions. As the only grounds on which he thought he might be forced to withdraw were those of sanctions busting he stressed that after intensive investigations in Portugal and South Africa, he was satisfied that neither the cable nor transmission lines would have connections in Rhodesia! He also made the usual remarks about trade and industry bringing about improved standards of living and contributing to the social and political progress' of the African people. United States. It was learned in March that the General Electric Company is pressing the Export-Import Bank (an autonomous agency of the American government) to provide $55 million financing for a transformer system that they want to supply to Cahora Bassa. The American Committee on Africa has prepared a detailed fact sheet on the project and the company's involvement and has started a campaign to put pressure on the Export- Import Bank not to finance the transaction. A similar operation to that against Cahora Bassa is being waged in America against the Gulf Oil Corporation, which has gained a strong foothold in Angola. Several groups are involved but in particular the Committee of Returned Volunteers has produced a couple of excellent publications on Gulfs activities and the Task Force on Southern Africa of the United Presbyterian Church organised a confrontation at the Annual General Meeting. In a detailed statement Task Force say that Gulfs operations directly contribute to the suppression of the Angolan people in several ways. Firstly, Gulf payments to the Portuguese government ($11 million in 1969) represent a significant percentage of the Angolan military budget. Secondly, Gulf oil discoveries constitute an incentive for continued Portuguese occupation. Thirdly, Gulf oil is an indespen- sible strategic material to the Ibrtuguese army. The Committee for a Free Mozambique in New York has launched a campaign to buy transistor radios for use in the liberated areas of Mozambique. Black workers have also been making an active contribution to the struggle. The actions of black workers of the American Polaroid received wide publicity when they forced the company to cease selling film to the South African government. Polaroid received yet another blow recently when half its gift of $20,000 to the United Black Appeal Group of Boston was immediately handed over to the OAU Liberation Committee. Seen in isolation, all these activities would not appear to have much effect on our liberation struggle. Questioning directors and officials at meetings is unlikely to force them to withdraw from profitable contracts. Capitalism does not exist to be moved by moral arguments. But this work done by the solidarity groups is extremely important. Before they can hope to mobilise support for our struggle, they first have to inform people that it even exists. Eighteen months ago most people in Europe and North America probably did not even know that Portugal had colonies in Africa, let alone what they were doing there. Now, as the result of hard and persistant work by the increasing number of support and solidarity groups our fight is gradually becoming known in such a way that is already causing concern to the Portuguese government, as recent speeches and statements have indicated. We have no illusions, and neither certainly have most of these organisations, that their activities will drastically alter the course of the war. Our freedom will only come through our own military and political efforts, and possibly that of the oppressed Portuguese people themselves. However, in raising the consciousness of their peoples and providing us with as much moral and material support as they can, they can help to make our task easier. BUST THE CABORA BASSA DAM ■ 24
Object Description
Title | Mozambique revolution, no. 47 (1971 May-June) |
Description | Contents: The truth that Portugal cannot conceal - Editorial (p. 1); Reports from the military front (p. 3); The freedom struggle - as the people see it - a people's meeting in Tete province (p. 6); Josina you are not dead (p.11); Marching with FRELIMO - Dar Students visit free Mozambique (p.12); A journalist in search of the facts - Articles by a Tanzanian journalist (p.14); Report on Guinea-Bissau by a frelimo delegation (p.16); The UN must face the NATO's challenge - FRELIMO's meeting with UN committee (p.18); Mueda must not be forgotten (p. 20); The forces of reaction close their ranks (p. 21); But the opposition grows (p. 22). |
Subject (lcsh) |
Nationalism -- Mozambique Self-determination, National Mozambique -- History Portugal -- Politics and government -- 1933-1974 |
Geographic Subject (Country) | Mozambique |
Geographic Subject (Continent) | Africa |
Geographic Coordinates | -18.6696821,35.5273466 |
Coverage date | 1955/1971-07 |
Creator | Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO) |
Publisher (of the Original Version) | Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO). Department of Information |
Place of Publication (of the Origianal Version) | Dar Es Salaam, U.R. of Tanzania |
Publisher (of the Digital Version) | University of Southern California. Libraries |
Date issued | 1971-05/1971-06 |
Type |
texts images |
Format | 28 p. |
Format (aat) | newsletters |
Language | English |
Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
Part of collection | Emerging Nationalism in Portuguese Africa, 1959-1965 |
