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nomy of Mozambique, are resentful of restrictive control from a capital thousands of miles away. Signs of their discontent have been apparent in Mozambique and Angola. In 1969 in Angola, there was growing criticism of the Portuguese concept of economic integration. The complaint was that political decisions were taken in Portugal, giving priority to ((national interests)) at the expense of the settlers in the colonies. Just before the last elections in Portugal, the Economic Association of Angola sent a petition to the Portuguese government suggesting that there should be immediate reorganisation of the administrative structures of the overseas territories in the direction of decentralisation coupled with more Angolan representation in the central organs in Portugal. There were similar rumours that there was a UDI-type movement in existence. Presumably, the 'autonomy' has been given such prominence by Caetano in an effort to satisfy most of the resentment of the white settler population in Angola and Mozambique. DOMESTIC CRISIS AND PORTUGUESE COLONIAL POLICY The recent developments and Portugal's colonial policies as a whole cannot be examined in a vacuum, as though they concerned simply the relationship between the metropolis and the colonies. They must be seen in the light of the Caetano government's overall policies, both international and domestic. The Portuguese Fascist government is concerned with growing discontent and unrest at home. Caetano spoke of ((dangers which threaten society)), which he attributed partly to emigration and returned emigrant workers who brought back ((bad habits)). Then he openly admitted that one of the factors of e- conomic and social instability in Portugal was the growing hostility to the colonial wars. The persistence and success of the national liberation movements in the colonies engenders pressure on the government to change its ((overseas policy)). The increased decentralisation is a characteristic double-faced response of Fascism to internal and external pressures. On the one hand, greater administrative responsabilities in the colonies will allow the Portuguese government to devote more attention to domestic problems (invariably along repressive lines) and yet at the same time it may befuddle some Portugu - ese at home and in the colonies to feel that something new is in the offing - and thereby boost their morale, which is at a low ebb. ADMISSION OF FAILURE As with the American War of aggression in Vietnam, so with the Portuguese war of oppression in Africa, the need arises to quell discontent at home by one means or another and raise morale for prolonging the dirty war to stifle other people's liberties. In the speech in question, Caetano observed that tho - se who thought that the military aspect of the colonial campaigns were the most important were wrong. Instead, he urged that «what counts is the number of people alive who our protection, our psychological action, together with the benefits of the administration succed in maintaining firm and tranquil in their fidelity to Portugal)). Consequently, the classical weapons of war must give way to modern ones, aimed at ((impressing and persuading the spirit)). The above observation is particularly interesting, coming so soon after the recent massive offensive of the Portuguese in Mozambique. There could be no more authoritative indication that this was a failure. Moreover, the Portuguese army can never defeat the FRELIMO forces for precisely the reason given by Caetano. If strength of manpower and fire-power were the decisive factors we would have defeated long ago. No, the reason is that our great strength lies in our base among the people. With their support, cooperation and direct participation in the struggle, we cannot be defeated and the Portuguese know this. That is why they are currently placing so much emphasis on the creation of ((psychological action units» among the army, and stepping up their propaganda efforts. What is doubly significant is that the Prime Minister of Portugal should consider this important enough to stress in a speech concerning details of more «self-rule» for the colonies. The connection is not coincidental - it is part of imperialist psychological warfare which has elevated deceit into a science. INTERNATIONAL IMPLICATIONS As part of the psychological war, it is in Portugal's interest to spread abroad the idea that 'autonomy' means more than it really does. Despite his assertion that the government will not be disturbed by external criticisms, it is clear that Caetano and the Fascist clan in Portugal are unsettled by growing international hostility. The section of Western European public opinion sympathetic to the cause of African liberation, lies within the ranks os students and progressives, but it has been vocal and organised enough to prevent the capitalists of several countries from joining Portugal and South Africa on the