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cry abcct tl-.o vegnlavilv cl' .-Wdge 'Douglas' mini-
* " " intended to deceive thu people,
o tioiT^ntiion made nt Baltimore.
Lion was disrupted and destroyed
.* , ;'; iis'.t cut-- i.v.--. l.,.ch presenter
Tl*r*
The
Two
idi:
comnu-tidod ii ticket* to be suppuvVcd by tlvc pec
pie of the United States. I support Breckb:
ridge and Lane because they represent my
principles. I oppose Douglas and Johnson because I am opposed Ui the principles upon which
they are presented to t.he country. I c**>v,0Sl
Bell aud Everett, and Lincoln and flaWlin for the
Sl'KKCH Ol.' I'lrllC
HON. CALHOUN ttENHAM,
DELIVERED
ir:iHMis-HA.V, -AViiTSV 29TH,
same reason. I havi
contest, lam for Hi
last and all the tin
swim, survive or per
they represent. 1 h
loice in the
1 Lane first,
I to sink or
ud the part;
both intimately.
They are worthy of the great honor that hits
been conferred on them by the Democracy ol
the Union.
Our standard bearer, John C. Breckinridge,
is one of the great men of the earth. He has
every quality toconstilute the gre»t statesman
andthe patriot. Let the resuit of this contest
lie what it may, place him in the Presidential
chair or leave him in the position
to whi ■ ■ • ■ • - - -
he ha
elevated bi
t tab&et -ol
ri
President
er and dis-
itness and
.ted he will
Mts. Again
and again tie n-.\\ |„. presented us the representative of democratic principles in this Republic;
and I vUi)ve 110 (i„iibt ol his Inline elevation to
tbe Presidency, even if he is not elected now, it
Ood shouldpreserve his life to his country. '
His associate ou tbe ticket, General Lane, is
■well known lo you all. Aa a soldier and a patriot, lie haa no -superior. As my worthy col-
* league in legislating tor this Pacific coast for
many years, 1 houor him. I kuow him to be
able, equal to the position for which he has
been Dominated, and that he wiil honor it if
elected to fill it. He is the friend of California
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 1800,
FelloW-CiWiSSS :-- -The obliging remarks with
which ttiy old friend, your President, haa been
kind enough to present nic to you, attribute to
ine a power to instruct and please 1 am not permitted to pretend to; such power as I have
however, I cheerfully undertake to exert----aii-d
with that spirit of enthusiasm and -zeal with
which all worthy supporters of otlr distinguished
nominees arc lull informed.
In undertaking to address yon on this bee*
sion I am assuming an office I 'cannot dtk'q'uateh
perform. A very di-stibg'iisked gentleman froo
my own city-*-the Hen. Prank Till'-r-h was ti
to me he has deferred that pleasure
ege to another occasion. Vibou he
himself of that privilege he wilt do it
i-ility and an eloquence which ;nive al-
ie nta name familiar to the people of
h illuminate and warm every
X'retoVoreenb.eedthi! honor
of those dclegales ai.'lii'i.-iNjuenilv, It majority
ol Htutes, ;ys cai,*' ou *-;*. r.-ps-cscuicd, and had
a voice in 'de*,1.*:.'.,tig the action of 'Amt Committee
■ fl(Q Vict and decided Gjj a platform as an exposition of the "views and principles of the party,
and reported it, their report was accepted and
adopted, as of course, by the Convent ion. f Voice,
"' Hurrah for Breckinridge !" Laughter and applause."] That was the UStigB, ttutt was the law
of lbe Democratic party, I law as fairly establishing the rule--as unchangeable it should
have heen. as the La?N ott&e HMei und Persians,
his a law tbat hit ftVrt b.en held sacred in the
i.*emo*crati'! party mud these recent tunes. It
iViis reserved for these times for that sacred law
to be disregarded. Wheu the platforfn decided
on In- that Committee at the Oharlesbm Cuii'—i-
liun was brought in, and as _\„. • :.:;:,„ ,,, ot the
paVlv wh ■ r "!■>■-■,--Mi ] anl iinritatively presented to tfiftl body andthe country, the friends of
Mr.Douglas-inaamucIiaBthe platform waa un-
of ati the delegates, present and absent, must
con eu !*!.o m ilili mile, ai ul that no less can nonwuttt..
In the face of it Mr. Douglas waa declared t.he
nominee of the Convention at Baltimore, when
he did not receive Iwo-UiiVds of all the voles.