Part of subcollection | Mozambique Collection |
Rights | The University of Southern California has licensed the rights to this material from the Aluka initiative of Ithaka Harbors, Inc., a non-profit Delaware corporation whose address is 151 East 61st Street, New York, NY 10021 |
Physical access | Original archive is at the Boeckmann Center for Iberian and Latin American Studies. Send requests to address or e-mail given. Phone (213) 821-2366; fax (213) 740-2343. |
Repository Name | USC Libraries Special Collections |
Repository Address | Doheny Memorial Library, Los Angeles, CA 90089-0189 |
Repository Email | specol@usc.edu |
Filename | CENPA-345 |
Description
Title | CENPA-345~26 |
Filename | CENPA-345~26.tiff |
Full text | Britain. In Britain the Committee for Freedom in Mozambique, Angola and Guine joined forces with the Anti-Apartheid movement and other progressive organisations to form the Dambusters Mobilising Committee, which has been carrying out a systematic campaign against British participation. There has been widespread support for the campaign to withdraw accounts from Barclays Bank; particularly among students and various organisations. Most recently the campaigners have been attending shareholders' meetings of the companies involved such as Barclays and ICI. Canada. At the beginning of April, 75 people attended the Annual General Meeting of ALCAN, a company providing 12,000 tons of aluminium rod for Cahora Bassa. As with previous cases in Britain the Chairman had been forced to prepare a statement in which he defended the company's actions. As the only grounds on which he thought he might be forced to withdraw were those of sanctions busting he stressed that after intensive investigations in Portugal and South Africa, he was satisfied that neither the cable nor transmission lines would have connections in Rhodesia! He also made the usual remarks about trade and industry bringing about improved standards of living and contributing to the social and political progress' of the African people. United States. It was learned in March that the General Electric Company is pressing the Export-Import Bank (an autonomous agency of the American government) to provide $55 million financing for a transformer system that they want to supply to Cahora Bassa. The American Committee on Africa has prepared a detailed fact sheet on the project and the company's involvement and has started a campaign to put pressure on the Export- Import Bank not to finance the transaction. A similar operation to that against Cahora Bassa is being waged in America against the Gulf Oil Corporation, which has gained a strong foothold in Angola. Several groups are involved but in particular the Committee of Returned Volunteers has produced a couple of excellent publications on Gulfs activities and the Task Force on Southern Africa of the United Presbyterian Church organised a confrontation at the Annual General Meeting. In a detailed statement Task Force say that Gulfs operations directly contribute to the suppression of the Angolan people in several ways. Firstly, Gulf payments to the Portuguese government ($11 million in 1969) represent a significant percentage of the Angolan military budget. Secondly, Gulf oil discoveries constitute an incentive for continued Portuguese occupation. Thirdly, Gulf oil is an indespen- sible strategic material to the Ibrtuguese army. The Committee for a Free Mozambique in New York has launched a campaign to buy transistor radios for use in the liberated areas of Mozambique. Black workers have also been making an active contribution to the struggle. The actions of black workers of the American Polaroid received wide publicity when they forced the company to cease selling film to the South African government. Polaroid received yet another blow recently when half its gift of $20,000 to the United Black Appeal Group of Boston was immediately handed over to the OAU Liberation Committee. Seen in isolation, all these activities would not appear to have much effect on our liberation struggle. Questioning directors and officials at meetings is unlikely to force them to withdraw from profitable contracts. Capitalism does not exist to be moved by moral arguments. But this work done by the solidarity groups is extremely important. Before they can hope to mobilise support for our struggle, they first have to inform people that it even exists. Eighteen months ago most people in Europe and North America probably did not even know that Portugal had colonies in Africa, let alone what they were doing there. Now, as the result of hard and persistant work by the increasing number of support and solidarity groups our fight is gradually becoming known in such a way that is already causing concern to the Portuguese government, as recent speeches and statements have indicated. We have no illusions, and neither certainly have most of these organisations, that their activities will drastically alter the course of the war. Our freedom will only come through our own military and political efforts, and possibly that of the oppressed Portuguese people themselves. However, in raising the consciousness of their peoples and providing us with as much moral and material support as they can, they can help to make our task easier. BUST THE CABORA BASSA DAM ■ 24 |
Archival file | Volume21/CENPA-345~26.tiff |