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224
that regard. Hopf’s analysis suggests that within the state politics, national identity has a larger than previously assumed role in defining foreign policy objectives. The connection is built using the combination of identity formation theories which are similar to Calhunian conception of nationalism as discursive formation; and the institutional logic of foreign policy decision-making. Hopf argues that the flow of information through the state is subjected to the filtering processes inherent to organizational logic which is determined not only by operational code of the institution itself but also by the identity of the decision-maker. The latter, he continues, is determined in large part by the national identity of the individual intersubjectively defined vis-à-vis Other. Hopf’s model indicates that the foreign policy of states is determined primarily by the way the national identity of those state is constructed in relation to their “enemies” and “friends”. He introduces a distinct, 2-tier model for foreign policy decision-making where the bulk of responsibility for state’s behavior is determined by the national image, so to speak. (Hopf, 20002)
Prizel’s argument is closer to home in Kazakhstan. He identifies the relationship between the foreign policy decision-making and national identity but his take on the issue is more interactive than Hopf’s model can afford. He echoes Holm-Hansen argument that newly independent states have to resort to ethnic identity as one of the major means of uniting the society since there are no abiding institutions, and therefore make up for their inherent weakness by “tuning” policies to be more in line with national identity and also use foreign policy to re-define national consciousness. (Prizel, 1998) In fact, “national identity serves not only as the primary link between the individual and society, but
Object Description
| Title | Market reforms, foreign direct investment and national identity: Non-national identity of Kazakhstan |
| Author | Zhanalin, Azamat |
| Author email | janalin_a@yahoo.com; zhanalin@gmail.com |
| Degree | Doctor of Philosophy |
| Document type | Dissertation |
| Degree program | International Relations |
| School | College of Letters, Arts and Sciences |
| Date defended/completed | 2011-03-22 |
| Date submitted | 2011 |
| Restricted until | Unrestricted |
| Date published | 2011-04-29 |
| Advisor (committee chair) | English, Robert |
| Advisor (committee member) |
James, Patrick Rorlich, Azade-Ayse |
| Abstract | The present study offers an analysis of the concept of non-national identity in application to the Republic of Kazakhstan as the most likely case. The primary hypothesis is that newly independent states, which are undergoing a rapid transition to market economy and actively pursue integration in the world economy and foreign direct investment, will experience fragmentation of their national identity, defined as non-national identity.; Three sites in Kazakhstan, Almaty, Astana and Aktau, were chosen for the study as representative of the market reforms in the republic as well as the best examples of the country’s pursuit of foreign direct investment and integration into the global economy. The data collected indicates that while Kazakhstan does demonstrate fragmentation of its national identity, it is not necessarily caused by the market reforms and the participation in the global trade. Alternative causal variables such as the Soviet and Russian colonial legacy, intra-ethnic cleavages among the Kazakhs and the prevalence of multi-vector foreign policy were found to contribute to the development of non-national identity of Kazakhstan. The study’s results also suggest that in the last few years, Kazakh identity is experiencing a rather strong revival as well, which may yet counteract the existing factors leading to the emergence of the non-national identity of Kazakhstan. |
| Keyword | identity; nationalism; Kazakhstan; market reforms; globalization; foreign direct investment; national identity; countries in transition; foreign policy; culture; former Soviet Union; Central Asia; patronage networks; energy; oil; post-colonial legacy; nation-state |
| Geographic subject (city or populated place) | Almaty; Astana; Aktau |
| Geographic subject (country) | Kazakhstan |
| Coverage date | 1970/2010 |
| Language | English |
| Part of collection | University of Southern California dissertations and theses |
| Publisher (of the original version) | University of Southern California |
| Place of publication (of the original version) | Los Angeles, California |
| Publisher (of the digital version) | University of Southern California. Libraries |
| Provenance | Electronically uploaded by the author |
| Type | texts |
| Legacy record ID | usctheses-m3812 |
| Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
| Rights | Zhanalin, Azamat |
| Repository name | Libraries, University of Southern California |
| Repository address | Los Angeles, California |
| Repository email | cisadmin@lib.usc.edu |
| Filename | etd-Zhanalin-4506 |
| Archival file | uscthesesreloadpub_Volume51/etd-Zhanalin-4506.pdf |
Description
| Title | Page 230 |
| Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
| Repository email | cisadmin@lib.usc.edu |
| Full text | 224 that regard. Hopf’s analysis suggests that within the state politics, national identity has a larger than previously assumed role in defining foreign policy objectives. The connection is built using the combination of identity formation theories which are similar to Calhunian conception of nationalism as discursive formation; and the institutional logic of foreign policy decision-making. Hopf argues that the flow of information through the state is subjected to the filtering processes inherent to organizational logic which is determined not only by operational code of the institution itself but also by the identity of the decision-maker. The latter, he continues, is determined in large part by the national identity of the individual intersubjectively defined vis-à-vis Other. Hopf’s model indicates that the foreign policy of states is determined primarily by the way the national identity of those state is constructed in relation to their “enemies” and “friends”. He introduces a distinct, 2-tier model for foreign policy decision-making where the bulk of responsibility for state’s behavior is determined by the national image, so to speak. (Hopf, 20002) Prizel’s argument is closer to home in Kazakhstan. He identifies the relationship between the foreign policy decision-making and national identity but his take on the issue is more interactive than Hopf’s model can afford. He echoes Holm-Hansen argument that newly independent states have to resort to ethnic identity as one of the major means of uniting the society since there are no abiding institutions, and therefore make up for their inherent weakness by “tuning” policies to be more in line with national identity and also use foreign policy to re-define national consciousness. (Prizel, 1998) In fact, “national identity serves not only as the primary link between the individual and society, but |
