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200 official rhetoric, civic identity dominates to insure stability in the multi-ethnic republic via the promotion of cultural diversity, tolerance 281 to differences, acceptance and mutual respect. Since 1995, Nazarbayev established the Assembly of the People of Kazakhstan,282 a council made up of the leaders of various ethnic and cultural groups in the country with the purpose of protecting the cultural diversity and promoting unity in the republic. While the Assembly has been granted official status as part of the government,283 it does not have any real decision-making or executive powers, having a solely advisory role with the president who serves as the chairman of the organization. Nonetheless, the Assembly is touted by the government as the defender of the multi-ethnic culture of Kazakhstan, having regular meetings to discuss various social and ethnic issues. Rather than using this as an access to grass roots society, Nazarbayev is officially using the Assembly as the tool for implementing the government policies via the member cultural organizations284. (Dave, 2007, p. 132) On the other hand, ethnic identity of the Kazakhs is defined as the core of the nation of Kazakhstan. Since 1997 Law of the Languages, the government recognized only the Kazakh language as the state language despite the strong opposition of the non- 281 The very word ‘tolerance’ (tolerantnost’ in Russian) became a catchword in official rhetoric and while it was virtually unknown some 15-20 years ago, now it is one of the most commonly used words in political vocabulary in Kazakhstan today (Interview with professor of linguistics, Astana, 6/30/2009) 282 Which until 2007 was actually called Assembly of the Peoples of Kazakhstan, i.e. implying existence of multiple ethnic groups in the country 283 Yet again, this reaffirms the official perspective on national identity of Kazakhstan as intrinsically intertwined with the state 284 Assembly is based on a large number of ethnic cultural centers throughout the country, which aim to serve various ethnic communities and raise their official status as a ‘minority’
Object Description
Title | Market reforms, foreign direct investment and national identity: Non-national identity of Kazakhstan |
Author | Zhanalin, Azamat |
Author email | janalin_a@yahoo.com; zhanalin@gmail.com |
Degree | Doctor of Philosophy |
Document type | Dissertation |
Degree program | International Relations |
School | College of Letters, Arts and Sciences |
Date defended/completed | 2011-03-22 |
Date submitted | 2011 |
Restricted until | Unrestricted |
Date published | 2011-04-29 |
Advisor (committee chair) | English, Robert |
Advisor (committee member) |
James, Patrick Rorlich, Azade-Ayse |
Abstract | The present study offers an analysis of the concept of non-national identity in application to the Republic of Kazakhstan as the most likely case. The primary hypothesis is that newly independent states, which are undergoing a rapid transition to market economy and actively pursue integration in the world economy and foreign direct investment, will experience fragmentation of their national identity, defined as non-national identity.; Three sites in Kazakhstan, Almaty, Astana and Aktau, were chosen for the study as representative of the market reforms in the republic as well as the best examples of the country’s pursuit of foreign direct investment and integration into the global economy. The data collected indicates that while Kazakhstan does demonstrate fragmentation of its national identity, it is not necessarily caused by the market reforms and the participation in the global trade. Alternative causal variables such as the Soviet and Russian colonial legacy, intra-ethnic cleavages among the Kazakhs and the prevalence of multi-vector foreign policy were found to contribute to the development of non-national identity of Kazakhstan. The study’s results also suggest that in the last few years, Kazakh identity is experiencing a rather strong revival as well, which may yet counteract the existing factors leading to the emergence of the non-national identity of Kazakhstan. |
Keyword | identity; nationalism; Kazakhstan; market reforms; globalization; foreign direct investment; national identity; countries in transition; foreign policy; culture; former Soviet Union; Central Asia; patronage networks; energy; oil; post-colonial legacy; nation-state |
Geographic subject (city or populated place) | Almaty; Astana; Aktau |
Geographic subject (country) | Kazakhstan |
Coverage date | 1970/2010 |
Language | English |
Part of collection | University of Southern California dissertations and theses |
Publisher (of the original version) | University of Southern California |
Place of publication (of the original version) | Los Angeles, California |
Publisher (of the digital version) | University of Southern California. Libraries |
Provenance | Electronically uploaded by the author |
Type | texts |
Legacy record ID | usctheses-m3812 |
Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
Rights | Zhanalin, Azamat |
Repository name | Libraries, University of Southern California |
Repository address | Los Angeles, California |
Repository email | cisadmin@lib.usc.edu |
Filename | etd-Zhanalin-4506 |
Archival file | uscthesesreloadpub_Volume51/etd-Zhanalin-4506.pdf |
Description
Title | Page 206 |
Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
Repository email | cisadmin@lib.usc.edu |
Full text | 200 official rhetoric, civic identity dominates to insure stability in the multi-ethnic republic via the promotion of cultural diversity, tolerance 281 to differences, acceptance and mutual respect. Since 1995, Nazarbayev established the Assembly of the People of Kazakhstan,282 a council made up of the leaders of various ethnic and cultural groups in the country with the purpose of protecting the cultural diversity and promoting unity in the republic. While the Assembly has been granted official status as part of the government,283 it does not have any real decision-making or executive powers, having a solely advisory role with the president who serves as the chairman of the organization. Nonetheless, the Assembly is touted by the government as the defender of the multi-ethnic culture of Kazakhstan, having regular meetings to discuss various social and ethnic issues. Rather than using this as an access to grass roots society, Nazarbayev is officially using the Assembly as the tool for implementing the government policies via the member cultural organizations284. (Dave, 2007, p. 132) On the other hand, ethnic identity of the Kazakhs is defined as the core of the nation of Kazakhstan. Since 1997 Law of the Languages, the government recognized only the Kazakh language as the state language despite the strong opposition of the non- 281 The very word ‘tolerance’ (tolerantnost’ in Russian) became a catchword in official rhetoric and while it was virtually unknown some 15-20 years ago, now it is one of the most commonly used words in political vocabulary in Kazakhstan today (Interview with professor of linguistics, Astana, 6/30/2009) 282 Which until 2007 was actually called Assembly of the Peoples of Kazakhstan, i.e. implying existence of multiple ethnic groups in the country 283 Yet again, this reaffirms the official perspective on national identity of Kazakhstan as intrinsically intertwined with the state 284 Assembly is based on a large number of ethnic cultural centers throughout the country, which aim to serve various ethnic communities and raise their official status as a ‘minority’ |