CENPA-167~06 |
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-6 - to the people of the Manjacaze region for two years. While I was taking agricultural training I learned some English privately. In 1944, I received a scholarship to study in a high school in northern Transvaal, where in 1947 I obtained the Matriculation Certificate of the South African Joint Matriculation hoard, This enabled me to enter Jan H. Hofmeyr School of Social Studies at Johannesburg in 1943. however, soon after entering Hofmeyr School I .was offered a private scholarship to enter the Mitwatersrand University at Milner Park, Johannesburg to continue -jt/ studies in the social sciences. In 1949 the Nationalist govenment, under Dr. Daniel F Malan, refused to renew my permit as a foreign student, obviously because I was a black student in a white university. On returning to Mozambique in October, 1949, the Portuguese government had me arrested for investigation. At that time I had organised an African students association which drew its membership from the few African secondary, commercial and technical school students of Mozambique. The government thought the organisation was really a political group, camouflaging as a socaial and academic group. They arrested as many of the meters■of that organisation as they culd and investigated them to determine whet relationship there.was between my expulsion from South Africa and the activities of the organisation. After three days and nights of constant questioning, in which the police covered every phase of my student life in South Africa, they drew up a report to the attorney general of the Portuguese Republic in Lisbon. A few months later the attorney general issued an analysis of the report with his office's conclusion which ran generally this way: (a) that I was politically a threat to the colony, but that since there was nothing definite about xay past history they Could not prefer charges against me; (b) that I had been infected with a Conmiunist virus, which might affect others, especially the young people who were members of my association; (c) that I had an embryonic spirit of black nationalism which should be uprooted as soon as possible, in order to prevent it from affecting others amongst the African people. The attorney general prescribed two major courses of action: (l) that I be put under strict surveyance by the police .and (2) that if possible I should be given a scholarship to study at a Portuguese university, in order, to keep me away from the African population, and to see if I can be cured of my intellectual and political proclivities. Meanwhile arrangements wore being made hy my friends in So-nth Africa and elsewhere to get me an independent scholarship so that I may go overseas to continue my. studies. By the time the Portuguese government came through with a scholarship offer I had already obtained one from the Phelps Stokes Fund of New York. I was then able to sail for Lisbon, in mid 1950, where I registered at the faculty of letters in the autumn of that same year. As far as I know I was the first black Mozambican to ever enter Lisbon University. It was here where for the first'time I met African intellectuals from Portuguese colonies. .They were'mostly from Cape Verde Islands, u-uinca (called Portuguese), Angola and St. Tome, in that order. Amongst these were the now well- knoxm leaders of the political movements of these same colonies, such as Dr. A Agostinho Neto, the physian, poet, president of the MPLA (Mcvimento Popular para a Libertacao de Angola): Mario Pinto de Andrade, the MPLA1 s.secretary for external j 0 relations; Amilcar Cabral, the Guinean agronomist, general secretary of .the Partido , . AfriQ^no da Independcia de Guine e Cabo Verde; and Marcelino dos Santos, our FRELIMO^ secretary for external relations and general secretary of the CONCP (Conference of the Nationalist Organizations of the Portuguese Colonies). -Mr Marcelino dos S-ntos wa s at the school of commerce in Lisbon, and Dr. Liahuca, a hysician now working with the Angolan refugees in Leopoldville, under the auspices of UPA (Union of the People of Angola). Although the encern of the majority of the students in Lisbon at that time was about the ordinary civil rights of Portuguese citizens, our political interests were clearly nationalistic, tie wanted Portugal to at least kcknowledge the right of self- determination for the people of all her colonies. We expressed our feelings in every means available;~tocus . For "example, Dr'. Agostinho Neto, who was already a recognised poet, wrote plaintive sonnets clamouring forire :,dom for the black man; Mario de Andrade had-facilities of expression in cultural and sociological essays relating to the African past, labile I concentrated on theuse of the spoken word in closed meetings of mostly students, faculty members, and some of the more liberal Portuguese, describing the contradiction of the Portuguese' colonial policies as I knew them in my own Mozambique. Consequently, we were constantly harrassed by the PIDE (Policia Internacional para a Defesa do Estade), Practically every uonth ray room was ransacked by the Police looking for documents, letters, pictures of I do notknow what, trying to find evidence.of what they were suspecting about my political views. The same applied to Neto, Andrade, ; Santos, Cabral, and meet of the African students at Lisbon.
