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66 economic development was initially sought via re-integration with Russia 76 and, once that failed, via attracting foreign investment. The latter was quite successful, in fact, Kazakhstan ranks highest in terms of FDI among the former Soviet Bloc countries, second only to Hungary. (Cummings, 2005, p. 32) However, opening up to foreign direct investment made Kazakhstan vulnerable to the forces of the global market economy and penetration of globalized/internationalized culture. • The Soviet legacy left Kazakhstan with a fairly well developed and functional government bureaucracy. Initially, many commandeering positions in the army, government, and economy were occupied by non-Kazakhs (especially by Russians) who were gradually replaced with ethnic Kazakhs both before and after independence. As a result, the political structure of Kazakhstan in the 1990s became fairly homogenous ethnically, forming a core ethnic group at the helm of the country and diminishing political clout and social mobility of the Russian minority. The disempowerment77 of the Russian-speaking minority is a usual fare throughout the former Soviet Union but it is especially significant in Kazakhstan because the Russians still constitute a considerable part of the population78. 76 Soviet economic policies integrated Kazakhstan as a resource base into the Russian economy, making it extremely difficult for Kazakhstan to disentangle itself from Russia after independence 77 Which is the other side of ethnic revival of the titular nationalities 78 Slightly less than 40% in 1999 census as opposed to 50% in 1989 (Dave, 2007, p. 128)
Object Description
Title | Market reforms, foreign direct investment and national identity: Non-national identity of Kazakhstan |
Author | Zhanalin, Azamat |
Author email | janalin_a@yahoo.com; zhanalin@gmail.com |
Degree | Doctor of Philosophy |
Document type | Dissertation |
Degree program | International Relations |
School | College of Letters, Arts and Sciences |
Date defended/completed | 2011-03-22 |
Date submitted | 2011 |
Restricted until | Unrestricted |
Date published | 2011-04-29 |
Advisor (committee chair) | English, Robert |
Advisor (committee member) |
James, Patrick Rorlich, Azade-Ayse |
Abstract | The present study offers an analysis of the concept of non-national identity in application to the Republic of Kazakhstan as the most likely case. The primary hypothesis is that newly independent states, which are undergoing a rapid transition to market economy and actively pursue integration in the world economy and foreign direct investment, will experience fragmentation of their national identity, defined as non-national identity.; Three sites in Kazakhstan, Almaty, Astana and Aktau, were chosen for the study as representative of the market reforms in the republic as well as the best examples of the country’s pursuit of foreign direct investment and integration into the global economy. The data collected indicates that while Kazakhstan does demonstrate fragmentation of its national identity, it is not necessarily caused by the market reforms and the participation in the global trade. Alternative causal variables such as the Soviet and Russian colonial legacy, intra-ethnic cleavages among the Kazakhs and the prevalence of multi-vector foreign policy were found to contribute to the development of non-national identity of Kazakhstan. The study’s results also suggest that in the last few years, Kazakh identity is experiencing a rather strong revival as well, which may yet counteract the existing factors leading to the emergence of the non-national identity of Kazakhstan. |
Keyword | identity; nationalism; Kazakhstan; market reforms; globalization; foreign direct investment; national identity; countries in transition; foreign policy; culture; former Soviet Union; Central Asia; patronage networks; energy; oil; post-colonial legacy; nation-state |
Geographic subject (city or populated place) | Almaty; Astana; Aktau |
Geographic subject (country) | Kazakhstan |
Coverage date | 1970/2010 |
Language | English |
Part of collection | University of Southern California dissertations and theses |
Publisher (of the original version) | University of Southern California |
Place of publication (of the original version) | Los Angeles, California |
Publisher (of the digital version) | University of Southern California. Libraries |
Provenance | Electronically uploaded by the author |
Type | texts |
Legacy record ID | usctheses-m3812 |
Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
Rights | Zhanalin, Azamat |
Repository name | Libraries, University of Southern California |
Repository address | Los Angeles, California |
Repository email | cisadmin@lib.usc.edu |
Filename | etd-Zhanalin-4506 |
Archival file | uscthesesreloadpub_Volume51/etd-Zhanalin-4506.pdf |
Description
Title | Page 72 |
Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
Repository email | cisadmin@lib.usc.edu |
Full text | 66 economic development was initially sought via re-integration with Russia 76 and, once that failed, via attracting foreign investment. The latter was quite successful, in fact, Kazakhstan ranks highest in terms of FDI among the former Soviet Bloc countries, second only to Hungary. (Cummings, 2005, p. 32) However, opening up to foreign direct investment made Kazakhstan vulnerable to the forces of the global market economy and penetration of globalized/internationalized culture. • The Soviet legacy left Kazakhstan with a fairly well developed and functional government bureaucracy. Initially, many commandeering positions in the army, government, and economy were occupied by non-Kazakhs (especially by Russians) who were gradually replaced with ethnic Kazakhs both before and after independence. As a result, the political structure of Kazakhstan in the 1990s became fairly homogenous ethnically, forming a core ethnic group at the helm of the country and diminishing political clout and social mobility of the Russian minority. The disempowerment77 of the Russian-speaking minority is a usual fare throughout the former Soviet Union but it is especially significant in Kazakhstan because the Russians still constitute a considerable part of the population78. 76 Soviet economic policies integrated Kazakhstan as a resource base into the Russian economy, making it extremely difficult for Kazakhstan to disentangle itself from Russia after independence 77 Which is the other side of ethnic revival of the titular nationalities 78 Slightly less than 40% in 1999 census as opposed to 50% in 1989 (Dave, 2007, p. 128) |