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THE STRUGGLE FOR INDEPENDENCE IN MOZAMBIQUE - Page 2. and Lourenco Marques. It was not until the very end of the 19th century that the Portuguese succeeded in subduing the various African armies which were under the leadership of divided African Kings. In my own are^—in the South, the last of the African^emperors was de- ^T feate_d IxC^pSQ.) Therefore, the presence of Portugal in Mozambique^ can only date from the time the last of mrr-resistance armies .waa-de-r feated,^namely, December 1898. This is the time when the general of the Mozambican army, Maguiguane, was killed after he had refused to surrender to The Portuguese. The emperorv--Sung'unyane, was then captured and deported to Portugal where he was kept in captivity until his death. Those Mozambicans who tried to continue to resist Portuguese authority were either exterminated or fled to the neighbouring countries of South Africa, the Rhodesias, Nyasaland and the then German East Africa, and in due time became part of the population of those countries. Meanwhile, the Portuguese government continued to consolidate their position in the rest of the country, until they had virtual control of the whole country. But at no time has there been such a complete acceptance of their authority as to obviate the use of the army or police in order to keep the African people under Portuguese sovereignty. One q£ the means by which PortugueSi^__authoritx_was imposed^ during the last 60 years was by breaking up our kingdoms into a multiplicity of chiefdoms, under carefully handpicked chiefsy petty chiefs_and^ headmen who were put under zne~jlTrec't supervision of Portugaese^whxte aciministrators, chiefs of jpost (chefes de posto). These administrators and chefes "de posto are responsible for seeing to it that Portuguese law and order is maintained and that every able- bodied African serves Portuguese interests. Thg African chieji is an instrument of the Po-rt-ngup^e government to carry out political, economic and social policies as set up in Portugal. as time went on, Africans began to learn some of the techniques of control employed by Europeans, such as education, involvement in the economic life of the country on an international level and to set themselves a place in the new power structure. The earliest manifestation of this interest occurred in the southern part of Mozambique, Lourenco Marques, when an intensified interest in modern education was shown by a large proportion of the African population. Since Europeans were then arguing that the reason why they were imposing their authority on the African people was because the latter were "primitive", and since part of this was demonstrated by the superior technological skills of the former, especially the power and accuracy of their weapons, the African people were beginning to believe that if they learned these techniques they might be able eventually to free themselves. Consequently, many Africans joined Christian churches, many s£nt their children to Christian mission schools, many thousands of young men accepted risking their lives in the gold, diamond and coal mines of the Transvaal, in order to improve themselves materially, etc. At first the Portuguese government applauded these efforts, and at times even encouraged them, saying that they were the means by which the African peoples could become "civilized", therefore, accepted into the power structure of the new society. But as time went on, the Portuguese began to perceive the future political significance of the African interest, and began to question the v/isdom of the encouragement which they were giving. When reading the history of the early missionaries, one notices several references to criticisms by v/hite settlers on educational policies carried out by some of the more enlightened Christian churches. There began to develop, for instance, a tendency for white settlers to rediscover virtue in being "primitive", for, they argued, a "native" is happy and contented when he lives by his own tradition. Why bother the conscience of the African with new values and needs when he is happy v/ith his own way of life, they would say. Yet at
Object Description
Description
Title | CENPA-170~02 |
Filename | CENPA-170~02.tiff |
Full text | THE STRUGGLE FOR INDEPENDENCE IN MOZAMBIQUE - Page 2. and Lourenco Marques. It was not until the very end of the 19th century that the Portuguese succeeded in subduing the various African armies which were under the leadership of divided African Kings. In my own are^—in the South, the last of the African^emperors was de- ^T feate_d IxC^pSQ.) Therefore, the presence of Portugal in Mozambique^ can only date from the time the last of mrr-resistance armies .waa-de-r feated,^namely, December 1898. This is the time when the general of the Mozambican army, Maguiguane, was killed after he had refused to surrender to The Portuguese. The emperorv--Sung'unyane, was then captured and deported to Portugal where he was kept in captivity until his death. Those Mozambicans who tried to continue to resist Portuguese authority were either exterminated or fled to the neighbouring countries of South Africa, the Rhodesias, Nyasaland and the then German East Africa, and in due time became part of the population of those countries. Meanwhile, the Portuguese government continued to consolidate their position in the rest of the country, until they had virtual control of the whole country. But at no time has there been such a complete acceptance of their authority as to obviate the use of the army or police in order to keep the African people under Portuguese sovereignty. One q£ the means by which PortugueSi^__authoritx_was imposed^ during the last 60 years was by breaking up our kingdoms into a multiplicity of chiefdoms, under carefully handpicked chiefsy petty chiefs_and^ headmen who were put under zne~jlTrec't supervision of Portugaese^whxte aciministrators, chiefs of jpost (chefes de posto). These administrators and chefes "de posto are responsible for seeing to it that Portuguese law and order is maintained and that every able- bodied African serves Portuguese interests. Thg African chieji is an instrument of the Po-rt-ngup^e government to carry out political, economic and social policies as set up in Portugal. as time went on, Africans began to learn some of the techniques of control employed by Europeans, such as education, involvement in the economic life of the country on an international level and to set themselves a place in the new power structure. The earliest manifestation of this interest occurred in the southern part of Mozambique, Lourenco Marques, when an intensified interest in modern education was shown by a large proportion of the African population. Since Europeans were then arguing that the reason why they were imposing their authority on the African people was because the latter were "primitive", and since part of this was demonstrated by the superior technological skills of the former, especially the power and accuracy of their weapons, the African people were beginning to believe that if they learned these techniques they might be able eventually to free themselves. Consequently, many Africans joined Christian churches, many s£nt their children to Christian mission schools, many thousands of young men accepted risking their lives in the gold, diamond and coal mines of the Transvaal, in order to improve themselves materially, etc. At first the Portuguese government applauded these efforts, and at times even encouraged them, saying that they were the means by which the African peoples could become "civilized", therefore, accepted into the power structure of the new society. But as time went on, the Portuguese began to perceive the future political significance of the African interest, and began to question the v/isdom of the encouragement which they were giving. When reading the history of the early missionaries, one notices several references to criticisms by v/hite settlers on educational policies carried out by some of the more enlightened Christian churches. There began to develop, for instance, a tendency for white settlers to rediscover virtue in being "primitive", for, they argued, a "native" is happy and contented when he lives by his own tradition. Why bother the conscience of the African with new values and needs when he is happy v/ith his own way of life, they would say. Yet at |
Archival file | Volume11/CENPA-170~02.tiff |