No he did hot receive them. More than tbat,
bis friends der. hived by ib,.!,* aCiiohs. within ten
hev
■ \AE licit
We i
and oi Cal
may say,
of Cali for i
actedtoge
measures for our mutual eon
good and through evil repor
test, in this State la oonoerai
have im doubt of the result.
of the leaders who were v,
the masses will stand firm,
peilse with the leaders. We ha
100 many of tbein in our party,
leaders do not control the mat
pie understand these questions, i
for themselves. Thev decided i
1856, and in 1859, io favor of t
principles thai are embodied in
of Breckiu ridge and Lane. Thf
tht. same way in 18G0, in my
My so decisive a majority that hr
look upon the political f.>el:ii[*
as so firmly' fixed in favor of tl
and measures. 1
ch the representative
f Oregon. We have
boulder, in pressing
islituencies, through
rt. So far as thc com
citizi
eady ma(
the State an
iiibjeet his i
Gentleme; ______________________________________
of speaking tothe citizens of Pan Joaquiu county
and of Stockton. It is one I have always apure-
ialed highly, for I have found them distinguished
for their intelligence, and also for tie1.' hiy-iii;,
lo tbe principles ofthe Democratic faith, I have
invariably, too, received courteous and respect
lul treatment, and consideration at theu* minds,
wliich liave inspired me with a graU'hu feeling,
and raised in my breast a sympathy wtth tliem,
and 1 venture to express the hope that it is n_u-
Democratic party estab
that party, aud flat's be
ever since the fiyhtehi .'
We nay taat the
the democratic paVt
the Charleston Convi
ical majority ofl
represented in
took the flrgt
whieh numbered 303 del-
ifon that be had only one
luhl and one hundred aud
.5 Lli.t'.u two-thirds of those
not, any more than 19_,
fcutetit of the rule—two-
and absent. Why, in the
„ ... .on and common sense, did
they not, when the fust ballot was* takeu and he
had a two-third vote of those present, then declare him thc nominee? Because they had not
then developed their full proclivity to fraud;
ln-eause l.b.ey were '.'ot, willing then to go as far
"'"" 'the pressure ol necessity |
riginally co
ne of all r
as aft.ei
they ii'i*
tbey er
By that ad
ountry, and they
oh tiieir own pre-
!«!-!
ual.
1 consider, gentler
we are surrounded
work, any man may
tt is a grave office, t
[■'or, gentlemen, the:
souls politically; the
principles which in:
being tested. Then
upon which not ouly
are fixed, but the cy
i, and that
h ffttoh, at
ftvilege, its
iw-oitiaens.
h try men's
ti the great
anient are
it was a trick;
drove away front that
which could not stand
form—that adopted Ir
; all men know it and
re frank, ingenuous and honest in
conduct admit it.
second thing they i
in infamy; and it
ionallthosuSt.a-t.es
be minority plat-
nd, of Mr. Douglas
: that was dearest
ch destroyed the
y went into that
that whi!
opposition
we Are trw
We are,
pertinent i
great expi
stitution was formed, to
ist and be perpetual.
__ this State
il of those principles,
the future annoyed by
* anticipate success il
pies ourselves.
, making a great ex-
rnt, It ts the second
e made since the Con-
see whether it can ex-
The first was made in
1300, between the then Federal and Democratic-
Ite publican parties—the one in favor of a strong
Central Government ; the other, iu favor of State
Bights and a restricted Central Government
The State Rights' parly succeeded, and under its
rale we have, within the last 00 years, progressed
as no nation ever progressed before, in all tbe
elements of greatness and prosperity. Wc are
tided, whether thc coequal rights of all the
Statea of this Confederacy, in the common
property ofall the States, shall be protected; of
■whether a numerical majority shall break down
and destroy the rights of a minority, ailhougli
those rights are guaranteed by tlie Constitution
of the United States. Jf the Constitution cannot
protect the life, liberty and property of al! the
eitizenfc&f the United States, then it" lns ceased
to realize the great objml it n-a» m,,.\. i
" ' If this questi '~ *--"-*
1! tirineioles. with
>his the bed
-■ill
ition, is being most tested—
t, 0f (Ij,
. equality of the States; the
vented the formation of tlie
ave over us; tit
e principle
teen al
ways guarded bj
* the Demo-
all parties in thi
: Union pre-
trading to c
ousel* vi
itisni", with the g
fCLlleSt j(.;v'..
rosy—with
i'at'C ill:
;1 with fidelity. 1
tis now for
'.his generation of t
pie, as they,
ui their turn
, have
-Largo of tlusgr
eattrnat, to
ijse that the
v are ti
uc and taithful to
it: to show
that in their
hands they know it is a j
iteoions aad
inestimable
trust—
me to be neither
lost uor be-
trayed.
