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invasion had failed. \i about 4 p.m. the barracks of Samory was recaptured and passed back into the hands of the Guinean army. Other strategic points were retaken the electricity station, the barracks of Boiro, etc. the combat lasted three days in all, until the 24th of November. The invaders suffered 157 killed and 125 prisoners were taken, amongst whom 28 were wounded. Koundara, a town in the northern part of the Republic of Guinea near the border with Guinea-Bissau had also been attacked. But there the Portuguese forces were annihilated within a few hours. riuis ended one of the biggest acts of international gangsterism in recorded history; Portugal had suffered a major defeat. The invasion of the Republic of Guinea was an operation that had been long in preparation. For a long time one of Portugal's main aims has been to eliminate the external supports of the national liberation movements from the Portuguese colonies; as represented by the progressive governments of the neighbouring African countries. On many occasions Portugal mined roads, destroyed bridges, bombed villages and violated the land and air space of Senegal, Guinea, Tanzania, Zambia, Congo-Brazzaville and Congo-Kinshasa. Many times Portugal has tried to institutionalise the «droit de suite», as the French tried during the Algerian war. The intention lying behind these activities is to intimidate the African countries'and lead them to withdraw their support from the national liberation movements. All such Portuguese efforts failed. Yet she did not give up. Instead a new idea was born, worked out in cooperation with certain other imperialist powers: to liquidate the progressive governments of the African countries neighbouring upon the Portuguese colonies through military intervention! It was in the context of this imperialist political orientation that Portugal sought and succeeded in obtaining the cooperation of certain reactionary citizens of the Republic of Guinea, enemies of the Revolution and of the Guinean people who were living abroad (particularly in France). Once having established such an alliance, the Portuguese secret services drew up their plans. Certain imperialist powers were involved in these plans. Training camps were established in Guinea-Bissau and finally, on the 22nd of November, 1970, the invasion took place. In brief, thc converging interests of Portuguese colonialism and African counter-revolutionaries generated an alliance that, with thc discrete but nonetheless concrete and firm support of some imperialist powers, aimed at stiffling nationalist movements and at rccolonising independent African countries. Thc aggression against the Republic of Guinea failed. The Guinean people united, their militia, their army and the CO-Operation of thc fighters of PAIGC, defeated the Portuguese invasion. Despite the very limited material means o\ defence available to the Republic of Guinea, and despite the highly sophisticated level of preparation o( thc aggression, colonialism and imperialism failed to breach the people's wall. This victory against Portuguese colonialism and African counter-revolutionaries supported by imperialism dignifies Africa. This event is therefore most instructive, in fact the Portuguese aggression against the Republic of Guinea suggests the following comments : 1 President Sekou Toure had several times in the past publicly denounced the existence of Portuguese training camps in Guinea-Bissau aimed at training mercenaries to attack the Republic of Guinea. In spile of that, the news of the invasion took the world by surprise. This can only suggest that the spirit of revolutionary vigilance was regrettably weak. Why? it is because there is not a firm and militant conviction as to the criminal and aggressive nature of colonialism and imperialism. There is the example of the Anglo-French-Israeli aggression in Suez. There is thc experience of the American invasion of Cuba, and of the mercenary invasion against Congo- Kinshasa. Yet even in the face of those examples, there remains a certain liberalism, a certain lack of courage, which falsifies the judgement, and leads one to hope - even to believe - that imperialismwill finally change itself, will become less dangerous. 2 This military intervention is surely a new escalation in the modern history of imperialist intervention in Africa. But what is really important to notice is that the fundamental principle contained in this invasion, the principle which colonialism and imperialism now tries to impose and make legitimate, is that of military intervention. The aggression against the Republic of Guinea took the form of an alliance between colonialism and the African counterrevolution; this was the formula that the specific context favoured. And this formula is not exhausted it can be tried against other countries. However, the basic feature is military intervention per se, and considering that imperialism will never give up, it is therefore imperative that we remain vigilant. We must understand that colonialism and imperialism seeks new forms of intervention - and that increasingly these forms will include open and direct intervention. 