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ANGOLA MOZAMBIQUE 6UINE Support Their Liberation Struggle \>m ii to present programmes to political, worker, church and school groups. Thus, the establishment of an effective Speakers' Bureau is a current priority. We have also developed a literature list and mobile literature stand which have had wide use, and there has been a major effort to gain access to the media, including our own production of several television programmes. However, our most ambitious undertaking to date in this sphere was to participate with some 20 other groups in the mounting of a «counter-conference)> in Ottawa at the time of the Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting (August, 1973); this was the ((People's Forum on Southern Africa and the Commonwealth)), with special emphasis on the theme ((Zimbabwe: the missing Delegation)). A woman from TCLPAC served as co-chairperson of the steering committee and generally our committee played a very active role in the coalition. As many as 300 people attended sessions during the three-day forum, with speakers Cinema of Solidarity in Toronto including representatives from most of the Southern Africa Liberation Movements, Mr. Malecela, the Tanzanian Foreign Minister, and speakers and analysts from a wide range of western support groups. The Forum did earn a measure of media coverage for the Southern African struggles, provided for a useful exchange of information among activists, and helped open new lines of communications with other groups. One of TCLPAC's three sub-committees concerns itself primarily with such ((public education)) but this is only one of the group's functions. As much as possible we intend that education (of ourselves and others) should lead to action, even in the short-run. Thus, a second subcommittee is concerned with ((leverage)) — the attempt to bring pressure to bear upon Canadian institutions to modify their actions and lift their support of the Portuguese to even some degree. A first priority here was to determine the precise extent and character of Canadian complicity in Portuguese colonialism; much of the early work of the leverage sub-committee therefore was devoted to research in this sphere, leading to the writing of several brief position papers (for internal distribution and for sale) and a longer document on Canadian complicity which is now in press. Fortified by this on-going analysis we worked with Dr. Bosgra of the Angola Comite, for example, when he came to Canada as part of his mission to various ((moderate» NATO countries, a visit designed to stimulate their coordinated opposition to NATO within the alliance. We were able to stimulate some parliamentary activity on this issue, though with relatively marginal effect it must be admitted. We also organised parallel campaigns around the question of Canadian recognition of Guine when that country established itself as an independent state. However, direct economic action - protest and publicity, ethical investing and institutional purchasing campaigns, boycotts - has seemed an even more promising tactic, and as a result we have recently been concentrating our attention upon Gulf Oil Canada Ltd.. In April several of our members fired the first shots in this campaign by attending the Gulf Annual General Meeting, eliciting new information about Gulf operations in Canada (the large quantities of Angolan oil coming to Point Tupper in Nova Scotia are ((merely)) cleaned here, we were told and then sent on to the United States!) and announcing our concern. But even more forthright steps against Gulf are now in train which will make this a focal point of our activity in coming months. In addition, we hope to cooperate more actively than we have thus far with groups in Canada which have established the boycott of Angolan coffee as a weapon of great promise, especially in Quebec. We think that Mozambican cashews may offer a similar target (particularly if a supply of ((liberated)) cashews from free Mozambique can be guaranteed as a substitute) for campaigns which not only bear some promise of having an economic impact but which also provide a focus for claiming public attention. Here the leverage and public education functions converge. A third sub-committee also focusses upon action - the action of providing material 12
Object Description
Description
Title | CENPA-343~14 |
Filename | CENPA-343~14.tiff |
Full text | ANGOLA MOZAMBIQUE 6UINE Support Their Liberation Struggle \>m ii to present programmes to political, worker, church and school groups. Thus, the establishment of an effective Speakers' Bureau is a current priority. We have also developed a literature list and mobile literature stand which have had wide use, and there has been a major effort to gain access to the media, including our own production of several television programmes. However, our most ambitious undertaking to date in this sphere was to participate with some 20 other groups in the mounting of a «counter-conference)> in Ottawa at the time of the Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting (August, 1973); this was the ((People's Forum on Southern Africa and the Commonwealth)), with special emphasis on the theme ((Zimbabwe: the missing Delegation)). A woman from TCLPAC served as co-chairperson of the steering committee and generally our committee played a very active role in the coalition. As many as 300 people attended sessions during the three-day forum, with speakers Cinema of Solidarity in Toronto including representatives from most of the Southern Africa Liberation Movements, Mr. Malecela, the Tanzanian Foreign Minister, and speakers and analysts from a wide range of western support groups. The Forum did earn a measure of media coverage for the Southern African struggles, provided for a useful exchange of information among activists, and helped open new lines of communications with other groups. One of TCLPAC's three sub-committees concerns itself primarily with such ((public education)) but this is only one of the group's functions. As much as possible we intend that education (of ourselves and others) should lead to action, even in the short-run. Thus, a second subcommittee is concerned with ((leverage)) — the attempt to bring pressure to bear upon Canadian institutions to modify their actions and lift their support of the Portuguese to even some degree. A first priority here was to determine the precise extent and character of Canadian complicity in Portuguese colonialism; much of the early work of the leverage sub-committee therefore was devoted to research in this sphere, leading to the writing of several brief position papers (for internal distribution and for sale) and a longer document on Canadian complicity which is now in press. Fortified by this on-going analysis we worked with Dr. Bosgra of the Angola Comite, for example, when he came to Canada as part of his mission to various ((moderate» NATO countries, a visit designed to stimulate their coordinated opposition to NATO within the alliance. We were able to stimulate some parliamentary activity on this issue, though with relatively marginal effect it must be admitted. We also organised parallel campaigns around the question of Canadian recognition of Guine when that country established itself as an independent state. However, direct economic action - protest and publicity, ethical investing and institutional purchasing campaigns, boycotts - has seemed an even more promising tactic, and as a result we have recently been concentrating our attention upon Gulf Oil Canada Ltd.. In April several of our members fired the first shots in this campaign by attending the Gulf Annual General Meeting, eliciting new information about Gulf operations in Canada (the large quantities of Angolan oil coming to Point Tupper in Nova Scotia are ((merely)) cleaned here, we were told and then sent on to the United States!) and announcing our concern. But even more forthright steps against Gulf are now in train which will make this a focal point of our activity in coming months. In addition, we hope to cooperate more actively than we have thus far with groups in Canada which have established the boycott of Angolan coffee as a weapon of great promise, especially in Quebec. We think that Mozambican cashews may offer a similar target (particularly if a supply of ((liberated)) cashews from free Mozambique can be guaranteed as a substitute) for campaigns which not only bear some promise of having an economic impact but which also provide a focus for claiming public attention. Here the leverage and public education functions converge. A third sub-committee also focusses upon action - the action of providing material 12 |
Archival file | Volume21/CENPA-343~14.tiff |