-dey, tli
th!^ginning o
as ruled the
f its career
tglitand oc-
(listraeted;
and we see
a great interest taken in
the contest
which is going cit in its ranks. We hear touch argument, and if you listen and observe the gravity
with which that argument is conducted on both
sides yon will sec lhat there is magnitude in the
questions now presented before the people.
Those of us who siippari: the candidates whose
names are inscribed here, (pointing to a transparency bearing the names of Breckinridge and
Lane".) think that in the present situation of the
Democratic party there is no occasion for disruption or distraction. Wc believe that to-day,
-:hc course of the Democratic parly is clear
tnd open for all men who are willing to see it
and who have patriotism to follow it. [Applause.] Wc have now hi the lield Breckinridge
ind Laue and Douglas and .loh:isou ou the one
side—that of Douglas aud Johnson—tbey are
claiming for tlieir eaneiilates regularity of nomination—nomination iu a Cou vention, regularly
'- moI,". ,1 in,! l-i* ji: a1].. '-m'v> .'i their fane-.
[one. This is gravely statetl to tbe people ol
the
pr
cording
the tribunal created tor its ituerpreunion, mer
this Government would last forever, if it is dt-
oided otherwise, then there is a dark gloom u
J'ront of us; and the future no man can foretell
I have an abiding confidence in the wisdmn
patriotism, and intelligence of the America1
people. I believe that they will elect to tin
Presidency and Vice Presidency those win
will strictly enforce the obligations of the
Constitution, and to the cxtont of tbo power*
placed in their hands protect the rights of the
ao truth in it; not a
the semblance ot
uld have the arro-
3rt it. [Applause.]
aated Douglas ami
i American people
sion to the last houi
people of H
ted s
rates,
and of all tin
people of e\
1 ther
ifore anticipate
success iti tl
donbll
ul as it looks
But, let sue
■ def(
ial eo
is always the
san
1 Si
all fig
and zealousl
y w:
tli
a kin
to follow my
exe
[j
3(_S'th!
h a fcnowiedgi
dt of my' effort;
■ill come, 1 nev
th
stand upon the same platfiiin 1 liave always oc
cupied. I stand by the ticket that has beet
nominated and presented to the National Demo
eraev.and will never give up hopes of success
until the contest is over,
National Demoiirutic PI at fu tun, AtlopUO
ut Btilliimut, July 2.UI. 1800.
Dei
Resolved, Tbat
lie pai
adopted by thi
aiiir
the lollowing ex
First, That the iloveriiment uf a Territory,
organized by an aet of the Congress, is provi?
ional and temporary, and during ils existence
all citizens of the United Slates have an equa
right to settle with tbeir property in the I erri
tory, without their rights, either of person ot
property, being destroyed or impaired«by Cou
gressional or territorial legislation.
ad. That it i
the duty of tbe Federal Gov
.-parinieuts, to protect, whei.
s uf persons and property it
wherever else its constitu
i the settlers in a Territory
3 population, form a Stan
right of sovereigu-y com
into the Union they stanc
withtbe people of other
thus organized Ought to
Federal Union, whether
hibits or recognises the u
favoi
otiveution assembled. They did it too, by a
*ick—a device which was unworthy of any par-
,- claiming to bc respectable. They did it in the
!ui*th in tl us' States where Mr. Douglas had u
,i ;.■ ,*i mt i [ .irLatscc and iiilituira-i'. 1 ,. A
troying what has always been the Democratic
ale. namely: the rule ivhict; requires each rep
t'sdilative to a Convention lo speak his owi
eniinients, and so j-epveseut the views of the
■ eoplewho elected him—the people of his own
olitical division ef country. They co'.is*.unniaieia
udulent designs in this by establishiu*>
of the rule I have mentioned, a rule
ig that the majority of the tklegation
dimild cast the entire vote of the State
nnd mor-t -o r-1 * -till
very principle ujion w
Convention—the vital _
tion—the equality of the States; and Which would '
have bound them hand and foot arid delivered
them as slaves—cat'tive i'i * '<;:; ;uii:!cal and jtt-
sensato majority 111 the iforth. [Applause.]
