countering enemy action in the present
phase.
Indeed, what is the present enemy strategy towards the liberated areas?
If we analyse the experience of this province, as well as other provinces, and relate it to the general orientation of the
enemy, we note that although the number of large-scale ground operations has
diminished owing to the heavy losses suffered, the enemy are now emphasising
action against the civilian population,
using two principal methods:
— Terrorism, chiefly through the use of
heliported   troops   and   bombing   raids;
- Subversion.
We need to concentrate our attention on
this second aspect, given the substantial
intensification of enemy action in this
field.
Commenting on the failure of the big
«Operation Gordian Knot» offensive
launched by Kaulza de Arriaga, General
Sa Viana Rebelo, the then colonial-fascist
Minister of Defence, stated in 1970 that
the only way of destroying FRELIMO
was to use subversion.
As from then, the enemy have devoted
a great deal of effort to subversive activity, sending more and more agents of
various types into our zone, in addition tc
those traditionally sent to commit crimes
and carry  out espionage  and sabotage.
Some of these agents are of the Chiton-
yola type, agents who are sent into the
liberated areas wearing uniforms and
carrying equipment identical to ours and
presenting themselves as FRELIMO militants. Their job is to commit crimes
against the people which are then blamed
on FRELIMO.
Their aim is quite clear: to sow confusion
and create contradictions between the
army and the masses.
Other agents have the job of putting forward tnbalist, regionalist and racist slogans, creating contradictions between people of different regions, confusing the
definition as to who is the enemy and
undermining national unity.
We need only recall that in defining
colonial strategy at a Conference of the
Institute of Higher Strategic Studies,
Kaulza de Arriaga hailed tribalism as «a
highly positive factor» to be exploited.
Other agents are sent into our zone laden
with money and various articles in order
to bribe our cadres and people, propagandising the alleged easy life on the
enemy side and instilling among us the
living habits of colonialism.
Yet others come with the job of fostering
indiscipline through actions which appear
petty at first glance, but the true purpose
of which is to create a perturbed climate
in our life and to distract our attention
from the fight against the chief enemy
through countless little violations of discipline.
How are we to answer this subversion
offensive?
It is obvious that the work of these
enemy agents can only succeed if they
find a favourable climate for their ideas
to take root, if the enemy manages to
create among us false solidarity based on
language, tribe, region, colour or religion.
The disintegration desired by the enemy
can only take place if there is a relaxation
in our life and behavour which makes it
possible to lull our vigilance towards these
patent enemy activities.
We must continue to struggle without letup against the erroneous idea that it is
enough to carry out military operations
in order to defeat the enemy; if our
forces, people and areas are not impermeable to the activitiesand ideas of the
enemy, we shall be frustrated of the
fruits of victories won at the cost of so
much sacrifice.
It is our duty to constantly draw lessons
from the victories and failures of the
world revolutionary movement and from
our own experience, and to prepare ourselves to struggle continuously against the
enemy's new methods.
In the last analysis, the best guarantee of
defence against enemy infiltration lies in
the vigilance of the masses. Hence we
must give special priority to political work
among the masses so that they constantly heighten their political consciousness and degree of organisation.
Our entire Movement must be engaged
in this task: all the cadres and militants
must be political commissars among the
masses. The Women's Detachment must
also work actively and continuously a-
mong the people.
The Circle and Locality Committees,
which group together and guide the whole
population and in which problems related
to the people's life are discussed, must
take on fresh dynamism so as to play a
driving role in this campaign.
In our work we must bear in mind the
following:
- We must show the progress achieved in
comparison with the colonial era, emphasising the benefits gained through our
struggle:    the elimination of the direct
colonial presence, the abolition of the
colonial tax, forced labour, the palma-
toria, compulsory cotton crops and exploitation in general. We must explain
the meaning of the benefits gained
through the creation of a new and democratic society, and the establishment of
its politico-administrative, economic, educational, social, medical and other foundations to serve the interests of the
masses. But it is necessary at the same
time to combat the spirit of easy victory
which overcomes some of us as a result
of the successes achieved and which leads
one to underestimate and scorn the enemy.
- We must emphasise the fact that the
successes achieved are a result of armed
struggle and that the constant and organised participation of the masses, within
the structures appropriate to each phase
of the struggle, is required.
- We must constantly demonstrate that
the victories won in each region or province, both in armed struggle and in national reconstruction, are possible only
because the struggle is a unitary one
taking place on a nationwide scale. Just
as the expansion of armed struggle depends on the organisation and consolidation of the rear areas, so does the existence and consolidation of the liberated
areas depend on the efforts of the comrades in the advance areas and other provinces.
We must combat the idea that the
mere fact of living in the liberated areas
guarantees revolutionary consciousness.
In point of fact, the dividing line between
us and the enemy is not just a physical
one; it is in people's consciousness and
makes itself apparent in all aspects of
their lives and behaviour.
Sustaining the view that the fact of
living in the liberated areas without direct contact with the enemy is sufficient
to be a revolutionary is to reject the
struggle between the old and thc new and
to reduce our contradiction with the
enemy to its most superficial aspects.
In fact the dividing line between the two
zones is in the type of political, economic
and social relations that are established,
the kind of power and the way in which
it is exercised, how production is organised and on whose behalf, and the nature
of the work done in education, health
and social life in general.
It should be borne in mind that a new
generation is now growing up in the liberated areas, and that they have never
known the direct domination of colonialism or its most dreadful forms of exploitation.   All that these young people