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movements could speak for the aspirations of the colonized people in their countries. Then, the General Assembly itself passed a resolution which overwhelmingly affirmed that the "national liberation movements of Angola, Guinea (Bissau), and Mozambique are the authentic representatives of the people of those territories." This resolution further recommended that all governments and U.N. bodies should have the liberation movements represented when dealing with Portuguese colonialism. It requested that member states srhould not provide Portugal with any aid which would help her in her efforts to prosecute her colonial wars. The General Assembly resolution passed 98-6, with the U.S., Britain, Spain, Brazil, Portugal, and South Africa opposing. Eight western and Latin American countries abstained. Finally, the Secrurity Council unanimously passed a resolution, which, although watered down by the influence of the large western powers, did reaffirm the "inalienable right of the peoples of Angola, Mozambique, and Guinea- Bissau to self-determination and independence" and called upon Portugal to begin negociations towards granting independence with the parties concerned. The implications of these decisions are numerous. The humanitarian agencies of the U.N. are now authorized to give material support to the liberation movements, and some textbooks for use in schools in liberated Guinea-Bissau have already been printed by UNESCO. Furthermore, the international community is now referred to FRELIMO, MPLA, and PAIGC on all questions concerning the inhabitants of their countries. In particular, one must look to the MPLA, FRELIMO, and PAIGC for their policies on foreign investment. All three movements have spoken out plainly on this subject. Their position is that foreign investment serves only to strengthen Portugal as it fights against the movements, and therefore present investors should be pressed to withdraw and future investors discouraged. The recent U.N. vote thus validates the position of numerous groups in the U.S. which have pressed for Gulf Oil to withdraw from Angola, pointing out that Gulf's tax payments to Portugal (projected by Gulf to reach $45 million in 1972 alone) strengthen the Portuguese war effort and increase Portugal's vested interest in Angola. The Fourth Committee and General Assembly decisions greatly strengthen the hand of the liberation support groups and other organizations in the U.S. pushing for U.S. business to withdraw from Mozambique, Angola, and Guinea-Bissau. The U.S. position on recognizing the liberation movements was less than enthusiastic. In addition to voting against the General Assembly resolution, George Bush, U.S. representative to the U.N., argued that support for the liberation movements was contrary to the U.N. Charter. During the Security Council session, Mr. Bush stated that 'In the exercise of self-determination, independence is certainly one of the options...But it is not the only choice". He also requested a division of the final, weak Security Council resolution so that the U.S. could vote against the paragraph condemning Portugal, but this was denied by the resolution's chief sponsorer, Somalia, and the U.S. finally voted for the resolution. While friends and foes alike are often sceptical of the efficacy of U.N. actions, FRELIMO, PAIGC, and MPLA have clearly won a diplomatic victory in the U.N. this session, as well as increased international stature and promises of more material aid.