They *e:*C as men, obiiged to withdraw. They
could not bear it. If Ihey ha'd home it, as deep
an infamy would have rested on them as should
rest, aud will rest, iu the history of mankind
upon those who were the authors of the fraud.
I Applause.]
What was the next step in the conduct of tbat
Convention? They separated at Charleston.
Tbey took a breathing space. Sojrie weeks
elapsed and the country iiad time to take a sober
second thought. Those gentlemen, who were
called thc seceders, took a., second thought. I
know thiB- I was then in Washington and saw
this sober second thought in tho process of its
formation. 1 \viL\iessed the iiaviotit spirit/which
allowed it to be formed. They felt all—they
felt the solemnity of the occasion; they felt the
importance of the subject; they felt the value of
the institutions which were then toppling to
their fall; ami like patriots, they determined in
a spirit of harmony and conciliation to return to
the adjourned Convention a.t, Baltimore. [Voice—
" Hurrah for Breckinridge !" Laughter and applause.] My friend, if you will keep quiet, I will
get along a great deal better. [Laughter and
applause.] In that spirit—the spirit of kindly
conciliation—they returned to the Convention
when it met at Baltimore. What was done there';
The so-called seceding delegations went forward
to take, their seats. What was said to them?
"Take your seats ? You are still members of
this Convention." Not so. They were told--
and there was no argument, pretext or justification for so doing—"Give up your places I You are
no longer delegates here. You have resigned.
You have vacated yotiv commissions." Was that
true ? Let us examine it. Whence derived the
Convention the authority to decide whether
they had resigned or not ? Wbat were the
powers ofthe Convention on that point? I take'
it on me to say—and I defy contradiction wben
I say it—that the power ofa Convention can
dxtendbutto a scrutiny of the credentials of
delegates; to. a consideration of tkctit and an
opinion as to their authenticity- -not to a question whether dulv accredited delegates liave.rc-
-lgueq or "oV. \Vlicu it erftjgojD rcj%M liie
place as such, he resigns it to those wiio made
aim a delegate—to the constituency who collided in him—uot to the Convention to which he
'.yas accedited. A convention of delegates is
.id ii'.'e a legislative body, which has trie power
i-o decide in all respects as to thc qualifications
if its members. A delegate to a convention is
more like an ambassador Llian a delegate in a
legislative sense. A Convention is a Congress
of Ambassadors. Each delegate represents a
•overeignty—in whole or in part. He represents it for specific purposes, andthe Convention
ias specific powers, and the power to go be-
rdentials, when found to be regular,
nel his
theit
But, in other States, particularly :
"South, where the power or Mr. Dougla
riemls was not no preponderating, no questk
if this sort wits raised by them. Xot': ,ug iv;
here said about the propriety ot a majo
lly of the delegates easting the en'tit
etc of ihe btate they represented, but they wei
eft free to act, according to Democratic priisc
des; each delegate from each district and eat
reiegalc from the Stale at large, free to spet
its individual sentiments in u:e Contention
harleston. When thev trot t"
pr
oeratic party
the island of Cuba,
onoiable to ourselve,-
earliest practical nio-
D such terms as will be 1
and just to Spain, at the
me nt.
Hesolved, That the enactments of State legislatures to defeat the faithful execution of the
fugitive slave law, are hostile in diameter, subversive ofthe Constitution, and revolutionary iti
their effect.
Government to protect the naturalized citizen in
all his right*, whether at home p in foreign
lands, to the same extent as its uativc bom
citizens.
Whereas. One of the greatest necessities of
the age, in a political, commercial, postal and
military point of view, is a speedy communication between the Atlantic and Pacific coasts.
Therefore be it
Resolved, That tbe National Democratic party
do hereby pledge themselves to use every means
in their power to secure the passage of some
bill, tothe extent of the Constitutional authority
tie who flees when no man pursueth. is tbi
wicked man, and so it was in Hut Coi rantioo.
As soon as they were assembled they bad a de*
dutory resolution passed, asserting n-hal ni
man doubted; asserting what it wasittitirely unnecessary to assert, namely : that where there
was no instruction on the pat t of a State to her
delegates, those delegan-:.; sho.uid cast their individual vote. Why this exceeding interest on
"*■* "ubject? That interest, gentlemen,
loes not exist and has never been
upon Conventions. The power exists even in
egislative bodies ouly by express Constitutional provision.
