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This plan is already being implemented: The first group of Portuguese settlers are on their way from Portugal to the Cahora Bassa site; In France and West Germany a large campaign is underway among the Portuguese immigrant workers aimed at convincing them to leave those countries for Mozambique where they will be given better living conditions. This campaign has been extended to include the nationals of these countries. Portuguese soldiers, after their four year period of military service in the colonies, are persuaded to stay and settle in the areas of strategic importance. We see therefore that improved land would not be for economic benefit of the Mozambican people: on the contrary, it would mean further misery for our people, as they are pushed off land they have traditionally occupied. There are other implications as well. The Portuguese are engaged in a colonial war against the people of Mozambique. The establishment of a mass of white settlers is part of a strategic plan: the aim is to create a human barrier along the Zambezi to prevent the FRELIMO Forces from advancing further south. At present the Portuguese colonial government has little more than a superficial economic hold on Mozambique. The realisation of the dam however more firmly implant the Portugue se industrial interests in the colony - a situation whic will make more difficult the wresting of independence from a otherwise notoriously backward European country. These reasons alone are strong enough for the Mozambique Liberation Front to oppose the Cahora Bassa project. But there are other reasons involving the connection of the Cahora Bassa Dam with South African expansionism and international capital. IMPERIALISM MOVES IN Cahora Bassa is not solely a Portuguese project. In fact the country most interested in its materialisation, and which is participating heavily, to the extent of sending her troops to Mo zambique to protect the construction site, is South Africa. South Africa has the biggest stake in the project - more than half of the total estimated cost of 170 million pounds. Other countries deeply involved are West Germany, France, Britain and Canada. Canada will provide all the aluminium through her company ALCAN. Portuguese participation is less than 20 per cent. The United States and Japan have been granted extensive rights to explore oil deposits, copper and iron in Tete Province, in the region of Cahora Bassa. We are therefore witnessing a great move of international monopolies to secure a place in Mozambique's economic development. The carving up of the economic resources of Mozambique by western and South African capitalism is mat- ched,as we have already said, by the scheme to settle some one million European migrants in the Zambezi Valley. This undoubtedly is the most pernicious aspect of the Cahora Bassa scheme: it envisages the mobilising of the outcasts of Western European society, of transporting them to Mozambique, providing them with free land alienated from the African people and of creating for these migrants a special regime of privilege based on the South African aparttheid model. These European social outcasts are, in these senses, destined to play the role of the white settlers of Rhodesia and South Africa: a major supporting force for colonialist reaction in Mozambique, capable of defending their newfound privileges and become a de- 14 pendable pillar for international imperialism inside Southern Africa. The freedom struggle in Mozambique has played a crucial part in the decisions of the colonial powers and of international capital to construct the Cahora Bassa dam at this stage. Over the past five years the armed forces of FRELIMO have steadily expanded their area of operations in northern Mozambique, isolating and liquidating Portuguese garrisons in the Provinces of Cabo Delgado and Nyassa and in Tete, north of the Zambezi. Until about 1965 the Portuguese military authorities concentrated their forces along a line from Nacala to Mandimba in the hope that this so-called defence zone would be held against the armed units of FRELIMO. By 1966 this line was broken and FRELIMO forces have virtually occupied the provinces concerned. This development gave impetus to the South African-Portuguese survey of Tete and the planning of the Cahora Bassa Project. The South African authorities despatched two battalions to Tete in 1968 fearing that FRELIMO guerrilla units would link up with the armed forces of the liberation movements of South Africa and Zimbabwe operating to the west of the upper Zambezi valley. By the end of 1968 South Africa had come to commit over one-third of its selective recruitment ground forces in Mozambique, Rhodesia and Angola. Cahora Bassa is now to be built under the pro- tective military shield of apartheid South Africa. These, then are the terms in which the Cahora Bassa Project emerges as a calculated and comprehensive economic and political device, conceived and now being made operational by international capita! and the South African-Portuguese alliance, to stave off the progress of the liberation struggle in Mozambique, to link Mozambique in a common economic and political destiny with that of the neighbouring countries of Southern Africa, all rooted in a system of cheap labour and white settler privilege and under the perpetual sway of western capitalism. The Cahora Bassa scheme would provide a critical focus around which international monopolies could control and influence economic and political developments in East and Central Africa and ultimately to integrate the economies of these states with those of Southern Africa. The Mozambique Liberation Front will continue fighting against Portuguese colonialism and economic imperialism as represented by the Cahora Bassa project. FRELIMO guerrillas are already operating in the region of Cahora Bassa and are achieving outstanding successes, extending their control over the area. The Mozambican people do not stand alone in the struggle. The recent Non-Aligned Summit Conference endorsed the resolution passed by the Organisation of African Unity Heads of States Conference held this month, against the Cahora Bassa project. The United Nations condemned the scheme President Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia has been in the forefront of the international diplomatic campaign for the halting for the halting of foreign participation in the dam. Sweden and Italy have already withdrawn. West Germany remains the major supporter, along with France and South Africa. The combination of FRELIMO's military action with international support will ultimately prevent the construction of the Cahora Bassa Project.
