CENPA-343~06 |
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countering enemy action in the present phase. Indeed, what is the present enemy strategy towards the liberated areas? If we analyse the experience of this province, as well as other provinces, and relate it to the general orientation of the enemy, we note that although the number of large-scale ground operations has diminished owing to the heavy losses suffered, the enemy are now emphasising action against the civilian population, using two principal methods: — Terrorism, chiefly through the use of heliported troops and bombing raids; - Subversion. We need to concentrate our attention on this second aspect, given the substantial intensification of enemy action in this field. Commenting on the failure of the big «Operation Gordian Knot» offensive launched by Kaulza de Arriaga, General Sa Viana Rebelo, the then colonial-fascist Minister of Defence, stated in 1970 that the only way of destroying FRELIMO was to use subversion. As from then, the enemy have devoted a great deal of effort to subversive activity, sending more and more agents of various types into our zone, in addition tc those traditionally sent to commit crimes and carry out espionage and sabotage. Some of these agents are of the Chiton- yola type, agents who are sent into the liberated areas wearing uniforms and carrying equipment identical to ours and presenting themselves as FRELIMO militants. Their job is to commit crimes against the people which are then blamed on FRELIMO. Their aim is quite clear: to sow confusion and create contradictions between the army and the masses. Other agents have the job of putting forward tnbalist, regionalist and racist slogans, creating contradictions between people of different regions, confusing the definition as to who is the enemy and undermining national unity. We need only recall that in defining colonial strategy at a Conference of the Institute of Higher Strategic Studies, Kaulza de Arriaga hailed tribalism as «a highly positive factor» to be exploited. Other agents are sent into our zone laden with money and various articles in order to bribe our cadres and people, propagandising the alleged easy life on the enemy side and instilling among us the living habits of colonialism. Yet others come with the job of fostering indiscipline through actions which appear petty at first glance, but the true purpose of which is to create a perturbed climate in our life and to distract our attention from the fight against the chief enemy through countless little violations of discipline. How are we to answer this subversion offensive? It is obvious that the work of these enemy agents can only succeed if they find a favourable climate for their ideas to take root, if the enemy manages to create among us false solidarity based on language, tribe, region, colour or religion. The disintegration desired by the enemy can only take place if there is a relaxation in our life and behavour which makes it possible to lull our vigilance towards these patent enemy activities. We must continue to struggle without letup against the erroneous idea that it is enough to carry out military operations in order to defeat the enemy; if our forces, people and areas are not impermeable to the activitiesand ideas of the enemy, we shall be frustrated of the fruits of victories won at the cost of so much sacrifice. It is our duty to constantly draw lessons from the victories and failures of the world revolutionary movement and from our own experience, and to prepare ourselves to struggle continuously against the enemy's new methods. In the last analysis, the best guarantee of defence against enemy infiltration lies in the vigilance of the masses. Hence we must give special priority to political work among the masses so that they constantly heighten their political consciousness and degree of organisation. Our entire Movement must be engaged in this task: all the cadres and militants must be political commissars among the masses. The Women's Detachment must also work actively and continuously a- mong the people. The Circle and Locality Committees, which group together and guide the whole population and in which problems related to the people's life are discussed, must take on fresh dynamism so as to play a driving role in this campaign. In our work we must bear in mind the following: - We must show the progress achieved in comparison with the colonial era, emphasising the benefits gained through our struggle: the elimination of the direct colonial presence, the abolition of the colonial tax, forced labour, the palma- toria, compulsory cotton crops and exploitation in general. We must explain the meaning of the benefits gained through the creation of a new and democratic society, and the establishment of its politico-administrative, economic, educational, social, medical and other foundations to serve the interests of the masses. But it is necessary at the same time to combat the spirit of easy victory which overcomes some of us as a result of the successes achieved and which leads one to underestimate and scorn the enemy. - We must emphasise the fact that the successes achieved are a result of armed struggle and that the constant and organised participation of the masses, within the structures appropriate to each phase of the struggle, is required. - We must constantly demonstrate that the victories won in each region or province, both in armed struggle and in national reconstruction, are possible only because the struggle is a unitary one taking place on a nationwide scale. Just as the expansion of armed struggle depends on the organisation and consolidation of the rear areas, so does the existence and consolidation of the liberated areas depend on the efforts of the comrades in the advance areas and other provinces. We must combat the idea that the mere fact of living in the liberated areas guarantees revolutionary consciousness. In point of fact, the dividing line between us and the enemy is not just a physical one; it is in people's consciousness and makes itself apparent in all aspects of their lives and behaviour. Sustaining the view that the fact of living in the liberated areas without direct contact with the enemy is sufficient to be a revolutionary is to reject the struggle between the old and thc new and to reduce our contradiction with the enemy to its most superficial aspects. In fact the dividing line between the two zones is in the type of political, economic and social relations that are established, the kind of power and the way in which it is exercised, how production is organised and on whose behalf, and the nature of the work done in education, health and social life in general. It should be borne in mind that a new generation is now growing up in the liberated areas, and that they have never known the direct domination of colonialism or its most dreadful forms of exploitation. All that these young people
Object Description
Description