Tbe Constitutions of the various States of the
Union, and of the United States, confer it on
beii* Legislatures, in so many words—by ex-
,ire--s words of grant; audit is a rule well known
n the construction of our fundamental laws,
.hat things given in express words, would not
m pos.-r-ssvl. ti'-b--s so expressly given. Asi
oave said, the [power is given to legislative
oodies in express words aud not by implication.
No such power bas evei* been conferred oii-Con-
.■entious—to say that a delegate who has re-
sired, has disconnected himself for good with
he Convention. Ke may come, and lie may go,
is he lists. The Convention out neither enforce
.iis attendance uor impose a penalty upon his
ibsence. Suppose South Carolina, Georgia
Mississippi, or any othcrSiate, recognizes amar
is her delegate. He is her delegate. He holds
credentials from his State, and no man or body
of men may dispute his authority. When these
io-called seceders came back, they were by
dght entitled to their places. They held cre-
ientials which had beeti examined and allowed,
fhe Convention could hear no evidence, aud if
it could, there was none, to show they had been
aneelled. i do not speak of the spirit
Now.. ' Wili answer the question as fed wheiher
Ureckiuridge is thc regular nominee. He is not.
ft is not necessary tot- me or any of his friends
sing to be respectable, conduct political matters
eveu according to the same rules of propriety,
and upon tho sa.me principles which should govern the conduct of every man in his daily walks
in liie in his intercourse with others. [Applause.]
Now, gentlemen, 1 bave given you the history
of the Democratic Convention, with one—and a
pregnant—exception. I alluded just now to
what they did abotit the platform, and as my
friend in the crowd has a penchant for regularity, I will recommend him to consider the point
of regularity I am about to speak of.
In this whole contest; between the two wings
of the Democratic paHy, DAbrSJ is no regularity
except in one thing, and that belongs to the *' irregular " Breckinridge men. Those men stand
to-day on the platform of the Democratic party,
authoritatively announced aud firmly established
according to the law, rule and usage of that
party. The action of the Committee on Platform
was the action of the party, and the platform
whieh tbey reported is the platform of the party,
and the one npon which nn: stand now. to-day,
throughout the length and breadth of the States
of this ilubir. A'E'i-e is regUlarit.*}. for you, and
tbe only regularity there is in tlie whole light.
Who will refuse to stand upon that regular platform? Who to repudiato those who repudiate
it, and declare it heterodox and repugnant to
thc past action of the party.
They say : " Totally your platform is
different from ours. Youi* platform, is opposed
to the true doctrines of the Democratic party.
Your platform is repugnant to tlie Cincinnati
platform. Your platform denies the action of
Congress in the Kansas Nebraska bill and in
the Compromise Measures of 1350. There, you
declared for non-intervention; !ioi« you are in
favor of intervention. You override Popular
Sovcreighty." Well, now, it is almost too Tale
for tbem to sing that syren song about non-intervention aud Popular Sovereignty. Popular Sovereignty, if it ever had any life at all, and I do
not think it ever had, for 1 think it always was a
myth, has been dead for a long time—certainly,
for two years—and Lincoln killed it. 'Lincoln
killed it—nobody else. He killed it in 1858, in
the great debate with Douglas iu Illinois—killed
it dead so that "the ■tittid of political resurrection can never reach it. I do not like the ally—
butthe dead, whom such an ally has left upon
the lield, arc as dead as if any other power had
slain them. His argument was this : That whilt
a Territory is iu a state of Territorial existence, the idea of sovereignty ofthe people there, is absurd and ridiculous. The Territories belong to the United States and
Congress consequently of necessity has power
to legislate lor them, and their Legislatures bave no power except that which they derive by delegation irom Congress. Mr. Douglas
has himself proved this by assenting to that important measure—of which indeed his highest
fame is that he is the author—the organic law or
constitution of the Territories of Kansas and
Whi-HKlrn. Tnrleed.by that measure he abandoned non-intervention, viewed as a principle.
How could Congress give to a people not ouly
a law, but-their organic, their fundamental law
—the law upon wliich every other law must be
based—their Supreme law, when it had not
power to enact those other measures necessary
to execute, to carry into effect that organic law.
