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136
on the USSR, Almaty received 24 various factories for manufacturing heavy machinery, textile and for food-processing. (Auezov & Kunaeva, 2009, p. 19)
Kazakhstan paid dearly for the economic progress under the Russian and Soviet control which also had practically destroyed the Kazakh traditional way of life. However, the country also gained Almaty which became an ultimate showcase of the benefits of the unequal partnership between the Kazakhs and Russia. This chapter will discuss some of them in more detail below.
Status
Almaty, as the rest of Kazakhstan, had experienced a significant economic decline during early years of sovereignty. While it did have a relatively developed industry, the former capital was still tied in the Soviet economy that ceased to exist. Just like in Aktau, the severance of economic relations with Russia, termination of Soviet subsidies and general confusion of the sudden independence, that the country was not prepared for, took a heavy toll on Almaty’s economy and society. Despite the political status as the capital, many of the Almaty’s manufactories shut down almost overnight with no paying customers.
For example, two of the largest Almaty plants, Almaty Cotton Textile Factory and Almaty Construction Factory had to wind down operation due to the lack of supplies and huge wage arrears. By 1997, the industrial output of the former capital shrunk to 45% of what it was in 1990 (i.e., reduced by 55%), which was even less than the average 50% decline of the entire country’s industrial output in the same time period. (Promyshlennost' Respubliki Kazakhstan za 1990-1997 gody, 1998, p. 22) Officially, the level of
Object Description
| Title | Market reforms, foreign direct investment and national identity: Non-national identity of Kazakhstan |
| Author | Zhanalin, Azamat |
| Author email | janalin_a@yahoo.com; zhanalin@gmail.com |
| Degree | Doctor of Philosophy |
| Document type | Dissertation |
| Degree program | International Relations |
| School | College of Letters, Arts and Sciences |
| Date defended/completed | 2011-03-22 |
| Date submitted | 2011 |
| Restricted until | Unrestricted |
| Date published | 2011-04-29 |
| Advisor (committee chair) | English, Robert |
| Advisor (committee member) |
James, Patrick Rorlich, Azade-Ayse |
| Abstract | The present study offers an analysis of the concept of non-national identity in application to the Republic of Kazakhstan as the most likely case. The primary hypothesis is that newly independent states, which are undergoing a rapid transition to market economy and actively pursue integration in the world economy and foreign direct investment, will experience fragmentation of their national identity, defined as non-national identity.; Three sites in Kazakhstan, Almaty, Astana and Aktau, were chosen for the study as representative of the market reforms in the republic as well as the best examples of the country’s pursuit of foreign direct investment and integration into the global economy. The data collected indicates that while Kazakhstan does demonstrate fragmentation of its national identity, it is not necessarily caused by the market reforms and the participation in the global trade. Alternative causal variables such as the Soviet and Russian colonial legacy, intra-ethnic cleavages among the Kazakhs and the prevalence of multi-vector foreign policy were found to contribute to the development of non-national identity of Kazakhstan. The study’s results also suggest that in the last few years, Kazakh identity is experiencing a rather strong revival as well, which may yet counteract the existing factors leading to the emergence of the non-national identity of Kazakhstan. |
| Keyword | identity; nationalism; Kazakhstan; market reforms; globalization; foreign direct investment; national identity; countries in transition; foreign policy; culture; former Soviet Union; Central Asia; patronage networks; energy; oil; post-colonial legacy; nation-state |
| Geographic subject (city or populated place) | Almaty; Astana; Aktau |
| Geographic subject (country) | Kazakhstan |
| Coverage date | 1970/2010 |
| Language | English |
| Part of collection | University of Southern California dissertations and theses |
| Publisher (of the original version) | University of Southern California |
| Place of publication (of the original version) | Los Angeles, California |
| Publisher (of the digital version) | University of Southern California. Libraries |
| Provenance | Electronically uploaded by the author |
| Type | texts |
| Legacy record ID | usctheses-m3812 |
| Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
| Rights | Zhanalin, Azamat |
| Repository name | Libraries, University of Southern California |
| Repository address | Los Angeles, California |
| Repository email | cisadmin@lib.usc.edu |
| Filename | etd-Zhanalin-4506 |
| Archival file | uscthesesreloadpub_Volume51/etd-Zhanalin-4506.pdf |
Description
| Title | Page 142 |
| Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
| Repository email | cisadmin@lib.usc.edu |
| Full text | 136 on the USSR, Almaty received 24 various factories for manufacturing heavy machinery, textile and for food-processing. (Auezov & Kunaeva, 2009, p. 19) Kazakhstan paid dearly for the economic progress under the Russian and Soviet control which also had practically destroyed the Kazakh traditional way of life. However, the country also gained Almaty which became an ultimate showcase of the benefits of the unequal partnership between the Kazakhs and Russia. This chapter will discuss some of them in more detail below. Status Almaty, as the rest of Kazakhstan, had experienced a significant economic decline during early years of sovereignty. While it did have a relatively developed industry, the former capital was still tied in the Soviet economy that ceased to exist. Just like in Aktau, the severance of economic relations with Russia, termination of Soviet subsidies and general confusion of the sudden independence, that the country was not prepared for, took a heavy toll on Almaty’s economy and society. Despite the political status as the capital, many of the Almaty’s manufactories shut down almost overnight with no paying customers. For example, two of the largest Almaty plants, Almaty Cotton Textile Factory and Almaty Construction Factory had to wind down operation due to the lack of supplies and huge wage arrears. By 1997, the industrial output of the former capital shrunk to 45% of what it was in 1990 (i.e., reduced by 55%), which was even less than the average 50% decline of the entire country’s industrial output in the same time period. (Promyshlennost' Respubliki Kazakhstan za 1990-1997 gody, 1998, p. 22) Officially, the level of |
