Foundation as a cover. Obviously
we could find no legitimate reason
for the U.S. Government to wish to
provide Dr Mondlane with a salary.
Many militants became suspicious of Dr. Mondlane's lavish way
of life and his lack of interest in beginning armed action in Mozambique while spending large amounts
of money on tilings of little direct
. relationship to* the basic problem of
beginning a revolution hi Mozarn-
que.
We found it incongrous that a so-
called revolutionary leader should
spend unnecessarily amounts of
amounts of money to buy a house
in Dar-es-Salaam and to live like a
Minister with four servants and expensive entertaining while many
militants who were brought from
Mozambique to be trained to fight,
were left to sleep on the ground in
dirty over-crowded huts, to often
eat one meal daily of maize flour
.and beans, and to go about in tattered rags or half-nude.
We found it difficult to understand also the necessity of Dr.
Mondlane's spending fully two-
thirds of his time in America and
Europe while pretending to lead a
fight for independence.
We found that Dr. Mondlane received £200 monthly from the
Israeli Embassy in Dar-es-Salaam.
Finally we concluded hat his com-
miment to the imperialists were too
great.
We then decided to take steps to
rectify the situation through the
Annual Conference which was to be
held in September 1964. Unfortunately Dr. Mondlane, noticing the
extent of the opposition to his activities refused to hold the Congress.
This again provoked a storm of
protests. Then we began to organise
the membership and the regional
leaders on a broad basis as possible to force Dr. Mondlane to hold
the Congress. This was necessary to
prevent him from temparary undermining the opposition to himself by
bribing some members of the
Union, as had done on previous
occasions.
Shortly afterwards Dr. Mondlane began attempting to remove
me and others who oppose him by
sending us on long missions outside
Africa,  or in some cases to  study
outside Africa. In my own case it
came to my knowledge that Mondlane planned to send me on a long
mission and then expel me when it
would be safe to do so.
At that point he began to demand that I give him all information on the Frelimo organisation in
the interior of Mozambique which
had been under my charge. As I
knew his plan, however, I did not
give him the information that he
wanted. So that he would not be
able to contact our brothers in the
interior.
It was agreed that in order to
avoid immediate expulsion and an
immediate split in the party, that I
should begin my trip while my comrades push ahead our plans to force
Mondlane to hold the Congress.
Unfortunately although the regional leaders of the party came
together in Dar-es-Salaam to demand a Congress, our lack of finance as opposed to Mondlan's financial strength and the support of
Mondlane by the Tanganyika Gov-
trnment and the Secretary of the
Committee of Nine, resulted in the
failure of our attempt to force a
Congress.
On June 18, in Cairo, during the
Conference of African Heads of
State, Mondlane personally expelled
me from Frelimo. We did not recognise the right of Mondlane alone to
expel anyone. We also did not recognise the right of a Central Committee consisting almost entirely of
Mondlane's illegal appointees to
expel anyone nor take any other
responsible action.
This, however, was of limited
importance. We had already concluded that without the Congress it
would be worse than useless to remain in Frelimo. I, therefore, infonh-
ed my comrades of my expulsion and
they in consultation with our comrades of the military group and our
colleagues in the interior of Mozambique formed the Conselho de
Libertacao de Mozambique, the organisational basis for which was
the former Frelimo organisation in
Northern Mozambique and the
military personnel of Frelimo who
were formerly under my charge,
and who were brought from Mozambique and sent for training through
the efforts of my comrades and self.
At present almost all the military
personnel have leit Mondlane, a few,
very few remain in Mondlane's
camps waiting for us to provide
them with transport funds to enable
them to leave. A few other remain
with Mondlane, but the only ones
that he can depend upon are perhaps a half-dozen individuals from
the Southernmost parts of Mozambique. Even the other members of
the small group from the South
oppose Mondlane, but as they have
no place to escape to they fear being imprisoned by the Tangaynika
Government if they openly oppose
Mondlane.
They clearly have a basis for
these fears as many Mozambicans
in Tanganyika have been imprisoned because of their opposition to
Mondlane, among them many trained military personnel. In my own
case I have not returned to Tanganyika because Mondlane informed
me at the time of my expulsion
from Frelimo that he has arranged
for me to be imprisoned should I
return to Tanganyika.
Because of the threat of imprisonment in Tanganyika, many of
the trained Mozambicans nationalist soldiers are in hiding in Tanganyika, while many have escaped to
Kenya, some to Uganda and Congo,
some to Malawi, others have left for
Ethiopia or Somalia, and a few returned to Mozambique to hide out
and work with the CIN organisation there.
Those Mozambican military personnel who have come to Nairobi
are undergoing a good deal of
needless suffering. It is hoped that
some way might be found to send
them to Mombasa where they can
be provided with food and shelter
by our countrymen who work there,
until such time as we can arrange
for them  to re-enter Mozambique.
We also request that the OAU
asks for an investigation into the entire question of Frelimo and activities of Dr. Mondlane and the release of those Mozambican nationalists who are at present in prison
in Tanganyika for their opposition
to Dr. Mondlane.
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VOICE OF AFRICA