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40 supporter for Chávez and the UFW. Although their support (and that of Chávez and the UFW for the BPP) would rise and fall depending on the strength of the organizations and intra-organizational politics, the BPP saw the UFW as part of the larger struggle of oppressed working-class people against capitalist exploitation.71 The UFW’s success at garnering national attention and support marked a crucial moment in the burgeoning Chicano Movement. As Rodolfo Acuña states, the influence of Chávez and the UFW in developing Chicano consciousness “cannot be overestimated. Chávez and the farmworkers gave youth a cause, symbols, and a national space to claim their presence in the national civil rights movement. Chávez’s fasts and state and corporate violence heightened anger and polemics, which are fodder of a movement. In turn, Chicano youth and the large Mexican-origin community gave the farmworkers an urban constituency.”72 Thus it was possible for different Chicano organizations to accomplish community-building on the basis of some shared experiences. As Laura Pulido notes: One of the legacies of el movimiento was the creation of a consolidated regional identity among Chicanas/os. Given the geographic concentration of Mexican Americans in the Southwest at the time, it was inevitable that political activity would be spacially concentrated. This led Chicana/o activists across the region to begin seeing themselves as one people with a common heritage. Like Japanese Americans, Chicanas/os had to figure out who they were and how they fit into a bipolar racial structure. Mexican Americans were neither white nor Black, and although nominally more accepted by whites, they had a low socioeconomic position and were even more politically marginalized than Blacks.73
Object Description
Title | "As shelters against the cold": women writers of the Black Arts and Chicano movements, 1965-1978 |
Author | Ryder, Ulli Kira |
Author email | uryder@usc.edu; uryder@gmail.com |
Degree | Doctor of Philosophy |
Document type | Dissertation |
Degree program | American Studies & Ethnicity |
School | College of Letters, Arts and Sciences |
Date defended/completed | 2008-08-27 |
Date submitted | 2008 |
Restricted until | Restricted until 27 October 2010. |
Date published | 2010-10-27 |
Advisor (committee chair) | McKenna, Teresa |
Advisor (committee member) |
Sanchez, George J. Johnson, Dana |
Abstract | This dissertation examines the work of women writers in the Black Arts and Chicano movements during the years 1965-1978. I argue that understanding the intersectional nature of the women's experiences is crucial for understanding their literary output. Further, I argue that Chicanas and African American women of this era challenged homogenous notions of community and racial identity and that we can trace the development of the Third World feminism and multiculturalism that came to the fore in the 1980s to this earlier period. Thus, this study also impacts the way we conceptualize identity formation and the creation of the literary canon. Investigating the ways in which these women integrated nationalist and feminist rhetoric and activism in their work is crucial for a full understanding of this critical period in U.S. history. At stake is an understanding of how Chicana and African American women in the United States have formed identities and communities; struggled for liberation and equality; and become part of the U.S. literary canon. |
Keyword | Black Power; Black Arts movement; Chicano movement; civil rights; racial identity formation; womanism; borderlands theory; feminism; Third World feminism; nationalism; intersectionality |
Geographic subject (country) | USA |
Coverage date | 1965/1978 |
Language | English |
Part of collection | University of Southern California dissertations and theses |
Publisher (of the original version) | University of Southern California |
Place of publication (of the original version) | Los Angeles, California |
Publisher (of the digital version) | University of Southern California. Libraries |
Provenance | Electronically uploaded by the author |
Type | texts |
Legacy record ID | usctheses-m1698 |
Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
Rights | Ryder, Ulli Kira |
Repository name | Libraries, University of Southern California |
Repository address | Los Angeles, California |
Repository email | cisadmin@lib.usc.edu |
Filename | etd-Ryder-2415 |
Archival file | uscthesesreloadpub_Volume40/etd-Ryder-2415.pdf |
Description
Title | Page 45 |
Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
Repository email | cisadmin@lib.usc.edu |
Full text | 40 supporter for Chávez and the UFW. Although their support (and that of Chávez and the UFW for the BPP) would rise and fall depending on the strength of the organizations and intra-organizational politics, the BPP saw the UFW as part of the larger struggle of oppressed working-class people against capitalist exploitation.71 The UFW’s success at garnering national attention and support marked a crucial moment in the burgeoning Chicano Movement. As Rodolfo Acuña states, the influence of Chávez and the UFW in developing Chicano consciousness “cannot be overestimated. Chávez and the farmworkers gave youth a cause, symbols, and a national space to claim their presence in the national civil rights movement. Chávez’s fasts and state and corporate violence heightened anger and polemics, which are fodder of a movement. In turn, Chicano youth and the large Mexican-origin community gave the farmworkers an urban constituency.”72 Thus it was possible for different Chicano organizations to accomplish community-building on the basis of some shared experiences. As Laura Pulido notes: One of the legacies of el movimiento was the creation of a consolidated regional identity among Chicanas/os. Given the geographic concentration of Mexican Americans in the Southwest at the time, it was inevitable that political activity would be spacially concentrated. This led Chicana/o activists across the region to begin seeing themselves as one people with a common heritage. Like Japanese Americans, Chicanas/os had to figure out who they were and how they fit into a bipolar racial structure. Mexican Americans were neither white nor Black, and although nominally more accepted by whites, they had a low socioeconomic position and were even more politically marginalized than Blacks.73 |