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The growth of the struggle in the Portuguese colonies is not only to be judged by die advance of the military front lines, the increased offensives, and the expansion of the liberated areas. It can also be seen from the growing involvement and and commitment of forces outside - both reactionary forces, who are rapidly closing their ranks, and also progressive forces who are increasing their support and solidarity in countries where only a few years ago ours was described as a 'forgotten war'. Several events over the last few months have demonstrated that Portugal's NATO allies in particular have decided to come to the aid of Portugal's repressive colonial policies even more openly and closely than before. In January this year Britain and the United States finally withdrew from the United Nations Committee on Colonialism after several years of obvious dissatisfaction at their inability to control its resolutions and statements. A member of the U.S. mission to the U.N. confirmed this when he stated: «We felt the Committee was not fulfilling its mandate and that it was being irresponsible by advocating violence.» The advent of the Conservative government in Britain has of course produced the anticipated re-establishment of even closer links with Portugal than existed under its predecessor. The arms sales to South Africa are but one aspect of its policies towards the oppressive regimes in Southern Africa. There have recently been official visits to Britain by both the Provincial Secretary for the Economy of Angola and the Portuguese Secretary for Industry - the first member of the Portuguese government to visit Britain officially since 1955. A delegation from the British National Export Council recently toured Mozambique, as did the former Conservative Minister, Mr. Duncan Sandys who stated that this government would take a much more positive attitude towards Cahora Bassa than the previous one. A month after the export mission's visit a 5 million sterling credit for Portugal was announced, to be used for 'African development'. The strongest indication of the new trends however,, is the recent invitation to the British Foreign Minister to visit Portugal. Details of closer NATO collaboration are given elsewhere. In addition, the Nixon administration has been continuing its usual hypocrytical international role of proclaiming loudly its defence of human rights and then doing precisely the opposite. Nixon's 'State of the World' message to Congress 'denounced' white minority regimes but equally firmly rejected any solution that called for violence or even economic pressures, pretending that the isolation of white regimes would not serve 'ultimate justice' and that America's main contribution to Africa would be to keep it free of 'great power rivalries and conflicts'. The implications for Portugal are obvious - for, as all her friends point out, the Portuguese colonies are some of the most peaceful areas of Africa, troub led by only a few foreign-backed terrorists. A few months earlier, the Portuguese ambassador to the United States had come rather more to the point when addressing the Institute of High Studies for National Defence. He stated that the USA now had a more sympathetic attitude to the Portuguese 'problems' in the African colonies, and that he expected a closer collaboration in future between Portugal and the USA, in view of Portugal's rich material resources. The more tangible evidence of these policies recently has been the sale of Boeing aircraft to TAP, and small 'civil' aircraft to South Africa, both ideal for supporting the military effort; the one through large-scale transport capabilities and the other by wav of reconnaissance radio co-operation with ground police, co-ordination of army airforce activities etc. France and West Germany, on the other hand, have never felt required to make even the slightest pretext about their objectives. Both are giving Portugal every support with her Common Market application. One of the few thorns in Franco- Portuguese relations, illegal migrant workers in France, has been solved by a series of recent agreements. During a recent visit to France by the Portuguese Foreign Minister, President Pompidou expressed France's great esteem for Portugal and said that France would resolutely continue its policy of close co-operation between both countries. West Germany's main concern, apart from the sale of arms, has always been the mineral wealth of the colonies which provides the raw materials for these. The growing importance of this was recently demonstrated by the visit to Angola of Franz Josef Strauss, Minister of Defence, accompanied by West German generals Von der Hidt and Tretners, who visited the Cassinga iron mines. 21
Object Description
Title | Mozambique revolution, no. 47 (1971 May-June) |
Description | Contents: The truth that Portugal cannot conceal - Editorial (p. 1); Reports from the military front (p. 3); The freedom struggle - as the people see it - a people's meeting in Tete province (p. 6); Josina you are not dead (p.11); Marching with FRELIMO - Dar Students visit free Mozambique (p.12); A journalist in search of the facts - Articles by a Tanzanian journalist (p.14); Report on Guinea-Bissau by a frelimo delegation (p.16); The UN must face the NATO's challenge - FRELIMO's meeting with UN committee (p.18); Mueda must not be forgotten (p. 20); The forces of reaction close their ranks (p. 21); But the opposition grows (p. 22). |
Subject (lcsh) |
Nationalism -- Mozambique Self-determination, National Mozambique -- History Portugal -- Politics and government -- 1933-1974 |
Geographic Subject (Country) | Mozambique |
Geographic Subject (Continent) | Africa |
Geographic Coordinates | -18.6696821,35.5273466 |
Coverage date | 1955/1971-07 |
Creator | Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO) |
Publisher (of the Original Version) | Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO). Department of Information |