Cahora Bassa project. This must be very worrying since Portugal has high hopes of joining these capitalists in the European Common Market. The final item in Caetano's speech which must not escape attention is the question of Portuguese entry into the European Common Market. He hinted strongly that the decision had been taken to do everything possible to gain entry. The issue has been a source of considerable debate over the past year, the main point of contention being the position of the colorries. Since Portugal always maintained that the colonies were part and parcel of the Portuguese state there would presumably have to be some special provision for them — provisions of the kind for which the former French and British territories were not eligible. It is unlikely that this would be accepted by the other members, and yet it was vital for Portugal to join because British entry into the Common Market would mean the end of the European Free Trade Association, whose concessions towards Portugal are one of the mainstays of the country's economy. The policy of 'autonomy' and decentralization helps to solve the impasse by superficially reducing responsabilities in the colonies, while at the same time maintaining full control in the last resort, in keeping with Portugal's fundamental policy of a unitary state extending itself in Europe and Africa. 24
Object Description
Title | Mozambique revolution, no. 45 (1970 Oct.-Dec.) |
Description | Contents: Editorial: The coming victory (p. 1); Invasion of Guinea: The lesson for Africa (p. 3); War communique: Big offensive defeated (p. 6); Portuguese atrocities in Mozambique: Hears the evidence (p. 8); Cahora Bassa: Why we say no (p.13); The struggle in Niassa province by Niassa's military commander (p.15); Journey with a camera: British film-makers in Mozambique (p.18); Once they came with sweets and gifts: Portuguese psychological warfare (p. 20); Streamlined exploitation: Caetano calls it 'autonomy' (p. 23). |
Subject (lcsh) |
Nationalism -- Mozambique Self-determination, National Mozambique -- History Portugal -- Politics and government -- 1933-1974 |
Geographic Subject (Country) | Mozambique |
Geographic Subject (Continent) | Africa |
Geographic Coordinates | -18.6696821,35.5273465 |
Coverage date | 1961/1970-11 |
Creator | Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO) |
Publisher (of the Original Version) | Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO). Department of Information |
Place of Publication (of the Origianal Version) | Dar Es Salaam, U.R. of Tanzania |
Publisher (of the Digital Version) | University of Southern California. Libraries |
Date issued | 1970-10/1970-12 |
Type |
texts images |
Format | 28 p. |
Format (aat) | newsletters |
Language | English |
Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
Part of collection | Emerging Nationalism in Portuguese Africa, 1959-1965 |
Part of subcollection | Mozambique Collection |
Rights | The University of Southern California has licensed the rights to this material from the Aluka initiative of Ithaka Harbors, Inc., a non-profit Delaware corporation whose address is 151 East 61st Street, New York, NY 10021 |
Physical access | Original archive is at the Boeckmann Center for Iberian and Latin American Studies. Send requests to address or e-mail given. Phone (213) 821-2366; fax (213) 740-2343. |
Repository Name | USC Libraries Special Collections |
Repository Address | Doheny Memorial Library, Los Angeles, CA 90089-0189 |
Repository Email | specol@usc.edu |
Filename | CENPA-344 |
Description
Title | CENPA-344~26 |
Filename | CENPA-344~26.tiff |
Full text | nomy of Mozambique, are resentful of restrictive control from a capital thousands of miles away. Signs of their discontent have been apparent in Mozambique and Angola. In 1969 in Angola, there was growing criticism of the Portuguese concept of economic integration. The complaint was that political decisions were taken in Portugal, giving priority to ((national interests)) at the expense of the settlers in the colonies. Just before the last elections in Portugal, the Economic Association of Angola sent a petition to the Portuguese government suggesting that there should be immediate reorganisation of the administrative structures of the overseas territories in the direction of decentralisation coupled with more Angolan representation in the central organs in Portugal. There were similar rumours that there was a UDI-type movement in existence. Presumably, the 'autonomy' has been given such prominence by Caetano in an effort to satisfy most of the resentment of the white settler population in Angola and Mozambique. DOMESTIC CRISIS AND PORTUGUESE COLONIAL POLICY The recent developments and Portugal's colonial policies as a whole cannot be examined in a vacuum, as though they concerned simply the relationship between the metropolis and the colonies. They must be seen in the light of the Caetano government's overall policies, both international