Object Description
Title | CFM news & notes, no. 17 (1972 Dec.) |
Description | Newsletter from Committee for a Free Mozambique (CFM). With the title: The opening of the fourth front in Manica e Sofala", the newsletter reports on FRELIMO's military operations in the central Mozambican province of Manica e Sofala (p. 1). It also reports at the liberation movements gain at U.N. session (p. 3) and brings newsflashes reports about Caterpillar Tractor Company and Bethlehem Steel, two companies that has been awarded mineral rights in southern Tete province by the Portuguese government (p. 5). |
Subject (lcsh) |
Nationalism -- Mozambique Self-determination, National Mozambique -- History Portugal -- Politics and government -- 1933-1974 |
Geographic Subject (Country) | Mozambique |
Geographic Subject (Continent) | Africa |
Geographic Coordinates | -18.6696821,35.5273459 |
Coverage date | 1972-07/1972-11 |
Creator | Committee for a Free Mozambique (CFM) |
Publisher (of the Original Version) | Committee for a Free Mozambique (CFM) |
Place of Publication (of the Origianal Version) | New York, New York, USA |
Publisher (of the Digital Version) | University of Southern California. Libraries |
Date issued | 1972-12 |
Type |
texts images |
Format | 6 p. |
Format (aat) | newsletters |
Language | English |
Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
Part of collection | Emerging Nationalism in Portuguese Africa, 1959-1965 |
Part of subcollection | Mozambique Collection |
Rights | The University of Southern California has licensed the rights to this material from the Aluka initiative of Ithaka Harbors, Inc., a non-profit Delaware corporation whose address is 151 East 61st Street, New York, NY 10021 |
Physical access | Original archive is at the Boeckmann Center for Iberian and Latin American Studies. Send requests to address or e-mail given. Phone (213) 821-2366; fax (213) 740-2343. |
Repository Name | USC Libraries Special Collections |
Repository Address | Doheny Memorial Library, Los Angeles, CA 90089-0189 |
Repository Email | specol@usc.edu |
Filename | CENPA-337 |
Description
Title | CENPA-337~04 |
Filename | CENPA-337~04.tiff |
Full text | movements could speak for the aspirations of the colonized people in their countries. Then, the General Assembly itself passed a resolution which overwhelmingly affirmed that the "national liberation movements of Angola, Guinea (Bissau), and Mozambique are the authentic representatives of the people of those territories." This resolution further recommended that all governments and U.N. bodies should have the liberation movements represented when dealing with Portuguese colonialism. It requested that member states srhould not provide Portugal with any aid which would help her in her efforts to prosecute her colonial wars. The General Assembly resolution passed 98-6, with the U.S., Britain, Spain, Brazil, Portugal, and South Africa opposing. Eight western and Latin American countries abstained. Finally, the Secrurity Council unanimously passed a resolution, which, although watered down by the influence of the large western powers, did reaffirm the "inalienable right of the peoples of Angola, Mozambique, and Guinea- Bissau to self-determination and independence" and called upon Portugal to begin negociations towards granting independence with the parties concerned. The implications of these decisions are numerous. The humanitarian agencies of the U.N. are now authorized to give material support to the liberation movements, and some textbooks for use in schools in liberated Guinea-Bissau have already been printed by UNESCO. Furthermore, the international community is now referred to FRELIMO, MPLA, and PAIGC on all questions concerning the inhabitants of their countries. In particular, one must look to the MPLA, FRELIMO, and PAIGC for their policies on foreign investment. All three movements have spoken out plainly on this subject. Their position is that foreign investment serves only to strengthen Portugal as it fights against the movements, and therefore present investors should be pressed to withdraw and future investors discouraged. The recent U.N. vote thus validates the position of numerous groups in the U.S. which have pressed for Gulf Oil to withdraw from Angola, pointing out that Gulf's tax payments to Portugal (projected by Gulf to reach $45 million in 1972 alone) strengthen the Portuguese war effort and increase Portugal's vested interest in Angola. The Fourth Committee and General Assembly decisions greatly strengthen the hand of the liberation support groups and other organizations in the U.S. pushing for U.S. business to withdraw from Mozambique, Angola, and Guinea-Bissau. The U.S. position on recognizing the liberation movements was less than enthusiastic. In addition to voting against the General Assembly resolution, George Bush, U.S. representative to the U.N., argued that support for the liberation movements was contrary to the U.N. Charter. During the Security Council session, Mr. Bush stated that 'In the exercise of self-determination, independence is certainly one of the options...But it is not the only choice". He also requested a division of the final, weak Security Council resolution so that the U.S. could vote against the paragraph condemning Portugal, but this was denied by the resolution's chief sponsorer, Somalia, and the U.S. finally voted for the resolution. While friends and foes alike are often sceptical of the efficacy of U.N. actions, FRELIMO, PAIGC, and MPLA have clearly won a diplomatic victory in the U.N. this session, as well as increased international stature and promises of more material aid. |
Archival file | Volume20/CENPA-337~04.tiff |