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STREAMLINED EXPLOITATION Caetano calls it 'autonomy' In his recent address to the Portuguese National Assembly, Prime Minister Caetano included a statement that greater 'autonomy' was forthcoming for the Portuguese «Overseas Provinces)). We are used to hearing such statements, which do not normally deserve our attention. However, it appears that a section of the international public has interpreted the recent remarks as an indication of the liberalisation of Portuguese policies at home and abroad under Caetano. In order to avoid the spread of such illusions, we feel compelled to draw attention to the reality of what Caetano actually said. In that way it can be appreciated that the Fortuguese idea of 'autonomy' for Mozambique is a far cry even from the conventional definition of the right of internal self-government, let alone implying possibilities of independence. «RENOVATION IN CONTINUITY)) continuation of past policies At a glance at Caetano's speech shows that he specifically affirmed that the 'autonomy' of which he spoke was a continuation of past policies. His main theme is well summarised in his phrase «renovation in continuity)). He stresses that the 1933 constitution must be maintained because nearly 40 years of experience has shown that it works (in Portugal's interest). To keep it runctioning, revisions and reforms must be introduced as circumstances dictate. This was precisely what was intended by his predecessor, Salazar, architect of the 1933 constitution and of the permanent integration of the colonies into the Portuguese structure. According to article 148 of that constitution. «the overseas provinces shall be guaranteed the right of administrative decentralisation and financial autonomy in conformity with the Constitution and with their state of development and resources.)) The ((Administrative decentralisation)) that has now been given extra emphasis by Caetano has already been underway for some years. The 1963 Organic Law provided for greater representation in the local organs, more power for those organs, and greater intervention of the provinces in the direction of national policy. The territories were given representation in the Corporative Chamber and the Overseas Council, while their own legislative councils were made more representative of local white Portuguese interests. An Economic and Social Council w5s established in Mozambique and Angola to assist the Governor-General in his legislative functions. That was about as far as the 'autonomy' went in Mozambique, and that is precisely the situation that forced the people of Mozambique to take to arms.' The proposals announced by Caetano differ very little from the 'autonomy' of local administration that has already been applied by Portuguese colonialism in Mozambique. There is a suggestion of greater responsibility for local legislative and advisory organs; and since it is not specified what those organs should be they are presumably the ones that exist at the moment - namely, the Legislative Council, the Social and Economic Council, and the Governor-General. In effect, the new measures are a continuation of past attempts to spread administrative responsibility - no more than a simple exercise in improving the efficiency of colonial rule. Caetano assured the National Assembly that 'autonomy' had no connection with independence for the colonies now or in the future. On the contrary, the rationalisation of administration through decentralisation aimed at a more efficient integration of the colonies with Portugal. He referred to his ow; remarks made on the recent visit to the unliberated portion ol Mozambique, when he placed local autonomy in the context of a «lucidly understood integration of the colonies with Portugal)). In his National Assembly speech, Caetano went on to affirm that the sovereignty of the Portuguese unitary state «which is unique and indivisible)) will not cease to affirm itself through the whole national territory through the supremacy of the constitution and of laws emanating from the central organs, and through the appointed governors who are delegates of the central government and whose right of inspection and superintendence are kept unchanged. Moreover he added, the political administrative organs of those territories «do not have their own authority: they exercise the political power of the (Portuguese) State)). It is clear that any enthusiasm towards Ceatano's speech, based on the assumption that it has an underlying implication of eventual end to the colonial regime, is quite unfounded. Whatever changes may be voluntarily introduced now or in the future by the Portuguese government would merely constitute administrative streamlining, supporting the fiction that the colonies are a part of Portugal and facilitating the further exploitation of Mozambique by Portugal and its NATO allies. THE WHITE SETTLER PROBLEM Despite lip service to «African participation)), local autonomy caters to the interests of the Portuguese settlers - in addition to Portuguese metropolitan interests. The Mozambique Legislative Council has 27 elected members of whom only 3 are elected indirectly by ((indigenous authorities)). The white settlers who service the extractive colonial eco- 23
Object Description
Title | Mozambique revolution, no. 45 (1970 Oct.-Dec.) |
Description | Contents: Editorial: The coming victory (p. 1); Invasion of Guinea: The lesson for Africa (p. 3); War communique: Big offensive defeated (p. 6); Portuguese atrocities in Mozambique: Hears the evidence (p. 8); Cahora Bassa: Why we say no (p.13); The struggle in Niassa province by Niassa's military commander (p.15); Journey with a camera: British film-makers in Mozambique (p.18); Once they came with sweets and gifts: Portuguese psychological warfare (p. 20); Streamlined exploitation: Caetano calls it 'autonomy' (p. 23). |
Subject (lcsh) |
Nationalism -- Mozambique Self-determination, National Mozambique -- History Portugal -- Politics and government -- 1933-1974 |
Geographic Subject (Country) | Mozambique |
Geographic Subject (Continent) | Africa |
Geographic Coordinates | -18.6696821,35.5273465 |
Coverage date | 1961/1970-11 |
Creator | Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO) |
Publisher (of the Original Version) | Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO). Department of Information |
