CENPA-319~02 |
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Foundation as a cover. Obviously we could find no legitimate reason for the U.S. Government to wish to provide Dr Mondlane with a salary. Many militants became suspicious of Dr. Mondlane's lavish way of life and his lack of interest in beginning armed action in Mozambique while spending large amounts of money on tilings of little direct . relationship to* the basic problem of beginning a revolution hi Mozarn- que. We found it incongrous that a so- called revolutionary leader should spend unnecessarily amounts of amounts of money to buy a house in Dar-es-Salaam and to live like a Minister with four servants and expensive entertaining while many militants who were brought from Mozambique to be trained to fight, were left to sleep on the ground in dirty over-crowded huts, to often eat one meal daily of maize flour .and beans, and to go about in tattered rags or half-nude. We found it difficult to understand also the necessity of Dr. Mondlane's spending fully two- thirds of his time in America and Europe while pretending to lead a fight for independence. We found that Dr. Mondlane received £200 monthly from the Israeli Embassy in Dar-es-Salaam. Finally we concluded hat his com- miment to the imperialists were too great. We then decided to take steps to rectify the situation through the Annual Conference which was to be held in September 1964. Unfortunately Dr. Mondlane, noticing the extent of the opposition to his activities refused to hold the Congress. This again provoked a storm of protests. Then we began to organise the membership and the regional leaders on a broad basis as possible to force Dr. Mondlane to hold the Congress. This was necessary to prevent him from temparary undermining the opposition to himself by bribing some members of the Union, as had done on previous occasions. Shortly afterwards Dr. Mondlane began attempting to remove me and others who oppose him by sending us on long missions outside Africa, or in some cases to study outside Africa. In my own case it came to my knowledge that Mondlane planned to send me on a long mission and then expel me when it would be safe to do so. At that point he began to demand that I give him all information on the Frelimo organisation in the interior of Mozambique which had been under my charge. As I knew his plan, however, I did not give him the information that he wanted. So that he would not be able to contact our brothers in the interior. It was agreed that in order to avoid immediate expulsion and an immediate split in the party, that I should begin my trip while my comrades push ahead our plans to force Mondlane to hold the Congress. Unfortunately although the regional leaders of the party came together in Dar-es-Salaam to demand a Congress, our lack of finance as opposed to Mondlan's financial strength and the support of Mondlane by the Tanganyika Gov- trnment and the Secretary of the Committee of Nine, resulted in the failure of our attempt to force a Congress. On June 18, in Cairo, during the Conference of African Heads of State, Mondlane personally expelled me from Frelimo. We did not recognise the right of Mondlane alone to expel anyone. We also did not recognise the right of a Central Committee consisting almost entirely of Mondlane's illegal appointees to expel anyone nor take any other responsible action. This, however, was of limited importance. We had already concluded that without the Congress it would be worse than useless to remain in Frelimo. I, therefore, infonh- ed my comrades of my expulsion and they in consultation with our comrades of the military group and our colleagues in the interior of Mozambique formed the Conselho de Libertacao de Mozambique, the organisational basis for which was the former Frelimo organisation in Northern Mozambique and the military personnel of Frelimo who were formerly under my charge, and who were brought from Mozambique and sent for training through the efforts of my comrades and self. At present almost all the military personnel have leit Mondlane, a few, very few remain in Mondlane's camps waiting for us to provide them with transport funds to enable them to leave. A few other remain with Mondlane, but the only ones that he can depend upon are perhaps a half-dozen individuals from the Southernmost parts of Mozambique. Even the other members of the small group from the South oppose Mondlane, but as they have no place to escape to they fear being imprisoned by the Tangaynika Government if they openly oppose Mondlane. They clearly have a basis for these fears as many Mozambicans in Tanganyika have been imprisoned because of their opposition to Mondlane, among them many trained military personnel. In my own case I have not returned to Tanganyika because Mondlane informed me at the time of my expulsion from Frelimo that he has arranged for me to be imprisoned should I return to Tanganyika. Because of the threat of imprisonment in Tanganyika, many of the trained Mozambicans nationalist soldiers are in hiding in Tanganyika, while many have escaped to Kenya, some to Uganda and Congo, some to Malawi, others have left for Ethiopia or Somalia, and a few returned to Mozambique to hide out and work with the CIN organisation there. Those Mozambican military personnel who have come to Nairobi are undergoing a good deal of needless suffering. It is hoped that some way might be found to send them to Mombasa where they can be provided with food and shelter by our countrymen who work there, until such time as we can arrange for them to re-enter Mozambique. We also request that the OAU asks for an investigation into the entire question of Frelimo and activities of Dr. Mondlane and the release of those Mozambican nationalists who are at present in prison in Tanganyika for their opposition to Dr. Mondlane. 40 VOICE OF AFRICA
Object Description
Description