3 The victory of the Guinean people was due to their high level of mobilisation, and to the effectiveness of their political and military organisation. Thus the Guinean experience has reminded us that these are the basic conditions for victory. 4 The development of the armed struggle of the peoples under colonial domination for their independence, and the development of the struggle of the African independent countries for the defence and consolidation of their independence, has determined new relations of co-operation between the nationalist movements and the African states. Close co-operation, a joint discussion of the problems arising from thc struggle against colonialism for the liberation of the African continent, is an imperative for today's Africa and a precondition for the defence of the interests of the African peoples, considered individually and collectively. 5 The world condemned Portugal and supported the Republic of Guinea. Africa condemned unanimously Portugal, supported the Republic of Guinea and hailed the victory of the Guinean people and thc action of PAIGC. Now it is necessary to continue the fight, to sustain the armed struggle against Portuguese colonialism and to ensure the defence of the independent African countries. There are many problems, many obstacles, to be overcome. What is most necessary is to be realistic, to concentrate efforts where the enemy is weakest,
Object Description
Title | Mozambique revolution, no. 45 (1970 Oct.-Dec.) |
Description | Contents: Editorial: The coming victory (p. 1); Invasion of Guinea: The lesson for Africa (p. 3); War communique: Big offensive defeated (p. 6); Portuguese atrocities in Mozambique: Hears the evidence (p. 8); Cahora Bassa: Why we say no (p.13); The struggle in Niassa province by Niassa's military commander (p.15); Journey with a camera: British film-makers in Mozambique (p.18); Once they came with sweets and gifts: Portuguese psychological warfare (p. 20); Streamlined exploitation: Caetano calls it 'autonomy' (p. 23). |
Subject (lcsh) |
Nationalism -- Mozambique Self-determination, National Mozambique -- History Portugal -- Politics and government -- 1933-1974 |
Geographic Subject (Country) | Mozambique |
Geographic Subject (Continent) | Africa |
Geographic Coordinates | -18.6696821,35.5273465 |
Coverage date | 1961/1970-11 |
Creator | Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO) |
Publisher (of the Original Version) | Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO). Department of Information |
Place of Publication (of the Origianal Version) | Dar Es Salaam, U.R. of Tanzania |
Publisher (of the Digital Version) | University of Southern California. Libraries |
Date issued | 1970-10/1970-12 |
Type |
texts images |
Format | 28 p. |
Format (aat) | newsletters |
Language | English |
Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
Part of collection | Emerging Nationalism in Portuguese Africa, 1959-1965 |
Part of subcollection | Mozambique Collection |
Rights | The University of Southern California has licensed the rights to this material from the Aluka initiative of Ithaka Harbors, Inc., a non-profit Delaware corporation whose address is 151 East 61st Street, New York, NY 10021 |
Physical access | Original archive is at the Boeckmann Center for Iberian and Latin American Studies. Send requests to address or e-mail given. Phone (213) 821-2366; fax (213) 740-2343. |
Repository Name | USC Libraries Special Collections |
Repository Address | Doheny Memorial Library, Los Angeles, CA 90089-0189 |
Repository Email | specol@usc.edu |
Filename | CENPA-344 |
Description
Title | CENPA-344~06 |
Filename | CENPA-344~06.tiff |
Full text | invasion had failed. \i about 4 p.m. the barracks of Samory was recaptured and passed back into the hands of the Guinean army. Other strategic points were retaken the electricity station, the barracks of Boiro, etc. the combat lasted three days in all, until the 24th of November. The invaders suffered 157 killed and 125 prisoners were taken, amongst whom 28 were wounded. Koundara, a town in the northern part of the Republic of Guinea near the border with Guinea-Bissau had also been attacked. But there the Portuguese forces were annihilated within a few hours. riuis ended one of the biggest acts of international gangsterism in recorded history; Portugal had suffered a major defeat. The invasion of the Republic of Guinea was an operation that had been long in preparation. For a long time one of Portugal's main aims has been to eliminate the external supports of the national liberation movements from the Portuguese colonies; as represented by the progressive governments of the neighbouring African countries. On many occasions Portugal mined roads, destroyed bridges, bombed villages and violated the land and air space of Senegal, Guinea, Tanzania, Zambia, Congo-Brazzaville and Congo-Kinshasa. Many times Portugal has tried to institutionalise the «droit de suite», as the French tried during the Algerian war. The intention lying behind these activities is to intimidate the African countries'and lead them to withdraw their support from