Is it possible that a mau may do the greatest of
all things under a given power, and yet not do
the slightest? Is it possible thai, lhe" old rule of
common sense, tbat, the greater includes the les
ser, is now tobe reprobated? It is .ridiculous-
to talk of the sovereignty of the people in the
territories or any power not delegated to them,
especially over a subject which Congress itseb
cannot reach, namely: the power to pass any
single law destroying the equality between the
citizens of each State emigrating to those Terri
tories.
86' much for this idea of Popular Sovereignty
during a, Territorial condition and non-intervention. How then after a Territory shall become
a State? Then, of course the people are sovereign. Nobody ever denied it. No one ever
pack of asses aud say they expect lis to vote for
it. After having Ib this, manner cheated us out
of a vote and succeeded in tbeir attempt to tyrannize by a ni'ime:1 ical hia.io'rity over. Die true interests of ,1.1k; coimtrv... h'..T. de hot ciuch mistake the character of .lue American people for
intelligence, this thing will fail.; will reach and
toil on those who, are its, authors, and cover
Ihem with the confusion aud disgraue, which of
right belong to tbem for such conduct. That is
me of their arguments against our position.
Again, the friends of A.v. Dcuglfi" say another
thing, and this is their great charge. This is
their ace of (.rumps, uud ihey expect fo win lbe
game by it. It is the citadel of their hopes;
it. is their strongest and most favorite argument,
They say to us Breckinridge men : "This matter
cou arc making so much disturbance about is a
mere abstraction. Yon cannot put slavery in a Territory by legislation, climate
governs it—thon. why contend for flic power
to give protection/' A gentlemna of some
distinction in. '■VabfeVtiia'*, in 'the- legal profession, belonging to this Douglas party,
enunciates this idea in givinghtsadltesioti to the
Douglas cause; and 1 wili do him the credit to
say that, in my humble opinion, he bas argued
the cause more logically and more like a man
than has been done by auy advocate of the opposite side. They say that it is a "mereab-
straetion;" that as we cannot expect by legislation to do this thing, we are talking so much
about, whicb they unwa.rranlbly say is for tin;
purpose of establishing slavery in the Terri-
tories; therefore, there is no occasion for us to
break up aud disrupt the Democratic party on
account of it. This argument has a good deal
of plausibility about It. At first blush it would
seem perhaps dilllctllt to answer. But it is uot.
difficult to ansWel* at all-.
Preliminarily, however, there is this to be remarked : Thai' if it is au abs'traclion, the Douglas men are the men who first gave it substance
and reality; because", when the majority ofthe
Committee on Platform at Charleston reported a
platform containing this "abstraction," they
thought the "abstraction" of sufficient importance to cause litem to violate a law of the party
and reject it, when they bad no power under that
law of the party to reject it. They thought this
t.hing—this " abstraction'7—was a matter of reality and substance enough to cause them to do an
act which was inevitably and of necessity bound
to drive all tlte Southern States out of the Convention, or else cover them, as they sat there,
with mantles of ignominy ami disgrace. Tliey
did it. Tliey, disrupted the Democratic party;
because no man can suppose that a great see-
lion, a great segment—and .1 think the controlling
segment—of this Union would remain in a Convention after a violation of law, by whieh all
that was dearest to them, had been overthrown
without right, reason or cause. >
That was the way the Democratic party wag
disrupted. I have the facts before me, and Isay
that the guilt rests upon them, not upon the
Southern States. The South went out, declaring
with dignified composure, with a due sense ot
the solemnity of the occasion, and appreciating
the value of the institutions wliich were then by
ihat action being endangered, that it was not
consistent with the dignity of the Staten they
were three to represents that they should longet
remain in that Convention where tbe equality ol
StateB. was disregarded and their rights ruthlessly
destroyed. Will thc Douglas followers yet say-
that the Beekinridge men have destroyed the
Democratic party V They Hie! it. Itwas a parricidal blow; it was dealt by their hands and'the
guilt is on their souls* hot ours.
But this proposition—of this matter being an
abstraction—is all false in itself. There '
sense in it ; there is no truth in it. It is a living
reality, an active breathing existence. Were it.
an abstraction, the times have made it a reality.
