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89
as a heavy burden on the Russian economy
113 and blamed, in part or in whole, for the economic hardships that bankrupted the Soviet Union. Aktau, one of the prime examples of the pan-Soviet industrial efforts found itself without any support of the Center (i.e., Russia) and without any customers for its factories and manufactories which were built to supply consumers who were now located outside of independent Kazakhstan. The town, built and inhabited by thousands of people from beyond Kazakhstan, essentially became a town of expatriates without a job. (Utebaeva & al, 2003, p. 37) Region as a whole has dramatically reduced its production output as it could be seen in Figure 5 below, and dipped below the average for the entire republic which also suffered a deep economic recession as the result of the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Plus, if the rest of the country had a comparatively well-developed agriculture, Mangystau did not as it has been discussed above – in particular because the farmers there depended on subsidies from the local industrial enterprises which quite obviously could no longer provide it in the early 90s. In other words, the gap in terms of job opportunities and wealth generation between the country and Mangystau region was likely to be much larger than Figure 5 suggests.
113 The Russian administration in the early 1990s considered Kazakhstan as part of the “heavy ‘ballast’ of backward, conservative and culturally ‘alien’ Central Asian Societies.” (Kortunov, 1998, p. 8)
Object Description
| Title | Market reforms, foreign direct investment and national identity: Non-national identity of Kazakhstan |
| Author | Zhanalin, Azamat |
| Author email | janalin_a@yahoo.com; zhanalin@gmail.com |
| Degree | Doctor of Philosophy |
| Document type | Dissertation |
| Degree program | International Relations |
| School | College of Letters, Arts and Sciences |
| Date defended/completed | 2011-03-22 |
| Date submitted | 2011 |
| Restricted until | Unrestricted |
| Date published | 2011-04-29 |
| Advisor (committee chair) | English, Robert |
| Advisor (committee member) |
James, Patrick Rorlich, Azade-Ayse |
| Abstract | The present study offers an analysis of the concept of non-national identity in application to the Republic of Kazakhstan as the most likely case. The primary hypothesis is that newly independent states, which are undergoing a rapid transition to market economy and actively pursue integration in the world economy and foreign direct investment, will experience fragmentation of their national identity, defined as non-national identity.; Three sites in Kazakhstan, Almaty, Astana and Aktau, were chosen for the study as representative of the market reforms in the republic as well as the best examples of the country’s pursuit of foreign direct investment and integration into the global economy. The data collected indicates that while Kazakhstan does demonstrate fragmentation of its national identity, it is not necessarily caused by the market reforms and the participation in the global trade. Alternative causal variables such as the Soviet and Russian colonial legacy, intra-ethnic cleavages among the Kazakhs and the prevalence of multi-vector foreign policy were found to contribute to the development of non-national identity of Kazakhstan. The study’s results also suggest that in the last few years, Kazakh identity is experiencing a rather strong revival as well, which may yet counteract the existing factors leading to the emergence of the non-national identity of Kazakhstan. |
| Keyword | identity; nationalism; Kazakhstan; market reforms; globalization; foreign direct investment; national identity; countries in transition; foreign policy; culture; former Soviet Union; Central Asia; patronage networks; energy; oil; post-colonial legacy; nation-state |
| Geographic subject (city or populated place) | Almaty; Astana; Aktau |
| Geographic subject (country) | Kazakhstan |
| Coverage date | 1970/2010 |
| Language | English |
| Part of collection | University of Southern California dissertations and theses |
| Publisher (of the original version) | University of Southern California |
| Place of publication (of the original version) | Los Angeles, California |
| Publisher (of the digital version) | University of Southern California. Libraries |
| Provenance | Electronically uploaded by the author |
| Type | texts |
| Legacy record ID | usctheses-m3812 |
| Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
| Rights | Zhanalin, Azamat |
| Repository name | Libraries, University of Southern California |
| Repository address | Los Angeles, California |
| Repository email | cisadmin@lib.usc.edu |
| Filename | etd-Zhanalin-4506 |
| Archival file | uscthesesreloadpub_Volume51/etd-Zhanalin-4506.pdf |
Description
| Title | Page 95 |
| Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
| Repository email | cisadmin@lib.usc.edu |
| Full text | 89 as a heavy burden on the Russian economy 113 and blamed, in part or in whole, for the economic hardships that bankrupted the Soviet Union. Aktau, one of the prime examples of the pan-Soviet industrial efforts found itself without any support of the Center (i.e., Russia) and without any customers for its factories and manufactories which were built to supply consumers who were now located outside of independent Kazakhstan. The town, built and inhabited by thousands of people from beyond Kazakhstan, essentially became a town of expatriates without a job. (Utebaeva & al, 2003, p. 37) Region as a whole has dramatically reduced its production output as it could be seen in Figure 5 below, and dipped below the average for the entire republic which also suffered a deep economic recession as the result of the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Plus, if the rest of the country had a comparatively well-developed agriculture, Mangystau did not as it has been discussed above – in particular because the farmers there depended on subsidies from the local industrial enterprises which quite obviously could no longer provide it in the early 90s. In other words, the gap in terms of job opportunities and wealth generation between the country and Mangystau region was likely to be much larger than Figure 5 suggests. 113 The Russian administration in the early 1990s considered Kazakhstan as part of the “heavy ‘ballast’ of backward, conservative and culturally ‘alien’ Central Asian Societies.” (Kortunov, 1998, p. 8) |
