STREAMLINED EXPLOITATION
Caetano calls it 'autonomy'
In his recent address to the Portuguese National Assembly,
Prime Minister Caetano included a statement that greater
'autonomy' was forthcoming for the Portuguese «Overseas
Provinces)). We are used to hearing such statements, which do
not normally deserve our attention. However, it appears that
a section of the international public has interpreted the recent
remarks as an indication of the liberalisation of Portuguese
policies at home and abroad under Caetano. In order to avoid
the spread of such illusions, we feel compelled to draw attention to the reality of what Caetano actually said. In that way
it can be appreciated that the Fortuguese idea of 'autonomy'
for Mozambique is a far cry even from the conventional
definition of the right of internal self-government, let alone
implying possibilities of independence.
«RENOVATION IN CONTINUITY))
continuation of past policies
At a glance at Caetano's speech shows that he specifically
affirmed that the 'autonomy' of which he spoke was a continuation of past policies. His main theme is well summarised
in his phrase «renovation in continuity)). He stresses that the
1933 constitution must be maintained because nearly 40 years
of experience has shown that it works (in Portugal's interest).
To keep it runctioning, revisions and reforms must be introduced as circumstances dictate. This was precisely what was
intended by his predecessor, Salazar, architect of the 1933 constitution and of the permanent integration of the colonies into
the Portuguese structure. According to article 148 of that
constitution. «the overseas provinces shall be guaranteed the
right of administrative decentralisation and financial autonomy
in conformity with the Constitution and with their state of
development and resources.))
The ((Administrative decentralisation)) that has now been
given extra emphasis by Caetano has already been underway
for some years. The 1963 Organic Law provided for greater
representation in the local organs, more power for those
organs, and greater intervention of the provinces in the direction of national policy. The territories were given representation in the Corporative Chamber and the Overseas Council,
while their own legislative councils were made more representative of local white Portuguese interests. An Economic
and Social Council w5s established in Mozambique and Angola
to assist the Governor-General in his legislative functions.
That was about as far as the 'autonomy' went in Mozambique,
and that is precisely the situation that forced the people of
Mozambique to take to arms.'
The proposals announced by Caetano differ very little from
the 'autonomy' of local administration that has already been
applied by Portuguese colonialism in Mozambique. There is a
suggestion of greater responsibility for local legislative and
advisory organs; and since it is not specified what those organs
should be they are presumably the ones that exist at the moment - namely, the Legislative Council, the Social and Economic Council, and the Governor-General. In effect, the new
measures are a continuation of past attempts to spread
administrative responsibility - no more than a simple exercise in improving the efficiency of colonial rule.
Caetano assured the National Assembly that 'autonomy' had
no connection with independence for the colonies now or in
the future. On the contrary, the rationalisation of administration through decentralisation aimed at a more efficient integration of the colonies with Portugal. He referred to his ow;
remarks made on the recent visit to the unliberated portion ol
Mozambique, when he placed local autonomy in the context
of a «lucidly understood integration of the colonies with
Portugal)). In his National Assembly speech, Caetano went
on to affirm that the sovereignty of the Portuguese unitary
state «which is unique and indivisible)) will not cease to affirm
itself through the whole national territory through the supremacy of the constitution and of laws emanating from the
central organs, and through the appointed governors who are
delegates of the central government and whose right of
inspection and superintendence are kept unchanged. Moreover
he added, the political administrative organs of those territories «do not have their own authority: they exercise the
political power of the (Portuguese) State)).
It is clear that any enthusiasm towards Ceatano's speech, based
on the assumption that it has an underlying implication of
eventual end to the colonial regime, is quite unfounded.
Whatever changes may be voluntarily introduced now or in the
future by the Portuguese government would merely constitute administrative streamlining, supporting the fiction that
the colonies are a part of Portugal and facilitating the further
exploitation of Mozambique by Portugal and its NATO allies.
THE WHITE SETTLER PROBLEM
Despite lip service to «African participation)), local autonomy
caters to the interests of the Portuguese settlers - in addition
to Portuguese metropolitan interests. The Mozambique Legislative Council has 27 elected members of whom only 3 are
elected indirectly by ((indigenous authorities)).
The white settlers who service the extractive colonial eco-
23