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17
people” instead of celebrities (p. 491). Their study also showed that respondents who
watched more hours of reality television than other programming were more likely to
believe the behaviors in the reality dating shows are both acceptable and realistic (p.
490). They drew on social cognitive theory to argue that:
televised models may teach or remind viewers of appropriate norms or standards
for interpersonal conduct in particular contexts. This theory proposes that people
are not merely passive viewers of content but are cognizant consumers who
reflect, regulate, and vicariously learn from the material projected on television
(p. 491).
According to social cognitive theory, the viewer is proactive, self-reflecting and self-regulating,
and has the capacity to understanding the surrounding environment by
evaluating images and symbols attributing meaning to each. However, unlike cultivation
theory, which focuses on the total amount of television viewing, social cognitive theory
suggests the specific content of each program is important because the human brain
processes, retains and codes particular images (Bandura, 2009, pp. 121 – 138).
Specifically in reality television, a viewer sees a portrayal showcased as a “real” image,
and processes and codes that image as correct and acceptable in society. Similarly, when
viewing a television show that presents an occupational representation, the viewer also
processes and codes these portrayals as indicative of the real world professional. Social
cognitive theory’s main focus is how the individual viewer learns and processes
acceptable behavior through media exposure and representations.
While cultivation theory and social cognitive theory both approach how the media
affects its viewers from different standpoints, they both support the argument that the
media does impact the viewer. Therefore, one can assume that by watching repeated
Object Description
| Title | Power party girls, good looking crowds and one hellish boss: The portrayal of the female entertainment publicist on reality television |
| Author | Hashem, Camille Renée |
| Author email | chashem@usc.edu; chashem87@gmail.com |
| Degree | Master of Arts |
| Document type | Thesis |
| Degree program | Public Relations |
| School | Annenberg School for Communication |
| Date defended/completed | 2011-04-01 |
| Date submitted | 2011 |
| Restricted until | Unrestricted |
| Date published | 2011-05-03 |
| Advisor (committee chair) | Thorson, Kjerstin |
| Advisor (committee member) |
Floto, Jennifer Saltzman, Joseph |
| Abstract | This thesis is an examination of the portrayal of the female entertainment publicist shown in reality television. With the large success rate of Samantha Jones from Sex and the City in the 1990s, female interest in public relations has increased, and good or bad, Jones has served as one of the predominate images of the publicist in the entertainment industry. Those who have performed critical analysis of the image of the public relations practitioner have deemed these representations as showing negative characteristics of those in the profession. While there has been previous research on the image of public relations in media, analysis of the female entertainment publicist in reality television has been left untapped.; The project consisted of a content analysis as well as interviews with various women in entertainment public relations. Three reality television shows featuring female entertainment publicists were watched: MTV's PoweR Girls (2005), Bravo's Kell on Earth (2010) and E! Network's The Spin Crowd. After conducting this analysis, the author found that the female publicist is put in one of two gender categories, the masculine bitch or the overtly sexy "PR Bunny." Other findings inferred that the dominant images within each series suggested that public relations is overall an easy field to enter, with little or no experience or professionalism needed. Finally, although the three series had some subtle differences, public relations is still shown as a glamorous job.; Interviewee responses showed that the negative representations of entertainment publicists on reality television are not indicative of the real life job itself, but that media's representation of it has led others to believe false or skewed images of the profession. Since these three shows' target demographics include young women about make a career decision, the impact they may have on this demographic, and how it may affect the future of public relations and the expectations of those about the enter the industry, is also discussed. |
| Keyword | communication; entertainment; media; public relations; reality television |
| Geographic subject (country) | USA |
| Coverage date | 1990/2010 |
| Language | English |
| Part of collection | University of Southern California dissertations and theses |
| Publisher (of the original version) | University of Southern California |
| Place of publication (of the original version) | Los Angeles, California |
| Publisher (of the digital version) | University of Southern California. Libraries |
| Provenance | Electronically uploaded by the author |
| Type | texts |
| Legacy record ID | usctheses-m3875 |
| Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
| Rights | Hashem, Camille Renée |
| Repository name | Libraries, University of Southern California |
| Repository address | Los Angeles, California |
| Repository email | cisadmin@lib.usc.edu |
| Filename | etd-Hashem-4503 |
| Archival file | uscthesesreloadpub_Volume26/etd-Hashem-4503.pdf |
Description
| Title | Page 17 |
| Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
| Repository email | cisadmin@lib.usc.edu |
| Full text | 17 people” instead of celebrities (p. 491). Their study also showed that respondents who watched more hours of reality television than other programming were more likely to believe the behaviors in the reality dating shows are both acceptable and realistic (p. 490). They drew on social cognitive theory to argue that: televised models may teach or remind viewers of appropriate norms or standards for interpersonal conduct in particular contexts. This theory proposes that people are not merely passive viewers of content but are cognizant consumers who reflect, regulate, and vicariously learn from the material projected on television (p. 491). According to social cognitive theory, the viewer is proactive, self-reflecting and self-regulating, and has the capacity to understanding the surrounding environment by evaluating images and symbols attributing meaning to each. However, unlike cultivation theory, which focuses on the total amount of television viewing, social cognitive theory suggests the specific content of each program is important because the human brain processes, retains and codes particular images (Bandura, 2009, pp. 121 – 138). Specifically in reality television, a viewer sees a portrayal showcased as a “real” image, and processes and codes that image as correct and acceptable in society. Similarly, when viewing a television show that presents an occupational representation, the viewer also processes and codes these portrayals as indicative of the real world professional. Social cognitive theory’s main focus is how the individual viewer learns and processes acceptable behavior through media exposure and representations. While cultivation theory and social cognitive theory both approach how the media affects its viewers from different standpoints, they both support the argument that the media does impact the viewer. Therefore, one can assume that by watching repeated |