and domestic. The Portuguese Fascist government is concerned with growing discontent and unrest at home. Caetano spoke of ((dangers which threaten society)), which he attributed partly to emigration and returned emigrant workers who brought back ((bad habits)). Then he openly admitted that one of the factors of e- conomic and social instability in Portugal was the growing hostility to the colonial wars. The persistence and success of the national liberation movements in the colonies engenders pressure on the government to change its ((overseas policy)). The increased decentralisation is a characteristic double-faced response of Fascism to internal and external pressures. On the one hand, greater administrative responsabilities in the colonies will allow the Portuguese government to devote more attention to domestic problems (invariably along repressive lines) and yet at the same time it may befuddle some Portugu - ese at home and in the colonies to feel that something new is in the offing - and thereby boost their morale, which is at a low ebb. ADMISSION OF FAILURE As with the American War of aggression in Vietnam, so with the Portuguese war of oppression in Africa, the need arises to quell discontent at home by one means or another and raise morale for prolonging the dirty war to stifle other people's liberties. In the speech in question, Caetano observed that tho - se who thought that the military aspect of the colonial campaigns were the most important were wrong. Instead, he urged that «what counts is the number of people alive who our protection, our psychological action, together with the benefits of the administration succed in maintaining firm and tranquil in their fidelity to Portugal)). Consequently, the classical weapons of war must give way to modern ones, aimed at ((impressing and persuading the spirit)). The above observation is particularly interesting, coming so soon after the recent massive offensive of the Portuguese in Mozambique. There could be no more authoritative indication that this was a failure. Moreover, the Portuguese army can never defeat the FRELIMO forces for precisely the reason given by Caetano. If strength of manpower and fire-power were the decisive factors we would have defeated long ago. No, the reason is that our great strength lies in our base among the people. With their support, cooperation and direct participation in the struggle, we cannot be defeated and the Portuguese know this. That is why they are currently placing so much emphasis on the creation of ((psychological action units» among the army, and stepping up their propaganda efforts. What is doubly significant is that the Prime Minister of Portugal should consider this important enough to stress in a speech concerning details of more «self-rule» for the colonies. The connection is not coincidental - it is part of imperialist psychological warfare which has elevated deceit into a science. INTERNATIONAL IMPLICATIONS As part of the psychological war, it is in Portugal's interest to spread abroad the idea that 'autonomy' means more than it really does. Despite his assertion that the government will not be disturbed by external criticisms, it is clear that Caetano and the Fascist clan in Portugal are unsettled by growing international hostility. The section of Western European public opinion sympathetic to the cause of African liberation, lies within the ranks os students and progressives, but it has been vocal and organised enough to prevent the capitalists of several countries from joining Portugal and South Africa on the Cahora Bassa project. This must be very worrying since Portugal has high hopes of joining these capitalists in the European Common Market. The final item in Caetano's speech which must not escape attention is the question of Portuguese entry into the European Common Market. He hinted strongly that the decision had been taken to do everything possible to gain entry. The issue has been a source of considerable debate over the past year, the main point of contention being the position of the colorries. Since Portugal always maintained that the colonies were part and parcel of the Portuguese state there would presumably have to be some special provision for them — provisions of the kind for which the former French and British territories were not eligible. It is unlikely that this would be accepted by the other members, and yet it was vital for Portugal to join because British entry into the Common Market would mean the end of the European Free Trade Association, whose concessions towards Portugal are one of the mainstays of the country's economy. The policy of 'autonomy' and decentralization helps to solve the impasse by superficially reducing responsabilities in the colonies, while at the same time maintaining full control in the last resort, in keeping with Portugal's fundamental policy of a unitary state extending itself in Europe and Africa. 24 |
Archival file | Volume21/CENPA-344~26.tiff |