the national liberation movements. All such Portuguese efforts failed. Yet she did not give up. Instead a new idea was born, worked out in cooperation with certain other imperialist powers: to liquidate the progressive governments of the African countries neighbouring upon the Portuguese colonies through military intervention! It was in the context of this imperialist political orientation that Portugal sought and succeeded in obtaining the cooperation of certain reactionary citizens of the Republic of Guinea, enemies of the Revolution and of the Guinean people who were living abroad (particularly in France). Once having established such an alliance, the Portuguese secret services drew up their plans. Certain imperialist powers were involved in these plans. Training camps were established in Guinea-Bissau and finally, on the 22nd of November, 1970, the invasion took place. In brief, thc converging interests of Portuguese colonialism and African counter-revolutionaries generated an alliance that, with thc discrete but nonetheless concrete and firm support of some imperialist powers, aimed at stiffling nationalist movements and at rccolonising independent African countries. Thc aggression against the Republic of Guinea failed. The Guinean people united, their militia, their army and the CO-Operation of thc fighters of PAIGC, defeated the Portuguese invasion. Despite the very limited material means o\ defence available to the Republic of Guinea, and despite the highly sophisticated level of preparation o( thc aggression, colonialism and imperialism failed to breach the people's wall. This victory against Portuguese colonialism and African counter-revolutionaries supported by imperialism dignifies Africa. This event is therefore most instructive, in fact the Portuguese aggression against the Republic of Guinea suggests the following comments : 1 President Sekou Toure had several times in the past publicly denounced the existence of Portuguese training camps in Guinea-Bissau aimed at training mercenaries to attack the Republic of Guinea. In spile of that, the news of the invasion took the world by surprise. This can only suggest that the spirit of revolutionary vigilance was regrettably weak. Why? it is because there is not a firm and militant conviction as to the criminal and aggressive nature of colonialism and imperialism. There is the example of the Anglo-French-Israeli aggression in Suez. There is thc experience of the American invasion of Cuba, and of the mercenary invasion against Congo- Kinshasa. Yet even in the face of those examples, there remains a certain liberalism, a certain lack of courage, which falsifies the judgement, and leads one to hope - even to believe - that imperialismwill finally change itself, will become less dangerous. 2 This military intervention is surely a new escalation in the modern history of imperialist intervention in Africa. But what is really important to notice is that the fundamental principle contained in this invasion, the principle which colonialism and imperialism now tries to impose and make legitimate, is that of military intervention. The aggression against the Republic of Guinea took the form of an alliance between colonialism and the African counterrevolution; this was the formula that the specific context favoured. And this formula is not exhausted it can be tried against other countries. However, the basic feature is military intervention per se, and considering that imperialism will never give up, it is therefore imperative that we remain vigilant. We must understand that colonialism and imperialism seeks new forms of intervention - and that increasingly these forms will include open and direct intervention. 3 The victory of the Guinean people was due to their high level of mobilisation, and to the effectiveness of their political and military organisation. Thus the Guinean experience has reminded us that these are the basic conditions for victory. 4 The development of the armed struggle of the peoples under colonial domination for their independence, and the development of the struggle of the African independent countries for the defence and consolidation of their independence, has determined new relations of co-operation between the nationalist movements and the African states. Close co-operation, a joint discussion of the problems arising from thc struggle against colonialism for the liberation of the African continent, is an imperative for today's Africa and a precondition for the defence of the interests of the African peoples, considered individually and collectively. 5 The world condemned Portugal and supported the Republic of Guinea. Africa condemned unanimously Portugal, supported the Republic of Guinea and hailed the victory of the Guinean people and thc action of PAIGC. Now it is necessary to continue the fight, to sustain the armed struggle against Portuguese colonialism and to ensure the defence of the independent African countries. There are many problems, many obstacles, to be overcome. What is most necessary is to be realistic, to concentrate efforts where the enemy is weakest, |
Archival file | Volume21/CENPA-344~06.tiff |