CENPA-324a~04 |
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( 'lR 1945 (o mark Herr . death. "ELECTED" As a man on the spot the Mozambique governor-general exercises very wide powers subject to the Lisbon government. He is assisted by a legislative council which has 24 members; 22 of whom are either Portuguese officials or settlers and two assimilados. Legislative authority over Mozambique is supposed to vest in the National Assembly of Portugal which is made up of 120 Deputies. The Assembly, however, is a rubber stamp for Toni Salazar who has been in office since 1928. Mozambique is entitled to three seats on that bogus parliament. Mozambican "elected" deputies are usually agents of the Salazar re- FOUR REGIONS The administration of the province is carried out through four regions as follows: (I) The region of Sul do Save; (II) The region of Zambezia; (III) The region of Niassa; and (IV) The region of Manica-Sofala. The regional capitals are Lourenco Marques, Quelimane, Nam- pula and Beira respectively. The districts are in turn divided into sub-districts each under an ad- ministrator; and each sub-district is redivided into one'to four administrative posts in which are the post offices, police stations and so forth. The regions are headed by regional governors who can be overruled by the governor-general. A judicial system, comprising a court of appeals and courts of preliminary investigation in ten judicial divisions, maintains separate sections for African cases and aplies the Codigo Civil (Portuguese). A royal charter of 1891 authorised Companhia de Mozambique to exploit, the resources of the 18 VOICE OF AFRICA ■ region of Manica and Sofala, an area of 59,315 square miles for a period of 50 years. The company had a capital of £1.5 million, most of which was foreign. It exercised sovereign rights over the regions under its jurisdiction. Wlien the company's charter lapsed in 1941 it was not renewed. The regions were formally restored to direct Portuguese administration on July 19, 1942. In Manica and Sofala the company had control of agriculture, commerce, industry, mining, communications and transport, taxation and customs. It issued its own currency and postage stamps. The Companhia do Niassa with its capital at Porto Amelia, received ' a royal charter in 1894. It exercised jurisdiction in the region north of the Lurio river. The company's main interests were in agriculture and transport. In 1929 the Portuguese govern-' ment took over the administration of the area. Portuguese colonial policy has like all other colonial policy, been, directed towards robbing the African of his land, and of his human, natural and mineral resources. It is in this form tha the undermining of national integrity and the overthrow of national sovereignty took concrete shape. In Mozambique colonial land policy derives from the Law of May 9, 1901 laid down that all land, which did not at that date constitute private property in accordance with Portuguese law, was the property of the state. A 1918 Decree for Mozambique provides for the reservation of certain area for the exclusive use of the African people and provides also that such lands may not be alienated. Africans are not forced to live these reserves. Land actually occupied by Africans may not be granted to Europeans. Gunther states that 97 per cent of Mozambique belongs to the Africans while Flailey categorically states that "Statistics are not available regarding the Native area in Mozambique." Large parts of the Zambezi have been turned into settler prazos (plantations) some of which are hundreds of square miles in exchange. These are now held as concessions for 25 years. A number of these prazos are run by companies such as the Zambezia and these may alienate them subject to approval by the government. The Mozambique Company is reported to have alienated 6 per cent of the lands under his control. The Limpo River Scheme provides for the eventual settlement of 6,000 Portuguese and 3,000 African families. 75,000 acres out of the total of 50,000 acres set aside for the project will be irrigated. Flailey remarks that "the scheme will admittedly involve some disturbance of the African population, which is being resettled elsewhere." And this remark makes nonsense of the claim of the 1918 Decree that "such lands may not be alienated." It is only those Africans who have become assimilados who can, in theory, acquire real rights in land or enjoy the benefit of the process of inheritance, legacy or purchase. In positive terms the position stated thus far is that real ownership of land in Mozambique is the prerc-. gative of the Portuguese settler, the Portuguese company and the Portuguese State. In and outside the so-called reserves the African enjoy the privilege of occupation but no right of ownership. And even that privilege he enjoys at the pleasure of his colonial masters. The colonization of Mozambique has therefore robbed the 6.5 million Africans of real rights in their own land. Land in Mozambique is, therefore, used to benefit the Portuguese state, company and settler at die expense of the African. Until recently no adequate mineral survey had been made of the Mozambique mineral resources. As far back as 1510 the Portuguese entertained great expectations concerning the gold and silver output of the land. Small quantities of gold are being mined near Villa de
Object Description
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Title | CENPA-324a~04 |