Title | CENPA-343~06 |
Filename | CENPA-343~06.tiff |
Full text | countering enemy action in the present phase. Indeed, what is the present enemy strategy towards the liberated areas? If we analyse the experience of this province, as well as other provinces, and relate it to the general orientation of the enemy, we note that although the number of large-scale ground operations has diminished owing to the heavy losses suffered, the enemy are now emphasising action against the civilian population, using two principal methods: — Terrorism, chiefly through the use of heliported troops and bombing raids; - Subversion. We need to concentrate our attention on this second aspect, given the substantial intensification of enemy action in this field. Commenting on the failure of the big «Operation Gordian Knot» offensive launched by Kaulza de Arriaga, General Sa Viana Rebelo, the then colonial-fascist Minister of Defence, stated in 1970 that the only way of destroying FRELIMO was to use subversion. As from then, the enemy have devoted a great deal of effort to subversive activity, sending more and more agents of various types into our zone, in addition tc those traditionally sent to commit crimes and carry out espionage and sabotage. Some of these agents are of the Chiton- yola type, agents who are sent into the liberated areas wearing uniforms and carrying equipment identical to ours and presenting themselves as FRELIMO militants. Their job is to commit crimes against the people which are then blamed on FRELIMO. Their aim is quite clear: to sow confusion and create contradictions between the army and the masses. Other agents have the job of putting forward tnbalist, regionalist and racist slogans, creating contradictions between people of different regions, confusing the definition as to who is the enemy and undermining national unity. We need only recall that in defining colonial strategy at a Conference of the Institute of Higher Strategic Studies, Kaulza de Arriaga hailed tribalism as «a highly positive factor» to be exploited. Other agents are sent into our zone laden with money and various articles in order to bribe our cadres and people, propagandising the alleged easy life on the enemy side and instilling among us the living habits of colonialism. Yet others come with the job of fostering indiscipline through actions which appear petty at first glance, but the true purpose of which is to create a perturbed climate in our life and to distract our attention from the fight against the chief enemy through countless little violations of discipline. How are we to answer this subversion offensive? It is obvious that the work of these enemy agents can only succeed if they find a favourable climate for their ideas to take root, if the enemy manages to create among us false solidarity based on language, tribe, region, colour or religion. The disintegration desired by the enemy can only take place if there is a relaxation in our life and behavour which makes it possible to lull our vigilance towards these patent enemy activities. We must continue to struggle without letup against the erroneous idea that it is enough to carry out military operations in order to defeat the enemy; if our forces, people and areas are not impermeable to the activitiesand ideas of the enemy, we shall be frustrated of the fruits of victories won at the cost of so much sacrifice. It is our duty to constantly draw lessons from the victories and failures of the world revolutionary movement and from our own experience, and to prepare ourselves to struggle continuously against the enemy's new methods. In the last analysis, the best guarantee of defence against enemy infiltration lies in the vigilance of the masses. Hence we must give special priority to political work among the masses so that they constantly heighten their political consciousness and degree of organisation. Our entire Movement must be engaged in this task: all the cadres and militants must be political commissars among the masses. The Women's Detachment must also work actively and continuously a- mong the people. The Circle and Locality Committees, which group together and guide the whole population and in which problems related to the people's life are discussed, must take on fresh dynamism so as to play a driving role in this campaign. In our work we must bear in mind the following: - We must show the progress achieved in comparison with the colonial era, emphasising the benefits gained through our struggle: the elimination of the direct colonial presence, the abolition of the colonial tax, forced labour, the palma- toria, compulsory cotton crops and exploitation in general. We must explain the meaning of the benefits gained through the creation of a new and democratic society, and the establishment of its politico-administrative, economic, educational, social, medical and other foundations to serve the interests of the masses. But it is necessary at the same time to combat the spirit of easy victory which overcomes some of us as a result of the successes achieved and which leads one to underestimate and scorn the enemy. - We must emphasise the fact that the successes achieved are a result of armed struggle and that the constant and organised participation of the masses, within the structures appropriate to each phase of the struggle, is required. - We must constantly demonstrate that the victories won in each region or province, both in armed struggle and in national reconstruction, are possible only because the struggle is a unitary one taking place on a nationwide scale. Just as the expansion of armed struggle depends on the organisation and consolidation of the rear areas, so does the existence and consolidation of the liberated areas depend on the efforts of the comrades in the advance areas and other provinces. We must combat the idea that the mere fact of living in the liberated areas guarantees revolutionary consciousness. In point of fact, the dividing line between us and the enemy is not just a physical one; it is in people's consciousness and makes itself apparent in all aspects of their lives and behaviour. Sustaining the view that the fact of living in the liberated areas without direct contact with the enemy is sufficient to be a revolutionary is to reject the struggle between the old and thc new and to reduce our contradiction with the enemy to its most superficial aspects. In fact the dividing line between the two zones is in the type of political, economic and social relations that are established, the kind of power and the way in which it is exercised, how production is organised and on whose behalf, and the nature of the work done in education, health and social life in general. It should be borne in mind that a new generation is now growing up in the liberated areas, and that they have never known the direct domination of colonialism or its most dreadful forms of exploitation. All that these young people |
Archival file | Volume21/CENPA-343~06.tiff |