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47
ethnic identity eroded by the Soviet system as they were in the early 20th century with the impact of Russian colonization on Kazakh traditions. The difference is that now no external power attempts to inhibit nation-building efforts in the republic. Indeed, Kazakhstan became independent not by its choice but by default when the Soviet Union was disbanded in 1991 by a decision made by the presidents of Russia, Ukraine and Belorussia. The important insight that these two studies offer is that Kazakh ethnic identity dates back to an earlier date than suggested by the Soviet origin of Central Asian republics model discussed above and explains why modern nationalists in independent Kazakhstan frequently invoke the names and idea of pre-Revolutionary intellectuals to legitimize Kazakh nationhood.
However, the general consensus in the academia regarding the ethnic identities in Central Asia since the 1991 is that they are being constructed purposefully and persistently by the leaders of the new-born nations, especially by the means of “iconography of the new regimes, the privileged status accorded to the local languages, newly revised histories and the exclusion of member of non-eponymous groups from the echelons of power.” (Smith, Law, Wilson, Bohr, & Allworth, 1998, p. 139) Early literature on the nationalism in the region tends to support this scenario. Svangberg provides a brief description of the nationalization program in Kazakhstan marked by the re-writing of history, symbolism of the new street names and new holidays, and points out to an increased Kazakh chauvinism that drives other ethnic groups, most particularly Russians, to leave the republic. (1996) Similarly, one of Olcott’s many studies of Kazakhstan offers another brief discussion of an elite-led nationalism and argues that the
Object Description
| Title | Market reforms, foreign direct investment and national identity: Non-national identity of Kazakhstan |
| Author | Zhanalin, Azamat |
| Author email | janalin_a@yahoo.com; zhanalin@gmail.com |
| Degree | Doctor of Philosophy |
| Document type | Dissertation |
| Degree program | International Relations |
| School | College of Letters, Arts and Sciences |
| Date defended/completed | 2011-03-22 |
| Date submitted | 2011 |
| Restricted until | Unrestricted |
| Date published | 2011-04-29 |
| Advisor (committee chair) | English, Robert |
| Advisor (committee member) |
James, Patrick Rorlich, Azade-Ayse |
| Abstract | The present study offers an analysis of the concept of non-national identity in application to the Republic of Kazakhstan as the most likely case. The primary hypothesis is that newly independent states, which are undergoing a rapid transition to market economy and actively pursue integration in the world economy and foreign direct investment, will experience fragmentation of their national identity, defined as non-national identity.; Three sites in Kazakhstan, Almaty, Astana and Aktau, were chosen for the study as representative of the market reforms in the republic as well as the best examples of the country’s pursuit of foreign direct investment and integration into the global economy. The data collected indicates that while Kazakhstan does demonstrate fragmentation of its national identity, it is not necessarily caused by the market reforms and the participation in the global trade. Alternative causal variables such as the Soviet and Russian colonial legacy, intra-ethnic cleavages among the Kazakhs and the prevalence of multi-vector foreign policy were found to contribute to the development of non-national identity of Kazakhstan. The study’s results also suggest that in the last few years, Kazakh identity is experiencing a rather strong revival as well, which may yet counteract the existing factors leading to the emergence of the non-national identity of Kazakhstan. |
| Keyword | identity; nationalism; Kazakhstan; market reforms; globalization; foreign direct investment; national identity; countries in transition; foreign policy; culture; former Soviet Union; Central Asia; patronage networks; energy; oil; post-colonial legacy; nation-state |
| Geographic subject (city or populated place) | Almaty; Astana; Aktau |
| Geographic subject (country) | Kazakhstan |
| Coverage date | 1970/2010 |
| Language | English |
| Part of collection | University of Southern California dissertations and theses |
| Publisher (of the original version) | University of Southern California |
| Place of publication (of the original version) | Los Angeles, California |
| Publisher (of the digital version) | University of Southern California. Libraries |
| Provenance | Electronically uploaded by the author |
| Type | texts |
| Legacy record ID | usctheses-m3812 |
| Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
| Rights | Zhanalin, Azamat |
| Repository name | Libraries, University of Southern California |
| Repository address | Los Angeles, California |
| Repository email | cisadmin@lib.usc.edu |
| Filename | etd-Zhanalin-4506 |
| Archival file | uscthesesreloadpub_Volume51/etd-Zhanalin-4506.pdf |
Description
| Title | Page 53 |
| Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
| Repository email | cisadmin@lib.usc.edu |
| Full text | 47 ethnic identity eroded by the Soviet system as they were in the early 20th century with the impact of Russian colonization on Kazakh traditions. The difference is that now no external power attempts to inhibit nation-building efforts in the republic. Indeed, Kazakhstan became independent not by its choice but by default when the Soviet Union was disbanded in 1991 by a decision made by the presidents of Russia, Ukraine and Belorussia. The important insight that these two studies offer is that Kazakh ethnic identity dates back to an earlier date than suggested by the Soviet origin of Central Asian republics model discussed above and explains why modern nationalists in independent Kazakhstan frequently invoke the names and idea of pre-Revolutionary intellectuals to legitimize Kazakh nationhood. However, the general consensus in the academia regarding the ethnic identities in Central Asia since the 1991 is that they are being constructed purposefully and persistently by the leaders of the new-born nations, especially by the means of “iconography of the new regimes, the privileged status accorded to the local languages, newly revised histories and the exclusion of member of non-eponymous groups from the echelons of power.” (Smith, Law, Wilson, Bohr, & Allworth, 1998, p. 139) Early literature on the nationalism in the region tends to support this scenario. Svangberg provides a brief description of the nationalization program in Kazakhstan marked by the re-writing of history, symbolism of the new street names and new holidays, and points out to an increased Kazakh chauvinism that drives other ethnic groups, most particularly Russians, to leave the republic. (1996) Similarly, one of Olcott’s many studies of Kazakhstan offers another brief discussion of an elite-led nationalism and argues that the |
