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81
discriminatory Steppe Statute curtailing nomadic migration paths was passed, many Russian troops were stationed in the region ahead of its introduction and even then they were not able to suppress a massive Adai uprising in 1870. (Olcott M. , 1995, p. 81)
Since Adai’s desert land presented very little value for agriculture,94 and due to their militancy and resistance they were mostly left to their own devices with exception of a few military expeditions further into Central Asia and a fort built in the region. This, of course, was a coin of two sides: while most of the other Kazakhs were actively pulled into trade with Russia, Adais were not, thus remaining on the sideline of the economic reforms in the steppe. (Olcott M. , 1995, pp. 80-82) It is interesting to note that the resistance of Adai to the Russian colonialism was so fierce that their rebellions were first among all Kazakh tribes to be recognized in Soviet historiography after many years of silence on this topic. (Ibid, p. 109)
Furthermore, until the 1920s, Russia handled Mangystau separately from the Kazakh Steppe and as a part of the Caspian region which included modern Turkmenistan. (Olcott M. , 1995, p. 82) Indeed, until the mid 17th century the region was inhabited by Turkmen tribes but by the time Russia had arrived in the Kazakh steppe, Mangystau was already under the control of militant Adai. However, since Adai were relatively free of interference – until 1869, Adais were not subjected to Russian control (Kenesbaeva, 2010) – and since there were quite a few Turkmen left in the region (still are), the Russian colonial administration attached them to the Turkmen administrative territorial
94 In 2010, agriculture contributed 0.3% of total GDP of the Mangystau Oblast, and even in absolute terms, it is 10 times less than the second lowest oblast’s contribution of agriculture to the republican GDP (Valovyi regional'nyy produkt Kazakhstana za 9 mesiatsev 2010 goda, 2010).
Object Description
| Title | Market reforms, foreign direct investment and national identity: Non-national identity of Kazakhstan |
| Author | Zhanalin, Azamat |
| Author email | janalin_a@yahoo.com; zhanalin@gmail.com |
| Degree | Doctor of Philosophy |
| Document type | Dissertation |
| Degree program | International Relations |
| School | College of Letters, Arts and Sciences |
| Date defended/completed | 2011-03-22 |
| Date submitted | 2011 |
| Restricted until | Unrestricted |
| Date published | 2011-04-29 |
| Advisor (committee chair) | English, Robert |
| Advisor (committee member) |
James, Patrick Rorlich, Azade-Ayse |
| Abstract | The present study offers an analysis of the concept of non-national identity in application to the Republic of Kazakhstan as the most likely case. The primary hypothesis is that newly independent states, which are undergoing a rapid transition to market economy and actively pursue integration in the world economy and foreign direct investment, will experience fragmentation of their national identity, defined as non-national identity.; Three sites in Kazakhstan, Almaty, Astana and Aktau, were chosen for the study as representative of the market reforms in the republic as well as the best examples of the country’s pursuit of foreign direct investment and integration into the global economy. The data collected indicates that while Kazakhstan does demonstrate fragmentation of its national identity, it is not necessarily caused by the market reforms and the participation in the global trade. Alternative causal variables such as the Soviet and Russian colonial legacy, intra-ethnic cleavages among the Kazakhs and the prevalence of multi-vector foreign policy were found to contribute to the development of non-national identity of Kazakhstan. The study’s results also suggest that in the last few years, Kazakh identity is experiencing a rather strong revival as well, which may yet counteract the existing factors leading to the emergence of the non-national identity of Kazakhstan. |
| Keyword | identity; nationalism; Kazakhstan; market reforms; globalization; foreign direct investment; national identity; countries in transition; foreign policy; culture; former Soviet Union; Central Asia; patronage networks; energy; oil; post-colonial legacy; nation-state |
| Geographic subject (city or populated place) | Almaty; Astana; Aktau |
| Geographic subject (country) | Kazakhstan |
| Coverage date | 1970/2010 |
| Language | English |
| Part of collection | University of Southern California dissertations and theses |
| Publisher (of the original version) | University of Southern California |
| Place of publication (of the original version) | Los Angeles, California |
| Publisher (of the digital version) | University of Southern California. Libraries |
| Provenance | Electronically uploaded by the author |
| Type | texts |
| Legacy record ID | usctheses-m3812 |
| Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
| Rights | Zhanalin, Azamat |
| Repository name | Libraries, University of Southern California |
| Repository address | Los Angeles, California |
| Repository email | cisadmin@lib.usc.edu |
| Filename | etd-Zhanalin-4506 |
| Archival file | uscthesesreloadpub_Volume51/etd-Zhanalin-4506.pdf |
Description
| Title | Page 87 |
| Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
| Repository email | cisadmin@lib.usc.edu |
| Full text | 81 discriminatory Steppe Statute curtailing nomadic migration paths was passed, many Russian troops were stationed in the region ahead of its introduction and even then they were not able to suppress a massive Adai uprising in 1870. (Olcott M. , 1995, p. 81) Since Adai’s desert land presented very little value for agriculture,94 and due to their militancy and resistance they were mostly left to their own devices with exception of a few military expeditions further into Central Asia and a fort built in the region. This, of course, was a coin of two sides: while most of the other Kazakhs were actively pulled into trade with Russia, Adais were not, thus remaining on the sideline of the economic reforms in the steppe. (Olcott M. , 1995, pp. 80-82) It is interesting to note that the resistance of Adai to the Russian colonialism was so fierce that their rebellions were first among all Kazakh tribes to be recognized in Soviet historiography after many years of silence on this topic. (Ibid, p. 109) Furthermore, until the 1920s, Russia handled Mangystau separately from the Kazakh Steppe and as a part of the Caspian region which included modern Turkmenistan. (Olcott M. , 1995, p. 82) Indeed, until the mid 17th century the region was inhabited by Turkmen tribes but by the time Russia had arrived in the Kazakh steppe, Mangystau was already under the control of militant Adai. However, since Adai were relatively free of interference – until 1869, Adais were not subjected to Russian control (Kenesbaeva, 2010) – and since there were quite a few Turkmen left in the region (still are), the Russian colonial administration attached them to the Turkmen administrative territorial 94 In 2010, agriculture contributed 0.3% of total GDP of the Mangystau Oblast, and even in absolute terms, it is 10 times less than the second lowest oblast’s contribution of agriculture to the republican GDP (Valovyi regional'nyy produkt Kazakhstana za 9 mesiatsev 2010 goda, 2010). |