Filename | CENPA-324a~04.tiff |
Full text | ( 'lR 1945 (o mark Herr . death. "ELECTED" As a man on the spot the Mozambique governor-general exercises very wide powers subject to the Lisbon government. He is assisted by a legislative council which has 24 members; 22 of whom are either Portuguese officials or settlers and two assimilados. Legislative authority over Mozambique is supposed to vest in the National Assembly of Portugal which is made up of 120 Deputies. The Assembly, however, is a rubber stamp for Toni Salazar who has been in office since 1928. Mozambique is entitled to three seats on that bogus parliament. Mozambican "elected" deputies are usually agents of the Salazar re- FOUR REGIONS The administration of the province is carried out through four regions as follows: (I) The region of Sul do Save; (II) The region of Zambezia; (III) The region of Niassa; and (IV) The region of Manica-Sofala. The regional capitals are Lourenco Marques, Quelimane, Nam- pula and Beira respectively. The districts are in turn divided into sub-districts each under an ad- ministrator; and each sub-district is redivided into one'to four administrative posts in which are the post offices, police stations and so forth. The regions are headed by regional governors who can be overruled by the governor-general. A judicial system, comprising a court of appeals and courts of preliminary investigation in ten judicial divisions, maintains separate sections for African cases and aplies the Codigo Civil (Portuguese). A royal charter of 1891 authorised Companhia de Mozambique to exploit, the resources of the 18 VOICE OF AFRICA ■ region of Manica and Sofala, an area of 59,315 square miles for a period of 50 years. The company had a capital of £1.5 million, most of which was foreign. It exercised sovereign rights over the regions under its jurisdiction. Wlien the company's charter lapsed in 1941 it was not renewed. The regions were formally restored to direct Portuguese administration on July 19, 1942. In Manica and Sofala the company had control of agriculture, commerce, industry, mining, communications and transport, taxation and customs. It issued its own currency and postage stamps. The Companhia do Niassa with its capital at Porto Amelia, received ' a royal charter in 1894. It exercised jurisdiction in the region north of the Lurio river. The company's main interests were in agriculture and transport. In 1929 the Portuguese govern-' ment took over the administration of the area. Portuguese colonial policy has like all other colonial policy, been, directed towards robbing the African of his land, and of his human, natural and mineral resources. It is in this form tha the undermining of national integrity and the overthrow of national sovereignty took concrete shape. In Mozambique colonial land policy derives from the Law of May 9, 1901 laid down that all land, which did not at that date constitute private property in accordance with Portuguese law, was the property of the state. A 1918 Decree for Mozambique provides for the reservation of certain area for the exclusive use of the African people and provides also that such lands may not be alienated. Africans are not forced to live these reserves. Land actually occupied by Africans may not be granted to Europeans. Gunther states that 97 per cent of Mozambique belongs to the Africans while Flailey categorically states that "Statistics are not available regarding the Native area in Mozambique." Large parts of the Zambezi have been turned into settler prazos (plantations) some of which are hundreds of square miles in exchange. These are now held as concessions for 25 years. A number of these prazos are run by companies such as the Zambezia and these may alienate them subject to approval by the government. The Mozambique Company is reported to have alienated 6 per cent of the lands under his control. The Limpo River Scheme provides for the eventual settlement of 6,000 Portuguese and 3,000 African families. 75,000 acres out of the total of 50,000 acres set aside for the project will be irrigated. Flailey remarks that "the scheme will admittedly involve some disturbance of the African population, which is being resettled elsewhere." And this remark makes nonsense of the claim of the 1918 Decree that "such lands may not be alienated." It is only those Africans who have become assimilados who can, in theory, acquire real rights in land or enjoy the benefit of the process of inheritance, legacy or purchase. In positive terms the position stated thus far is that real ownership of land in Mozambique is the prerc-. gative of the Portuguese settler, the Portuguese company and the Portuguese State. In and outside the so-called reserves the African enjoy the privilege of occupation but no right of ownership. And even that privilege he enjoys at the pleasure of his colonial masters. The colonization of Mozambique has therefore robbed the 6.5 million Africans of real rights in their own land. Land in Mozambique is, therefore, used to benefit the Portuguese state, company and settler at die expense of the African. Until recently no adequate mineral survey had been made of the Mozambique mineral resources. As far back as 1510 the Portuguese entertained great expectations concerning the gold and silver output of the land. Small quantities of gold are being mined near Villa de |
Archival file | Volume19/CENPA-324a~04.tiff |