Place of Publication (of the Origianal Version) | Dar Es Salaam, U.R. of Tanzania |
Publisher (of the Digital Version) | University of Southern California. Libraries |
Date issued | 1971-05/1971-06 |
Type |
texts images |
Format | 28 p. |
Format (aat) | newsletters |
Language | English |
Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
Part of collection | Emerging Nationalism in Portuguese Africa, 1959-1965 |
Part of subcollection | Mozambique Collection |
Rights | The University of Southern California has licensed the rights to this material from the Aluka initiative of Ithaka Harbors, Inc., a non-profit Delaware corporation whose address is 151 East 61st Street, New York, NY 10021 |
Physical access | Original archive is at the Boeckmann Center for Iberian and Latin American Studies. Send requests to address or e-mail given. Phone (213) 821-2366; fax (213) 740-2343. |
Repository Name | USC Libraries Special Collections |
Repository Address | Doheny Memorial Library, Los Angeles, CA 90089-0189 |
Repository Email | specol@usc.edu |
Filename | CENPA-345 |
Description
Title | CENPA-345~23 |
Filename | CENPA-345~23.tiff |
Full text | The growth of the struggle in the Portuguese colonies is not only to be judged by die advance of the military front lines, the increased offensives, and the expansion of the liberated areas. It can also be seen from the growing involvement and and commitment of forces outside - both reactionary forces, who are rapidly closing their ranks, and also progressive forces who are increasing their support and solidarity in countries where only a few years ago ours was described as a 'forgotten war'. Several events over the last few months have demonstrated that Portugal's NATO allies in particular have decided to come to the aid of Portugal's repressive colonial policies even more openly and closely than before. In January this year Britain and the United States finally withdrew from the United Nations Committee on Colonialism after several years of obvious dissatisfaction at their inability to control its resolutions and statements. A member of the U.S. mission to the U.N. confirmed this when he stated: «We felt the Committee was not fulfilling its mandate and that it was being irresponsible by advocating violence.» The advent of the Conservative government in Britain has of course produced the anticipated re-establishment of even closer links with Portugal than existed under its predecessor. The arms sales to South Africa are but one aspect of its policies towards the oppressive regimes in Southern Africa. There have recently been official visits to Britain by both the Provincial Secretary for the Economy of Angola and the Portuguese Secretary for Industry - the first member of the Portuguese government to visit Britain officially since 1955. A delegation from the British National Export Council recently toured Mozambique, as did the former Conservative Minister, Mr. Duncan Sandys who stated that this government would take a much more positive attitude towards Cahora Bassa than the previous one. A month after the export mission's visit a 5 million sterling credit for Portugal was announced, to be used for 'African development'. The strongest indication of the new trends however,, is the recent invitation to the British Foreign Minister to visit Portugal. Details of closer NATO collaboration are given elsewhere. In addition, the Nixon administration has been continuing its usual hypocrytical international role of proclaiming loudly its defence of human rights and then doing precisely the opposite. Nixon's 'State of the World' message to Congress 'denounced' white minority regimes but equally firmly rejected any solution that called for violence or even economic pressures, pretending that the isolation of white regimes would not serve 'ultimate justice' and that America's main contribution to Africa would be to keep it free of 'great power rivalries and conflicts'. The implications for Portugal are obvious - for, as all her friends point out, the Portuguese colonies are some of the most peaceful areas of Africa, troub led by only a few foreign-backed terrorists. A few months earlier, the Portuguese ambassador to the United States had come rather more to the point when addressing the Institute of High Studies for National Defence. He stated that the USA now had a more sympathetic attitude to the Portuguese 'problems' in the African colonies, and that he expected a closer collaboration in future between Portugal and the USA, in view of Portugal's rich material resources. The more tangible evidence of these policies recently has been the sale of Boeing aircraft to TAP, and small 'civil' aircraft to South Africa, both ideal for supporting the military effort; the one through large-scale transport capabilities and the other by wav of reconnaissance radio co-operation with ground police, co-ordination of army airforce activities etc. France and West Germany, on the other hand, have never felt required to make even the slightest pretext about their objectives. Both are giving Portugal every support with her Common Market application. One of the few thorns in Franco- Portuguese relations, illegal migrant workers in France, has been solved by a series of recent agreements. During a recent visit to France by the Portuguese Foreign Minister, President Pompidou expressed France's great esteem for Portugal and said that France would resolutely continue its policy of close co-operation between both countries. West Germany's main concern, apart from the sale of arms, has always been the mineral wealth of the colonies which provides the raw materials for these. The growing importance of this was recently demonstrated by the visit to Angola of Franz Josef Strauss, Minister of Defence, accompanied by West German generals Von der Hidt and Tretners, who visited the Cassinga iron mines. 21 |
Archival file | Volume21/CENPA-345~23.tiff |