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171
notices in both Spanish and English. At times, however, information from the school
was only provided in English, a major barrier for parents who do not read or speak
English. In the description of the Mendoza family, I included Diana’s description of
her strategy for delegating homework assistance to her oldest daughter because she
could read and write in English. Diana also relied on Vivian to translate school
notices, a difficult task for Vivian given her difficulty in reading:
Cuando vienen los papeles en inglés, ella es la que los lee y es la que me dice:
“mamá es para esto y esto.” Y digo: “Ok, ya lo firmo.” Y cuando es ella, que
hay que firmarle un papel a ella, le digo: “espéreme; explíqueme por qué
tengo que firmar este papel, sino no se lo firmo.” Sí, porque sino, no voy a
saber ni qué es.
When I get papers in English, she [Vivian] would read them and say, “Mom,
it is for this and this.” I say, “Okay,” and I would sign them. And whenever I
need to sign a paper for her, I would be like, “Wait a moment. Explain to me
why do I need to sign this paper, otherwise I won’t sign it.” Otherwise I will
never know what it is all about.
Without the support of her daughters, Diana would be largely cut off from the school
community and unable to gather the information she needed to participate in her
daughters’ educations. The language disconnect is one example of what has been
described as a “linguistic barrier” by Phelan et al.19 and elaborated by Stanton-
Salazar. He describes linguistic barriers as discourses and practices that invalidate
bilingualism and frame use and development of the students’ home language as
problematic. As Stanton-Salazar describes, linguistic barriers, along with
sociocultural, socioeconomic, and structural barriers, “operate to problematize and
even thwart access to institutional support and therefore to key institutional
resources.”20
Object Description
| Title | Kids as cultural producers: consumption, literacy, and participation |
| Author | Stephenson, Rebecca Herr |
| Author email | rherr@usc.edu; bhs@hri.uci.edu |
| Degree | Doctor of Philosophy |
| Document type | Dissertation |
| Degree program | Communication |
| School | Annenberg School for Communication |
| Date defended/completed | 2008-08-25 |
| Date submitted | 2008 |
| Restricted until | Unrestricted |
| Date published | 2008-10-17 |
| Advisor (committee chair) | Banet-Weiser, Sarah |
| Advisor (committee member) |
Gross, Larry Seiter, Ellen |
| Abstract | This dissertation looks closely at the practice of digital media production within a group of special education students and their teachers. Using ethnographic methods of extended participant observation and semi-structured interviews with students, teachers, and parents, along with textual analysis of students' media projects, this work examines the types of learning that emerge from making media at school and the ways in which that learning relates to media and technology use in everyday life. Over the course of one school year (2005-2006), the students who are the focus of this dissertation undertook eight different multimedia production projects, ranging from designing PowerPoint presentations to digital video production and stop-motion animation. Through media production, the students found opportunities to practice traditional and digital literacy skills as well as to explore issues of identity and self-expression.; This dissertation provides empirical support for recommendations made by several media literacy scholars to include media production as part of critical media literacy curricula and contributes a unique case study -- one situated in special education -- to a growing body of work on digital literacy. Three interdisciplinary themes--consumption, literacy, and participation -- are used to organize the description and analysis of the students' media production activities. These themes connect the specific production that took place in the classroom to larger discourses about youth, media, technology, education, and access, working to complicate existing constructions of young people as either helpless victims of manipulative media or naturally savvy media and technology users. Instead, this research emphasizes that the relationships kids have with media and technology are complex, dynamic, intrinsically linked to their identities as consumers and participants in society. Media literacy is thus theorized as a tool for understanding and controlling consumption, participation, and the construction of young people as both current and future citizens. |
| Keyword | media literacy; media production; special education; middle school; digital media |
| Geographic subject (city or populated place) | Los Angeles |
| Coverage date | 2005/2006 |
| Language | English |
| Part of collection | University of Southern California dissertations and theses |
| Publisher (of the original version) | University of Southern California |
| Place of publication (of the original version) | Los Angeles, California |
| Publisher (of the digital version) | University of Southern California. Libraries |
| Provenance | Electronically uploaded by the author |
| Type | texts |
| Legacy record ID | usctheses-m1674 |
| Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
| Rights | Stephenson, Rebecca Herr |
| Repository name | Libraries, University of Southern California |
| Repository address | Los Angeles, California |
| Repository email | cisadmin@lib.usc.edu |
| Filename | etd-Stephenson-2393 |
| Archival file | uscthesesreloadpub_Volume29/etd-Stephenson-2393.pdf |
Description
| Title | Page 176 |
| Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
| Repository email | cisadmin@lib.usc.edu |
| Full text | 171 notices in both Spanish and English. At times, however, information from the school was only provided in English, a major barrier for parents who do not read or speak English. In the description of the Mendoza family, I included Diana’s description of her strategy for delegating homework assistance to her oldest daughter because she could read and write in English. Diana also relied on Vivian to translate school notices, a difficult task for Vivian given her difficulty in reading: Cuando vienen los papeles en inglés, ella es la que los lee y es la que me dice: “mamá es para esto y esto.” Y digo: “Ok, ya lo firmo.” Y cuando es ella, que hay que firmarle un papel a ella, le digo: “espéreme; explíqueme por qué tengo que firmar este papel, sino no se lo firmo.” Sí, porque sino, no voy a saber ni qué es. When I get papers in English, she [Vivian] would read them and say, “Mom, it is for this and this.” I say, “Okay,” and I would sign them. And whenever I need to sign a paper for her, I would be like, “Wait a moment. Explain to me why do I need to sign this paper, otherwise I won’t sign it.” Otherwise I will never know what it is all about. Without the support of her daughters, Diana would be largely cut off from the school community and unable to gather the information she needed to participate in her daughters’ educations. The language disconnect is one example of what has been described as a “linguistic barrier” by Phelan et al.19 and elaborated by Stanton- Salazar. He describes linguistic barriers as discourses and practices that invalidate bilingualism and frame use and development of the students’ home language as problematic. As Stanton-Salazar describes, linguistic barriers, along with sociocultural, socioeconomic, and structural barriers, “operate to problematize and even thwart access to institutional support and therefore to key institutional resources.”20 |
