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215
Such high level of economic prosperity also translates into higher than average wages in Astana: residents in the capital earn about 1.5 times the average salary in Kazakhstan. Only the two oil-rich regions, Mangystau and Atyrau have higher average wages (about 2 times the republican average). Almaty is close 4th in this race for highest salaries in Kazakhstan. (Regiony Kazakhstana v 2009 godu, 2010, p. 113) Higher earnings lead to higher expenditures and hence a very vibrant economic activity in Astana.
The apparent wealth, presence of foreign entities, and the openness to the world intimate a possibility for developing non-national identity in Astana. The following section will examine if the main hypothesis has any relevance in the new capital of Kazakhstan.
Identity
Astana, like Almaty, has inauspicious origins: they both started as Russian military forts which later on grew into towns.310 However, unlike Almaty, Astana had a much longer history as a peripheral town except for the Virgin Lands campaign which significantly increased its population in the 1950s. Most of that population, as it was customary for Kazakhstan in those years, was non-Kazakh, in fact, it was predominantly Russian.311 Only after independence, with a massive Russian emigration to the Russian
310 Interesting fact, the early 19th century Kasym Khan’s uprising against Russian colonialism had directly involved Astana (Akmolinsk at the time) when his rebel forces stormed the fort.
311 In 1970, for example, only 23 thousand out of 181 thousand (12.7%) of inhabitants of Astana (then Tselinograd) were Kazakh (Itogi perepisi naseleniia 1999 goda po g. Astany, 2000, p. 9)
Object Description
| Title | Market reforms, foreign direct investment and national identity: Non-national identity of Kazakhstan |
| Author | Zhanalin, Azamat |
| Author email | janalin_a@yahoo.com; zhanalin@gmail.com |
| Degree | Doctor of Philosophy |
| Document type | Dissertation |
| Degree program | International Relations |
| School | College of Letters, Arts and Sciences |
| Date defended/completed | 2011-03-22 |
| Date submitted | 2011 |
| Restricted until | Unrestricted |
| Date published | 2011-04-29 |
| Advisor (committee chair) | English, Robert |
| Advisor (committee member) |
James, Patrick Rorlich, Azade-Ayse |
| Abstract | The present study offers an analysis of the concept of non-national identity in application to the Republic of Kazakhstan as the most likely case. The primary hypothesis is that newly independent states, which are undergoing a rapid transition to market economy and actively pursue integration in the world economy and foreign direct investment, will experience fragmentation of their national identity, defined as non-national identity.; Three sites in Kazakhstan, Almaty, Astana and Aktau, were chosen for the study as representative of the market reforms in the republic as well as the best examples of the country’s pursuit of foreign direct investment and integration into the global economy. The data collected indicates that while Kazakhstan does demonstrate fragmentation of its national identity, it is not necessarily caused by the market reforms and the participation in the global trade. Alternative causal variables such as the Soviet and Russian colonial legacy, intra-ethnic cleavages among the Kazakhs and the prevalence of multi-vector foreign policy were found to contribute to the development of non-national identity of Kazakhstan. The study’s results also suggest that in the last few years, Kazakh identity is experiencing a rather strong revival as well, which may yet counteract the existing factors leading to the emergence of the non-national identity of Kazakhstan. |
| Keyword | identity; nationalism; Kazakhstan; market reforms; globalization; foreign direct investment; national identity; countries in transition; foreign policy; culture; former Soviet Union; Central Asia; patronage networks; energy; oil; post-colonial legacy; nation-state |
| Geographic subject (city or populated place) | Almaty; Astana; Aktau |
| Geographic subject (country) | Kazakhstan |
| Coverage date | 1970/2010 |
| Language | English |
| Part of collection | University of Southern California dissertations and theses |
| Publisher (of the original version) | University of Southern California |
| Place of publication (of the original version) | Los Angeles, California |
| Publisher (of the digital version) | University of Southern California. Libraries |
| Provenance | Electronically uploaded by the author |
| Type | texts |
| Legacy record ID | usctheses-m3812 |
| Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
| Rights | Zhanalin, Azamat |
| Repository name | Libraries, University of Southern California |
| Repository address | Los Angeles, California |
| Repository email | cisadmin@lib.usc.edu |
| Filename | etd-Zhanalin-4506 |
| Archival file | uscthesesreloadpub_Volume51/etd-Zhanalin-4506.pdf |
Description
| Title | Page 221 |
| Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
| Repository email | cisadmin@lib.usc.edu |
| Full text | 215 Such high level of economic prosperity also translates into higher than average wages in Astana: residents in the capital earn about 1.5 times the average salary in Kazakhstan. Only the two oil-rich regions, Mangystau and Atyrau have higher average wages (about 2 times the republican average). Almaty is close 4th in this race for highest salaries in Kazakhstan. (Regiony Kazakhstana v 2009 godu, 2010, p. 113) Higher earnings lead to higher expenditures and hence a very vibrant economic activity in Astana. The apparent wealth, presence of foreign entities, and the openness to the world intimate a possibility for developing non-national identity in Astana. The following section will examine if the main hypothesis has any relevance in the new capital of Kazakhstan. Identity Astana, like Almaty, has inauspicious origins: they both started as Russian military forts which later on grew into towns.310 However, unlike Almaty, Astana had a much longer history as a peripheral town except for the Virgin Lands campaign which significantly increased its population in the 1950s. Most of that population, as it was customary for Kazakhstan in those years, was non-Kazakh, in fact, it was predominantly Russian.311 Only after independence, with a massive Russian emigration to the Russian 310 Interesting fact, the early 19th century Kasym Khan’s uprising against Russian colonialism had directly involved Astana (Akmolinsk at the time) when his rebel forces stormed the fort. 311 In 1970, for example, only 23 thousand out of 181 thousand (12.7%) of inhabitants of Astana (then Tselinograd) were Kazakh (Itogi perepisi naseleniia 1999 goda po g. Astany, 2000, p. 9) |