Object Description
Title | Mozambique revolution, no. 45 (1970 Oct.-Dec.) |
Description | Contents: Editorial: The coming victory (p. 1); Invasion of Guinea: The lesson for Africa (p. 3); War communique: Big offensive defeated (p. 6); Portuguese atrocities in Mozambique: Hears the evidence (p. 8); Cahora Bassa: Why we say no (p.13); The struggle in Niassa province by Niassa's military commander (p.15); Journey with a camera: British film-makers in Mozambique (p.18); Once they came with sweets and gifts: Portuguese psychological warfare (p. 20); Streamlined exploitation: Caetano calls it 'autonomy' (p. 23). |
Subject (lcsh) |
Nationalism -- Mozambique Self-determination, National Mozambique -- History Portugal -- Politics and government -- 1933-1974 |
Geographic Subject (Country) | Mozambique |
Geographic Subject (Continent) | Africa |
Geographic Coordinates | -18.6696821,35.5273465 |
Coverage date | 1961/1970-11 |
Creator | Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO) |
Publisher (of the Original Version) | Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO). Department of Information |
Place of Publication (of the Origianal Version) | Dar Es Salaam, U.R. of Tanzania |
Publisher (of the Digital Version) | University of Southern California. Libraries |
Date issued | 1970-10/1970-12 |
Type |
texts images |
Format | 28 p. |
Format (aat) | newsletters |
Language | English |
Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
Part of collection | Emerging Nationalism in Portuguese Africa, 1959-1965 |
Part of subcollection | Mozambique Collection |
Rights | The University of Southern California has licensed the rights to this material from the Aluka initiative of Ithaka Harbors, Inc., a non-profit Delaware corporation whose address is 151 East 61st Street, New York, NY 10021 |
Physical access | Original archive is at the Boeckmann Center for Iberian and Latin American Studies. Send requests to address or e-mail given. Phone (213) 821-2366; fax (213) 740-2343. |
Repository Name | USC Libraries Special Collections |
Repository Address | Doheny Memorial Library, Los Angeles, CA 90089-0189 |
Repository Email | specol@usc.edu |
Filename | CENPA-344 |
Description
Title | CENPA-344~16 |
Filename | CENPA-344~16.tiff |
Full text | This plan is already being implemented: The first group of Portuguese settlers are on their way from Portugal to the Cahora Bassa site; In France and West Germany a large campaign is underway among the Portuguese immigrant workers aimed at convincing them to leave those countries for Mozambique where they will be given better living conditions. This campaign has been extended to include the nationals of these countries. Portuguese soldiers, after their four year period of military service in the colonies, are persuaded to stay and settle in the areas of strategic importance. We see therefore that improved land would not be for economic benefit of the Mozambican people: on the contrary, it would mean further misery for our people, as they are pushed off land they have traditionally occupied. There are other implications as well. The Portuguese are engaged in a colonial war against the people of Mozambique. The establishment of a mass of white settlers is part of a strategic plan: the aim is to create a human barrier along the Zambezi to prevent the FRELIMO Forces from advancing further south. At present the Portuguese colonial government has little more than a superficial economic hold on Mozambique. The realisation of the dam however more firmly implant the Portugue se industrial interests in the colony - a situation whic will make more difficult the wresting of independence from a otherwise notoriously backward European country. These reasons alone are strong enough for the Mozambique Liberation Front to oppose the Cahora Bassa project. But there are other reasons involving the connection of the Cahora Bassa Dam with South African expansionism and international capital. IMPERIALISM MOVES IN Cahora Bassa is not solely a Portuguese project. In fact the country most interested in its materialisation, and which is participating heavily, to the extent of sending her troops to Mo zambique to protect the construction site, is South Africa. South Africa has the biggest stake in the project - more than half of the total estimated cost of 170 million pounds. Other countries deeply involved are West Germany, France, Britain and Canada. Canada will provide all the aluminium through her company ALCAN. Portuguese