Title | CENPA-319~02 |
Filename | CENPA-319~02.tiff |
Full text | Foundation as a cover. Obviously we could find no legitimate reason for the U.S. Government to wish to provide Dr Mondlane with a salary. Many militants became suspicious of Dr. Mondlane's lavish way of life and his lack of interest in beginning armed action in Mozambique while spending large amounts of money on tilings of little direct . relationship to* the basic problem of beginning a revolution hi Mozarn- que. We found it incongrous that a so- called revolutionary leader should spend unnecessarily amounts of amounts of money to buy a house in Dar-es-Salaam and to live like a Minister with four servants and expensive entertaining while many militants who were brought from Mozambique to be trained to fight, were left to sleep on the ground in dirty over-crowded huts, to often eat one meal daily of maize flour .and beans, and to go about in tattered rags or half-nude. We found it difficult to understand also the necessity of Dr. Mondlane's spending fully two- thirds of his time in America and Europe while pretending to lead a fight for independence. We found that Dr. Mondlane received £200 monthly from the Israeli Embassy in Dar-es-Salaam. Finally we concluded hat his com- miment to the imperialists were too great. We then decided to take steps to rectify the situation through the Annual Conference which was to be held in September 1964. Unfortunately Dr. Mondlane, noticing the extent of the opposition to his activities refused to hold the Congress. This again provoked a storm of protests. Then we began to organise the membership and the regional leaders on a broad basis as possible to force Dr. Mondlane to hold the Congress. This was necessary to prevent him from temparary undermining the opposition to himself by bribing some members of the Union, as had done on previous occasions. Shortly afterwards Dr. Mondlane began attempting to remove me and others who oppose him by sending us on long missions outside Africa, or in some cases to study outside Africa. In my own case it came to my knowledge that Mondlane planned to send me on a long mission and then expel me when it would be safe to do so. At that point he began to demand that I give him all information on the Frelimo organisation in the interior of Mozambique which had been under my charge. As I knew his plan, however, I did not give him the information that he wanted. So that he would not be able to contact our brothers in the interior. It was agreed that in order to avoid immediate expulsion and an immediate split in the party, that I should begin my trip while my comrades push ahead our plans to force Mondlane to hold the Congress. Unfortunately although the regional leaders of the party came together in Dar-es-Salaam to demand a Congress, our lack of finance as opposed to Mondlan's financial strength and the support of Mondlane by the Tanganyika Gov- trnment and the Secretary of the Committee of Nine, resulted in the failure of our attempt to force a Congress. On June 18, in Cairo, during the Conference of African Heads of State, Mondlane personally expelled me from Frelimo. We did not recognise the right of Mondlane alone to expel anyone. We also did not recognise the right of a Central Committee consisting almost entirely of Mondlane's illegal appointees to expel anyone nor take any other responsible action. This, however, was of limited importance. We had already concluded that without the Congress it would be worse than useless to remain in Frelimo. I, therefore, infonh- ed my comrades of my expulsion and they in consultation with our comrades of the military group and our colleagues in the interior of Mozambique formed the Conselho de Libertacao de Mozambique, the organisational basis for which was the former Frelimo organisation in Northern Mozambique and the military personnel of Frelimo who were formerly under my charge, and who were brought from Mozambique and sent for training through the efforts of my comrades and self. At present almost all the military personnel have leit Mondlane, a few, very few remain in Mondlane's camps waiting for us to provide them with transport funds to enable them to leave. A few other remain with Mondlane, but the only ones that he can depend upon are perhaps a half-dozen individuals from the Southernmost parts of Mozambique. Even the other members of the small group from the South oppose Mondlane, but as they have no place to escape to they fear being imprisoned by the Tangaynika Government if they openly oppose Mondlane. They clearly have a basis for these fears as many Mozambicans in Tanganyika have been imprisoned because of their opposition to Mondlane, among them many trained military personnel. In my own case I have not returned to Tanganyika because Mondlane informed me at the time of my expulsion from Frelimo that he has arranged for me to be imprisoned should I return to Tanganyika. Because of the threat of imprisonment in Tanganyika, many of the trained Mozambicans nationalist soldiers are in hiding in Tanganyika, while many have escaped to Kenya, some to Uganda and Congo, some to Malawi, others have left for Ethiopia or Somalia, and a few returned to Mozambique to hide out and work with the CIN organisation there. Those Mozambican military personnel who have come to Nairobi are undergoing a good deal of needless suffering. It is hoped that some way might be found to send them to Mombasa where they can be provided with food and shelter by our countrymen who work there, until such time as we can arrange for them to re-enter Mozambique. We also request that the OAU asks for an investigation into the entire question of Frelimo and activities of Dr. Mondlane and the release of those Mozambican nationalists who are at present in prison in Tanganyika for their opposition to Dr. Mondlane. 40 VOICE OF AFRICA |
Archival file | Volume19/CENPA-319~02.tiff |