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49
Latvia, Horowitz’s dilemma is avoided as one of the groups is essentially denied access to economic resources to engage in such a conflict. (Kolstø, 1999, p. 315)
Holm-Hansen contribution to the same Kolsto’s volume elaborates: while on the one hand the government of Kazakhstan favors the Kazakhs in terms of political mobility with attendant economic benefits; on the other it manages to divide and control the opposition of non-titular nationalities, identified as a “Russophones.” The latter includes not only ethnic Russians but also Russian-speaking minorities. Holm-Hansen defines this approach to ethnic relations as the policy of multiple re-ethnification which is very closely associated with the ancient maxim ‘divide and conquer’ (a time-honored tradition in the Soviet Union, as well) as it helps to reassert self-identification of the various Russian-speaking ethnic groups, thus dividing them into distinct groups such as Russians, Ukrainians, and Germans. The purpose of such re-ethnification policy is to disrupt the cohesion of unified Russophone community and thus weaken their ability to present a single front and challenge the Kazakh-dominated state. (Holm-Hansen, 1999) However, both Kolsto and Holm-Hansen dismiss the internal cleavages (i.e., clan identities) among the Kazakhs as a source of their weakness.
Still, Kolsto’s volume establishes an important fact: civic nationalism as such is not really possible on the territory of the former Soviet Union due to the lack of necessary preconditions – democratic practices and habits (Holm-Hansen, 1999, p. 156), which is supported in the research of others. (Agadjanian, 2001) They do not mean to say that civic nationalism is impossible in principle but that it will not meet with success in the near future and none of the existing governments there will choose such a path. There is
Object Description
| Title | Market reforms, foreign direct investment and national identity: Non-national identity of Kazakhstan |
| Author | Zhanalin, Azamat |
| Author email | janalin_a@yahoo.com; zhanalin@gmail.com |
| Degree | Doctor of Philosophy |
| Document type | Dissertation |
| Degree program | International Relations |
| School | College of Letters, Arts and Sciences |
| Date defended/completed | 2011-03-22 |
| Date submitted | 2011 |
| Restricted until | Unrestricted |
| Date published | 2011-04-29 |
| Advisor (committee chair) | English, Robert |
| Advisor (committee member) |
James, Patrick Rorlich, Azade-Ayse |
| Abstract | The present study offers an analysis of the concept of non-national identity in application to the Republic of Kazakhstan as the most likely case. The primary hypothesis is that newly independent states, which are undergoing a rapid transition to market economy and actively pursue integration in the world economy and foreign direct investment, will experience fragmentation of their national identity, defined as non-national identity.; Three sites in Kazakhstan, Almaty, Astana and Aktau, were chosen for the study as representative of the market reforms in the republic as well as the best examples of the country’s pursuit of foreign direct investment and integration into the global economy. The data collected indicates that while Kazakhstan does demonstrate fragmentation of its national identity, it is not necessarily caused by the market reforms and the participation in the global trade. Alternative causal variables such as the Soviet and Russian colonial legacy, intra-ethnic cleavages among the Kazakhs and the prevalence of multi-vector foreign policy were found to contribute to the development of non-national identity of Kazakhstan. The study’s results also suggest that in the last few years, Kazakh identity is experiencing a rather strong revival as well, which may yet counteract the existing factors leading to the emergence of the non-national identity of Kazakhstan. |
| Keyword | identity; nationalism; Kazakhstan; market reforms; globalization; foreign direct investment; national identity; countries in transition; foreign policy; culture; former Soviet Union; Central Asia; patronage networks; energy; oil; post-colonial legacy; nation-state |
| Geographic subject (city or populated place) | Almaty; Astana; Aktau |
| Geographic subject (country) | Kazakhstan |
| Coverage date | 1970/2010 |
| Language | English |
| Part of collection | University of Southern California dissertations and theses |
| Publisher (of the original version) | University of Southern California |
| Place of publication (of the original version) | Los Angeles, California |
| Publisher (of the digital version) | University of Southern California. Libraries |
| Provenance | Electronically uploaded by the author |
| Type | texts |
| Legacy record ID | usctheses-m3812 |
| Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
| Rights | Zhanalin, Azamat |
| Repository name | Libraries, University of Southern California |
| Repository address | Los Angeles, California |
| Repository email | cisadmin@lib.usc.edu |
| Filename | etd-Zhanalin-4506 |
| Archival file | uscthesesreloadpub_Volume51/etd-Zhanalin-4506.pdf |
Description
| Title | Page 55 |
| Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
| Repository email | cisadmin@lib.usc.edu |
| Full text | 49 Latvia, Horowitz’s dilemma is avoided as one of the groups is essentially denied access to economic resources to engage in such a conflict. (Kolstø, 1999, p. 315) Holm-Hansen contribution to the same Kolsto’s volume elaborates: while on the one hand the government of Kazakhstan favors the Kazakhs in terms of political mobility with attendant economic benefits; on the other it manages to divide and control the opposition of non-titular nationalities, identified as a “Russophones.” The latter includes not only ethnic Russians but also Russian-speaking minorities. Holm-Hansen defines this approach to ethnic relations as the policy of multiple re-ethnification which is very closely associated with the ancient maxim ‘divide and conquer’ (a time-honored tradition in the Soviet Union, as well) as it helps to reassert self-identification of the various Russian-speaking ethnic groups, thus dividing them into distinct groups such as Russians, Ukrainians, and Germans. The purpose of such re-ethnification policy is to disrupt the cohesion of unified Russophone community and thus weaken their ability to present a single front and challenge the Kazakh-dominated state. (Holm-Hansen, 1999) However, both Kolsto and Holm-Hansen dismiss the internal cleavages (i.e., clan identities) among the Kazakhs as a source of their weakness. Still, Kolsto’s volume establishes an important fact: civic nationalism as such is not really possible on the territory of the former Soviet Union due to the lack of necessary preconditions – democratic practices and habits (Holm-Hansen, 1999, p. 156), which is supported in the research of others. (Agadjanian, 2001) They do not mean to say that civic nationalism is impossible in principle but that it will not meet with success in the near future and none of the existing governments there will choose such a path. There is |