Place of Publication (of the Origianal Version) | Dar Es Salaam, U.R. of Tanzania |
Publisher (of the Digital Version) | University of Southern California. Libraries |
Date issued | 1970-10/1970-12 |
Type |
texts images |
Format | 28 p. |
Format (aat) | newsletters |
Language | English |
Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
Part of collection | Emerging Nationalism in Portuguese Africa, 1959-1965 |
Part of subcollection | Mozambique Collection |
Rights | The University of Southern California has licensed the rights to this material from the Aluka initiative of Ithaka Harbors, Inc., a non-profit Delaware corporation whose address is 151 East 61st Street, New York, NY 10021 |
Physical access | Original archive is at the Boeckmann Center for Iberian and Latin American Studies. Send requests to address or e-mail given. Phone (213) 821-2366; fax (213) 740-2343. |
Repository Name | USC Libraries Special Collections |
Repository Address | Doheny Memorial Library, Los Angeles, CA 90089-0189 |
Repository Email | specol@usc.edu |
Filename | CENPA-344 |
Description
Title | CENPA-344~25 |
Filename | CENPA-344~25.tiff |
Full text | STREAMLINED EXPLOITATION Caetano calls it 'autonomy' In his recent address to the Portuguese National Assembly, Prime Minister Caetano included a statement that greater 'autonomy' was forthcoming for the Portuguese «Overseas Provinces)). We are used to hearing such statements, which do not normally deserve our attention. However, it appears that a section of the international public has interpreted the recent remarks as an indication of the liberalisation of Portuguese policies at home and abroad under Caetano. In order to avoid the spread of such illusions, we feel compelled to draw attention to the reality of what Caetano actually said. In that way it can be appreciated that the Fortuguese idea of 'autonomy' for Mozambique is a far cry even from the conventional definition of the right of internal self-government, let alone implying possibilities of independence. «RENOVATION IN CONTINUITY)) continuation of past policies At a glance at Caetano's speech shows that he specifically affirmed that the 'autonomy' of which he spoke was a continuation of past policies. His main theme is well summarised in his phrase «renovation in continuity)). He stresses that the 1933 constitution must be maintained because nearly 40 years of experience has shown that it works (in Portugal's interest). To keep it runctioning, revisions and reforms must be introduced as circumstances dictate. This was precisely what was intended by his predecessor, Salazar, architect of the 1933 constitution and of the permanent integration of the colonies into the Portuguese structure. According to article 148 of that constitution. «the overseas provinces shall be guaranteed the right of administrative decentralisation and financial autonomy in conformity with the Constitution and with their state of development and resources.)) The ((Administrative decentralisation)) that has now been given extra emphasis by Caetano has already been underway for some years. The 1963 Organic Law provided for greater representation in the local organs, more power for those organs, and greater intervention of the provinces in the direction of national policy. The territories were given representation in the Corporative Chamber and the Overseas Council, while their own legislative councils were made more representative of local white Portuguese interests. An Economic and Social Council w5s established in Mozambique and Angola to assist the Governor-General in his legislative functions. That was about as far as the 'autonomy' went in Mozambique, and that is precisely the situation that forced the people of Mozambique to take to arms.' The proposals announced by Caetano differ very little from the 'autonomy' of local administration that has already been applied by Portuguese colonialism in Mozambique. There is a suggestion of greater responsibility for local legislative and advisory organs; and since it is not specified what those organs should be they are presumably the ones that exist at the moment - namely, the Legislative Council, the Social and Economic Council, and the Governor-General. In effect, the new measures are a continuation of past attempts to spread administrative responsibility - no more than a simple exercise in improving the efficiency of colonial rule. Caetano assured the National Assembly that 'autonomy' had no connection with independence for the colonies now or in the future. On the contrary, the rationalisation of administration through decentralisation aimed at a more efficient integration of the colonies with Portugal. He referred to his ow; remarks made on the recent visit to the unliberated portion ol Mozambique, when he placed local autonomy in the context of a «lucidly understood integration of the colonies with Portugal)). In his National Assembly speech, Caetano went on to affirm that the sovereignty of the Portuguese unitary state «which is unique and indivisible)) will not cease to affirm itself through the whole national territory through the supremacy of the constitution and of laws emanating from the central organs, and through the appointed governors who are delegates of the central government and whose right of inspection and superintendence are kept unchanged. Moreover he added, the political administrative organs of those territories «do not have their own authority: they exercise the political power of the (Portuguese) State)). It is clear that any enthusiasm towards Ceatano's speech, based on the assumption that it has an underlying implication of eventual end to the colonial regime, is quite unfounded. Whatever changes may be voluntarily introduced now or in the future by the Portuguese government would merely constitute administrative streamlining, supporting the fiction that the colonies are a part of Portugal and facilitating the further exploitation of Mozambique by Portugal and its NATO allies. THE WHITE SETTLER PROBLEM Despite lip service to «African participation)), local autonomy caters to the interests of the Portuguese settlers - in addition to Portuguese metropolitan interests. The Mozambique Legislative Council has 27 elected members of whom only 3 are elected indirectly by ((indigenous authorities)). The white settlers who service the extractive colonial eco- 23 |
Archival file | Volume21/CENPA-344~25.tiff |