Object Description
Description
Title | CENPA-167~06 |
Filename | CENPA-167~06.tiff |
Full text | -6 - to the people of the Manjacaze region for two years. While I was taking agricultural training I learned some English privately. In 1944, I received a scholarship to study in a high school in northern Transvaal, where in 1947 I obtained the Matriculation Certificate of the South African Joint Matriculation hoard, This enabled me to enter Jan H. Hofmeyr School of Social Studies at Johannesburg in 1943. however, soon after entering Hofmeyr School I .was offered a private scholarship to enter the Mitwatersrand University at Milner Park, Johannesburg to continue -jt/ studies in the social sciences. In 1949 the Nationalist govenment, under Dr. Daniel F Malan, refused to renew my permit as a foreign student, obviously because I was a black student in a white university. On returning to Mozambique in October, 1949, the Portuguese government had me arrested for investigation. At that time I had organised an African students association which drew its membership from the few African secondary, commercial and technical school students of Mozambique. The government thought the organisation was really a political group, camouflaging as a socaial and academic group. They arrested as many of the meters■of that organisation as they culd and investigated them to determine whet relationship there.was between my expulsion from South Africa and the activities of the organisation. After three days and nights of constant questioning, in which the police covered every phase of my student life in South Africa, they drew up a report to the attorney general of the Portuguese Republic in Lisbon. A few months later the attorney general issued an analysis of the report with his office's conclusion which ran generally this way: (a) that I was politically a threat to the colony, but that since there was nothing definite about xay past history they Could not prefer charges against me; (b) that I had been infected with a Conmiunist virus, which might affect others, especially the young people who were members of my association; (c) that I had an embryonic spirit of black nationalism which should be uprooted as soon as possible, in order to prevent it from affecting others amongst the African people. The attorney general prescribed two major courses of action: (l) that I be put under strict surveyance by the police .and (2) that if possible I should be given a scholarship to study at a Portuguese university, in order, to keep me away from the African population, and to see if I can be cured of my intellectual and political proclivities. Meanwhile arrangements wore being made hy my friends in So-nth Africa and elsewhere to get me an independent scholarship so that I may go overseas to continue my. studies. By the time the Portuguese government came through with a scholarship offer I had already obtained one from the Phelps Stokes Fund of New York. I was then able to sail for Lisbon, in mid 1950, where I registered at the faculty of letters in the autumn of that same year. As far as I know I was the first black Mozambican to ever enter Lisbon University. It was here where for the first'time I met African intellectuals from Portuguese colonies. .They were'mostly from Cape Verde Islands, u-uinca (called Portuguese), Angola and St. Tome, in that order. Amongst these were the now well- knoxm leaders of the political movements of these same colonies, such as Dr. A Agostinho Neto, the physian, poet, president of the MPLA (Mcvimento Popular para a Libertacao de Angola): Mario Pinto de Andrade, the MPLA1 s.secretary for external j 0 relations; Amilcar Cabral, the Guinean agronomist, general secretary of .the Partido , . AfriQ^no da Independcia de Guine e Cabo Verde; and Marcelino dos Santos, our FRELIMO^ secretary for external relations and general secretary of the CONCP (Conference of the Nationalist Organizations of the Portuguese Colonies). -Mr Marcelino dos S-ntos wa s at the school of commerce in Lisbon, and Dr. Liahuca, a hysician now working with the Angolan refugees in Leopoldville, under the auspices of UPA (Union of the People of Angola). Although the encern of the majority of the students in Lisbon at that time was about the ordinary civil rights of Portuguese citizens, our political interests were clearly nationalistic, tie wanted Portugal to at least kcknowledge the right of self- determination for the people of all her colonies. We expressed our feelings in every means available;~tocus . For "example, Dr'. Agostinho Neto, who was already a recognised poet, wrote plaintive sonnets clamouring forire :,dom for the black man; Mario de Andrade had-facilities of expression in cultural and sociological essays relating to the African past, labile I concentrated on theuse of the spoken word in closed meetings of mostly students, faculty members, and some of the more liberal Portuguese, describing the contradiction of the Portuguese' colonial policies as I knew them in my own Mozambique. Consequently, we were constantly harrassed by the PIDE (Policia Internacional para a Defesa do Estade), Practically every uonth ray room was ransacked by the Police looking for documents, letters, pictures of I do notknow what, trying to find evidence.of what they were suspecting about my political views. The same applied to Neto, Andrade, ; Santos, Cabral, and meet of the African students at Lisbon. |
Archival file | Volume11/CENPA-167~06.tiff |