Page 14 |
Save page Remove page | Previous | 14 of 265 | Next |
|
small (250x250 max)
medium (500x500 max)
Large (1000x1000 max)
Extra Large
large ( > 500x500)
Full Resolution
All (PDF)
|
This page
All
|
8
territory inhabited by the Kazakh nomads was defined by a set of environmental conditions, specific to the Kazakh land. It is 90% plains (including 40% deserts) and most of it is severely arid. (Masanov N. , 1995, p. 47) In such conditions, only pastoral nomadic economy was feasible (Kshibekov, 2006, p. 41).
In its turn, this specific economic model defined a specific community, culture and traditions. The nomads formed small, tightly knit communities called aul that survived off the huge tracts of land by using it as pasture for a large number of livestock that supplied them with everything needed to survive in the inhospitable steppe environment: food, drink and raw materials for crafts, i.e. tools, cloth, housing, ornaments, cultural implements. (Kshibekov, 2006, p. 45) The nomads developed an intimate knowledge of the land and the environment. Such skills were developed to a level of reflex when the elders where able predict weather based on their empirical observations and instincts without the help of any modern scientific methods or instruments.13 (Kshibekov, 2006, p. 15) This valuable knowledge, accumulated over thousands of years of nomadic way of life, was passed from generation to generation, forging a sense of continuity and community, affirming the importance of lineage. (Masanov N. , 1995, p. 239)
Contacts with other nomads were so rare due to large distances separating them, that every such occasion became extremely valued, further reinforcing the sense of community between them. Even a visit from a stranger was a cause for celebration, and
13 As a matter of fact, the ability to predict weather is still present in rural areas, confirmed by an official of Agriculture Department, Mangystau Oblast Administration, 8/4/2009, where the harsh climate and pastoral nomadic Kazakhs in sufficient numbers were able to preserve such traditional skills.
Object Description
| Title | Market reforms, foreign direct investment and national identity: Non-national identity of Kazakhstan |
| Author | Zhanalin, Azamat |
| Author email | janalin_a@yahoo.com; zhanalin@gmail.com |
| Degree | Doctor of Philosophy |
| Document type | Dissertation |
| Degree program | International Relations |
| School | College of Letters, Arts and Sciences |
| Date defended/completed | 2011-03-22 |
| Date submitted | 2011 |
| Restricted until | Unrestricted |
| Date published | 2011-04-29 |
| Advisor (committee chair) | English, Robert |
| Advisor (committee member) |
James, Patrick Rorlich, Azade-Ayse |
| Abstract | The present study offers an analysis of the concept of non-national identity in application to the Republic of Kazakhstan as the most likely case. The primary hypothesis is that newly independent states, which are undergoing a rapid transition to market economy and actively pursue integration in the world economy and foreign direct investment, will experience fragmentation of their national identity, defined as non-national identity.; Three sites in Kazakhstan, Almaty, Astana and Aktau, were chosen for the study as representative of the market reforms in the republic as well as the best examples of the country’s pursuit of foreign direct investment and integration into the global economy. The data collected indicates that while Kazakhstan does demonstrate fragmentation of its national identity, it is not necessarily caused by the market reforms and the participation in the global trade. Alternative causal variables such as the Soviet and Russian colonial legacy, intra-ethnic cleavages among the Kazakhs and the prevalence of multi-vector foreign policy were found to contribute to the development of non-national identity of Kazakhstan. The study’s results also suggest that in the last few years, Kazakh identity is experiencing a rather strong revival as well, which may yet counteract the existing factors leading to the emergence of the non-national identity of Kazakhstan. |
| Keyword | identity; nationalism; Kazakhstan; market reforms; globalization; foreign direct investment; national identity; countries in transition; foreign policy; culture; former Soviet Union; Central Asia; patronage networks; energy; oil; post-colonial legacy; nation-state |
| Geographic subject (city or populated place) | Almaty; Astana; Aktau |
| Geographic subject (country) | Kazakhstan |
| Coverage date | 1970/2010 |
| Language | English |
| Part of collection | University of Southern California dissertations and theses |
| Publisher (of the original version) | University of Southern California |
| Place of publication (of the original version) | Los Angeles, California |
| Publisher (of the digital version) | University of Southern California. Libraries |
| Provenance | Electronically uploaded by the author |
| Type | texts |
| Legacy record ID | usctheses-m3812 |
| Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
| Rights | Zhanalin, Azamat |
| Repository name | Libraries, University of Southern California |
| Repository address | Los Angeles, California |
| Repository email | cisadmin@lib.usc.edu |
| Filename | etd-Zhanalin-4506 |
| Archival file | uscthesesreloadpub_Volume51/etd-Zhanalin-4506.pdf |
Description
| Title | Page 14 |
| Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
| Repository email | cisadmin@lib.usc.edu |
| Full text | 8 territory inhabited by the Kazakh nomads was defined by a set of environmental conditions, specific to the Kazakh land. It is 90% plains (including 40% deserts) and most of it is severely arid. (Masanov N. , 1995, p. 47) In such conditions, only pastoral nomadic economy was feasible (Kshibekov, 2006, p. 41). In its turn, this specific economic model defined a specific community, culture and traditions. The nomads formed small, tightly knit communities called aul that survived off the huge tracts of land by using it as pasture for a large number of livestock that supplied them with everything needed to survive in the inhospitable steppe environment: food, drink and raw materials for crafts, i.e. tools, cloth, housing, ornaments, cultural implements. (Kshibekov, 2006, p. 45) The nomads developed an intimate knowledge of the land and the environment. Such skills were developed to a level of reflex when the elders where able predict weather based on their empirical observations and instincts without the help of any modern scientific methods or instruments.13 (Kshibekov, 2006, p. 15) This valuable knowledge, accumulated over thousands of years of nomadic way of life, was passed from generation to generation, forging a sense of continuity and community, affirming the importance of lineage. (Masanov N. , 1995, p. 239) Contacts with other nomads were so rare due to large distances separating them, that every such occasion became extremely valued, further reinforcing the sense of community between them. Even a visit from a stranger was a cause for celebration, and 13 As a matter of fact, the ability to predict weather is still present in rural areas, confirmed by an official of Agriculture Department, Mangystau Oblast Administration, 8/4/2009, where the harsh climate and pastoral nomadic Kazakhs in sufficient numbers were able to preserve such traditional skills. |