participation is less than 20 per cent. The United States and Japan have been granted extensive rights to explore oil deposits, copper and iron in Tete Province, in the region of Cahora Bassa. We are therefore witnessing a great move of international monopolies to secure a place in Mozambique's economic development. The carving up of the economic resources of Mozambique by western and South African capitalism is mat- ched,as we have already said, by the scheme to settle some one million European migrants in the Zambezi Valley. This undoubtedly is the most pernicious aspect of the Cahora Bassa scheme: it envisages the mobilising of the outcasts of Western European society, of transporting them to Mozambique, providing them with free land alienated from the African people and of creating for these migrants a special regime of privilege based on the South African aparttheid model. These European social outcasts are, in these senses, destined to play the role of the white settlers of Rhodesia and South Africa: a major supporting force for colonialist reaction in Mozambique, capable of defending their newfound privileges and become a de- 14 pendable pillar for international imperialism inside Southern Africa. The freedom struggle in Mozambique has played a crucial part in the decisions of the colonial powers and of international capital to construct the Cahora Bassa dam at this stage. Over the past five years the armed forces of FRELIMO have steadily expanded their area of operations in northern Mozambique, isolating and liquidating Portuguese garrisons in the Provinces of Cabo Delgado and Nyassa and in Tete, north of the Zambezi. Until about 1965 the Portuguese military authorities concentrated their forces along a line from Nacala to Mandimba in the hope that this so-called defence zone would be held against the armed units of FRELIMO. By 1966 this line was broken and FRELIMO forces have virtually occupied the provinces concerned. This development gave impetus to the South African-Portuguese survey of Tete and the planning of the Cahora Bassa Project. The South African authorities despatched two battalions to Tete in 1968 fearing that FRELIMO guerrilla units would link up with the armed forces of the liberation movements of South Africa and Zimbabwe operating to the west of the upper Zambezi valley. By the end of 1968 South Africa had come to commit over one-third of its selective recruitment ground forces in Mozambique, Rhodesia and Angola. Cahora Bassa is now to be built under the pro- tective military shield of apartheid South Africa. These, then are the terms in which the Cahora Bassa Project emerges as a calculated and comprehensive economic and political device, conceived and now being made operational by international capita! and the South African-Portuguese alliance, to stave off the progress of the liberation struggle in Mozambique, to link Mozambique in a common economic and political destiny with that of the neighbouring countries of Southern Africa, all rooted in a system of cheap labour and white settler privilege and under the perpetual sway of western capitalism. The Cahora Bassa scheme would provide a critical focus around which international monopolies could control and influence economic and political developments in East and Central Africa and ultimately to integrate the economies of these states with those of Southern Africa. The Mozambique Liberation Front will continue fighting against Portuguese colonialism and economic imperialism as represented by the Cahora Bassa project. FRELIMO guerrillas are already operating in the region of Cahora Bassa and are achieving outstanding successes, extending their control over the area. The Mozambican people do not stand alone in the struggle. The recent Non-Aligned Summit Conference endorsed the resolution passed by the Organisation of African Unity Heads of States Conference held this month, against the Cahora Bassa project. The United Nations condemned the scheme President Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia has been in the forefront of the international diplomatic campaign for the halting for the halting of foreign participation in the dam. Sweden and Italy have already withdrawn. West Germany remains the major supporter, along with France and South Africa. The combination of FRELIMO's military action with international support will ultimately prevent the construction of the Cahora Bassa Project. |
Archival file | Volume21/CENPA-344~16.tiff |