It matters little what the quarrel between you
and me is, if we are ready to cut each othen
throats about it, and if yon will look upon this
nation now, you will seo that they are standing
knife in hand, ready to striko at each otlier--
life, children though tliey are of the same family
and brethren of the same blood. Aud mis is an
abstraction !" lt i3 no abstraction. It strikes ai
tlte root of the government. Our friends iu the
South are in arms for the equality of the Southern
States. This question destroys the peace and endangers the safety of Southern Society. It it
uow staking the solid and firm-set pillars of thi;
great and glorious llepublic. Will not raeL
pause before they call it an abstraction!* If it
clause of tke Constitntion." And ht
aid the
i belie:
'1 wl".
ntib
\,hr
.Southern
Territory to.property )«. t
same argument
slaves, because the
same ju^""+•*.«.*;rv'ifl-excuse -.ion-legislation to
carry into GlVeel, Die Fugitive Slave clause. His
conceded by all that nonebut rabid p.epublienns
and Abolitionists refuse to. execute the Fugitive
Slave Law, bnt even Lmeelh is net toad eiiough
for that. No, fellow cil,i/,ens, thia is no abstraction; and the South is not to be overcome because they demand it. They demand it because
they have a right lo it when the exigency calls for
'■* Thnv are now measuring danger in the dis-
'ptesik
■ *f conciliation on the pi:
. item out, OertiUjily I wi!
-it should have secured :
t of those who
ept
hat i
seeded irom
tie te rt
uatioi
pro
of Congress, lot
railroad from f
ocean, at the e.
BesiNivs !*"i:
jeet of the l'"r.i!
n of a Pn
r to tlw.Pacilu
moment.
guoniiiiy; aim in then* persons the soverelgufv
,t seventeen States of this Union, was stricken
u the dust and trampled under foot. There is
no doubt oi it. Tbis was another of the frauds
if that Convention; this was another indication
of the spirit of that, patty, whicli assumes in the
face of tbe couutry, to be a patriotic party. No
sign of greeting extended to them; not a word
of congratulation that they had reflected and
eome back in a spirit of kindness, patience anti
patriotism ! Instead of that they were met with
—"You are uone of us! You have no place
What more ? Not only did they drive away
geutleman of right entitled to seats there, but
Ihey drove away some who were actually rc-
... . , _ „ r. _-.--_ on ^e
'-'■-„
lions they
ould choke and stifle Che iudi-
iheir State. These were driven away. Yet this
.-idm.il
expression
of every one who s!i '■! d U***
Convention, which thus disgraced, and thus de-
to thu
I and act J
ecording tothe true interests
,)!*!> A. Ol 1 iv- I Ol , 1.0 li-.il -.t rj* y: ,., „J
Tit -
hich they took in that Con-
as an authority which may speak for ihe Demo-
is it ? Was it obedience to
iTal.c parlv tjiroughij'i* -.-■{'■ ■ ':■ ;,■■:!:•
. Was it iu conformity with
m nt the Democratic party?
was ;i gross, palpable am!
policy aud principles of that party, and claim
ibs1 i.rliiesion of its members.
Their action was all a fraud. Come to the
tbe well known, and well es-
other, lbe crowning fraud, the consummation of
e and usage ofthe iimocratie
their work—the nomination of candidates for
the Presidency and Vice Presidency—their action relative to the two-thirds rule. As .1 said
before, when the Convention system was first
established the two-third rule was determined
on for a great and set purpose—to protect minorities, and above all to protect those States
which were indeed Democratic, from having
■ !:-t.-. v'ful and hurtful doctrines pressed on them
and crammed down their throats by those
States which could cast no vote towards sus-
taing the Democratic power. There has been—
itis proper 1 should say—a doubt as to the
occasion of many paragraphs in the newspapers, is again before tbe public, iu coiiseijnence
of tbe trial of the agent of the company belore
the Tribunal of Correctional Police, who is
charged with violation of law. The company
.was started in April, 1B58, under the management of M. Ramon de Zangronifl. The manager
went on up to the time of the failure making
dividends out of tlie capital stock, and by delusive representations of profits, induced the
stockholders to increase the capital until it
amounted to a million dollars. In the midst of
supposed prosperity, the emnp.my stopped payment, and it was found that the- profita had been
altogether imaginary,and that there had been a
loss of the entire capital, ami that the a.-.sci>
would not sutliee to pay the creditors more than . - - - ----> —v»-.uvto oi tue -Lunvcution | Vi*™. "*. " .'v
fifty per cent of their claims. Among other s| *"'' ,*■' ' ' tr '."' ;' i; ' " ■'..,,-,"' <• .- ..tAi'.y '■■■'■ ^ !("'ri'iiLi
