The deliberative vigilance model of urban neighborhood reform: A case study of the North University Park Community Association 1977-1985 - Page 317 |
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311
landmark from demolition. The University finally
acknowledged and respected the place values so treasured by
the preservationist residents.
Thus, N U P C A 's history from its founding in 1978 to the
declination of the HPOZ designation in 1985 reveals the i
creation and functioning of a community organization which
based itself in both the township spirit and the mentality
of urbanism. What had been a voiceless community facing
immediate threats suddenly organized itself by gathering
together citizens centered around a consensus of place
values. The timing appeared uncanny with the city's
[approaching bicentennial and Olympics, as well as the
iemergence of the preservationist movement expressed in
groups such as the Los Angeles Conservancy and Keep Old Los
1IAngeles. Remarkably, the NAG successfully confronted and
fought against some of the C i t y 's most powerful
developmental interests and institutions, including the CRA,
' j
various municipal agencies, USC, real estate speculators, ;
and absentee landlords. A few strong, educated, middle
I
class leaders engaged themselves in a calculated battle and
schemed effective interventionist strategies through
planning legislation on national, states, and municipal
levels. Such a prolonged campaign demanded a tremendous
t
(amount of volunteer perseverance and commitment, as well as
Igrowing political savvy and legal knowledge. Obviously
neither the CRA, the Councilman, nor the University
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| Title | The deliberative vigilance model of urban neighborhood reform: A case study of the North University Park Community Association 1977-1985 - Page 317 |
| Repository email | cisadmin@lib.usc.edu |
| Full text | 311 landmark from demolition. The University finally acknowledged and respected the place values so treasured by the preservationist residents. Thus, N U P C A 's history from its founding in 1978 to the declination of the HPOZ designation in 1985 reveals the i creation and functioning of a community organization which based itself in both the township spirit and the mentality of urbanism. What had been a voiceless community facing immediate threats suddenly organized itself by gathering together citizens centered around a consensus of place values. The timing appeared uncanny with the city's [approaching bicentennial and Olympics, as well as the iemergence of the preservationist movement expressed in groups such as the Los Angeles Conservancy and Keep Old Los 1IAngeles. Remarkably, the NAG successfully confronted and fought against some of the C i t y 's most powerful developmental interests and institutions, including the CRA, ' j various municipal agencies, USC, real estate speculators, ; and absentee landlords. A few strong, educated, middle I class leaders engaged themselves in a calculated battle and schemed effective interventionist strategies through planning legislation on national, states, and municipal levels. Such a prolonged campaign demanded a tremendous t (amount of volunteer perseverance and commitment, as well as Igrowing political savvy and legal knowledge. Obviously neither the CRA, the Councilman, nor the University |
