Page 24 |
Save page Remove page | Previous | 24 of 200 | Next |
|
small (250x250 max)
medium (500x500 max)
Large (1000x1000 max)
Extra Large
large ( > 500x500)
Full Resolution
All (PDF)
|
This page
All
|
19
of the inner cities, the cities began to suffer from increasing levels of
neglect that are still apparent today. The government (federal, state and
local) helped subsidize White Flight by offering incentives to suburban
white homebuyers and instituting restrictive covenants. In addition,
blacks (and other minorities) were prevented from obtaining mortgages
due to discriminatory lending policies.13 These institutional inequities
helped ensure that the suburbs became all-white enclaves.
The abandonment of the inner cities by whites was compounded by
the exodus of manufacturing to suburban and foreign locales which
resulted in predominantly non-white, under-employed, poor inner cities
that suffered from (and continue to suffer from) substandard schools and
other infrastructure. As Bullard and Lee document in Residential
Apartheid:
Federal mortgage subsidies facilitated white movement out
of the cities, at the same time that federal restrictions made
lending difficult to African Americans desiring to move to
the suburbs. Such policies fueled the white exodus to the
suburbs and accelerated the abandonment of central cities.
Federal tax dollars funded the construction of freeway and
interstate highways systems. . . the nation’s apartheid-type
policies have meant community displacement,
gentrification, limited mobility, reduced housing options
and residential packages, decreased environmental choices,
and diminished job opportunities for those who live in
cities, while good jobs often move to the suburbs.14
Additionally, increased crime was met with an increased police
presence that would be characterized as an “occupying army” by many
blacks.15 These conditions gave rise to a variety of black activist
Object Description
| Title | "As shelters against the cold": women writers of the Black Arts and Chicano movements, 1965-1978 |
| Author | Ryder, Ulli Kira |
| Author email | uryder@usc.edu; uryder@gmail.com |
| Degree | Doctor of Philosophy |
| Document type | Dissertation |
| Degree program | American Studies & Ethnicity |
| School | College of Letters, Arts and Sciences |
| Date defended/completed | 2008-08-27 |
| Date submitted | 2008 |
| Restricted until | Restricted until 27 October 2010. |
| Date published | 2010-10-27 |
| Advisor (committee chair) | McKenna, Teresa |
| Advisor (committee member) |
Sanchez, George J. Johnson, Dana |
| Abstract | This dissertation examines the work of women writers in the Black Arts and Chicano movements during the years 1965-1978. I argue that understanding the intersectional nature of the women's experiences is crucial for understanding their literary output. Further, I argue that Chicanas and African American women of this era challenged homogenous notions of community and racial identity and that we can trace the development of the Third World feminism and multiculturalism that came to the fore in the 1980s to this earlier period. Thus, this study also impacts the way we conceptualize identity formation and the creation of the literary canon. Investigating the ways in which these women integrated nationalist and feminist rhetoric and activism in their work is crucial for a full understanding of this critical period in U.S. history. At stake is an understanding of how Chicana and African American women in the United States have formed identities and communities; struggled for liberation and equality; and become part of the U.S. literary canon. |
| Keyword | Black Power; Black Arts movement; Chicano movement; civil rights; racial identity formation; womanism; borderlands theory; feminism; Third World feminism; nationalism; intersectionality |
| Geographic subject (country) | USA |
| Coverage date | 1965/1978 |
| Language | English |
| Part of collection | University of Southern California dissertations and theses |
| Publisher (of the original version) | University of Southern California |
| Place of publication (of the original version) | Los Angeles, California |
| Publisher (of the digital version) | University of Southern California. Libraries |
| Provenance | Electronically uploaded by the author |
| Type | texts |
| Legacy record ID | usctheses-m1698 |
| Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
| Rights | Ryder, Ulli Kira |
| Repository name | Libraries, University of Southern California |
| Repository address | Los Angeles, California |
| Repository email | cisadmin@lib.usc.edu |
| Filename | etd-Ryder-2415 |
| Archival file | uscthesesreloadpub_Volume40/etd-Ryder-2415.pdf |
Description
| Title | Page 24 |
| Contributing entity | University of Southern California |
| Repository email | cisadmin@lib.usc.edu |
| Full text | 19 of the inner cities, the cities began to suffer from increasing levels of neglect that are still apparent today. The government (federal, state and local) helped subsidize White Flight by offering incentives to suburban white homebuyers and instituting restrictive covenants. In addition, blacks (and other minorities) were prevented from obtaining mortgages due to discriminatory lending policies.13 These institutional inequities helped ensure that the suburbs became all-white enclaves. The abandonment of the inner cities by whites was compounded by the exodus of manufacturing to suburban and foreign locales which resulted in predominantly non-white, under-employed, poor inner cities that suffered from (and continue to suffer from) substandard schools and other infrastructure. As Bullard and Lee document in Residential Apartheid: Federal mortgage subsidies facilitated white movement out of the cities, at the same time that federal restrictions made lending difficult to African Americans desiring to move to the suburbs. Such policies fueled the white exodus to the suburbs and accelerated the abandonment of central cities. Federal tax dollars funded the construction of freeway and interstate highways systems. . . the nation’s apartheid-type policies have meant community displacement, gentrification, limited mobility, reduced housing options and residential packages, decreased environmental choices, and diminished job opportunities for those who live in cities, while good jobs often move to the suburbs.14 Additionally, increased crime was met with an increased police presence that would be characterized as an “occupying army” by many blacks.15 These conditions gave rise to a variety of black activist |