mat ters proved, it. was lound that on nuikiug up ;: . ' ." '.'''■- ■■'.'. ■.'■ ^ '■''•'■- at. u not by n, nun ien- , 1;: *-■-■*'■'■■' ,^u{\
the accounts on the last day of December. |s.",s] : en: itiajerity. ihey also determined that two-■ t'ie i u . ■ ■
among ihe items of itrolit put down was -^[iO.b'ii), ,liJ:'l,s **;I l-**: Convention should be ter :e*;saty to 'V'1'"', ,'"".-•' m-i
because a rise in the price'of su-ar happened to ; lummmle a candidate; but of that more -anon. ; >- resident
take place that dav—a rise which disappeared ''" w;-s In lhul m«nner -by requiring the vote | votes tH
ten days after. Zangronis, tlie manager was oruhc platform to be taken by states, and thp nresem u
convicted ou the first two counts of the indict- "H1 nomination tobe made by two-thirds-
ment, and condemned to ayear'h imprisonment 'hey scoured, or hoped to secure, the dei
and tiftv francs line-
*e; for fear
it a Deruo-
aud stifle
at the reason
soupd. lint
postulate, au axiom, and
Id enough to have voted
once, knows, or ought to kuow, that the people
of a State are sovereign in all respects save
those wherein they have"parted with their power
by delegation to the United States.
There ia another thing. These gentlemen who
are supporting Douglas and Johnson, I wish to
speak respectfully of Ihem, and if 1 do not it
will be, because 1 become warmer than perhaps
is prudent or consistent with the dignity of that
great parliament—the people in deliberative
assembly, take another turn. Indeed, tbey take
many turns In the conduct of this argument.
Then, again, they change front—indeed they
are always changing front. They never come
up to the tight with an extended, weilsupported
and well dressed line of battle. They are always
shifting or changing. They bring no well appointed and imposing masses into the held—marshaling them and moving tliem by the consistent
rules of science. Thoir tactics and their movements are the skirmishing tactics and movements of the filibuster and the Indian. Indeed,
they light iu other respects, not as men of civil
ized nations tight, but with the spirit of pirates
and filibusters, or the followers and hangers on
of au army- They admit that this platform of
ours is not heteredox—not inconsistent wilh
their test of all doctrine—conformity with the
past opinions of the great apostle of popular
sovereignty—Douglas ; that it* is the same as their
own. -They say tbat. after all, there is no difference between the platforms—theirs and ours—
and they appeal to a resolution contained in
theirs, which is popularly known as tbe " Wick-
lill'e resolution,'' and they declare that it guarantees to the country the doctrine claimed by the
friends of Reekiuridgo and Lane. Now what is il?
Tiiey say that tbe measure of restriction which
bas already been placed, or which may hereafter be placed by the Supreme Court of tbe
United States upon the pewer of the Legislatures of Territories relative to slavery, shall be
enforced. That question is already decided,
that measure of restrictions' has been applied,
Dy looking at that resolution you may see the
character of the men who present it. What is
our position ou this subject ? We allege that
the Supreme Court lias decided that the power
of Territorial Legislatures does not extend
to the prohibition of slavery. Tbey—the
advocates of Douglas—deny it, and if In their
platform they mean to say that it has been so
decided, they say that whicb is inconsistent ;
they make a platform upon wliich tlieir candidate,
Uouglas, can not stand, for Douglas denies lhat the
Supreme Court has so decided. Douglas declares
that they have decided no such thing; that that
question was uot involved in the celebrated
Dred Scott case, at all. We say it was. The
Judges of the Court announced it to be. They
declared that this question was necessarily considered in order to arrive at a decision of the
precise point at issue. But, no, says Douglas,
and say all his advocates; tbey have not so decided. Still they put it in tl;e alternative : " If
the Court has decided it, or sliall hereafter decide it, we will enforce it." Now the Court
either has done it, or has not done it. Why do
they not confine themselves lo a single position?
lt would not suit their purpose. They put that
....„,.)...;..- "•*-'-:r platform to catch and cajole
to enable their orators to go
(outh and hoodwink,and blind
Ives,
the So*
througl
the eye
faced resolution;
e of being read to
and the North in
ews which are in-
■;, gentlemen, that
,' say tantamount.
esult of giving voice and mfltte__ce~to"it<
f }f ;"v" v'u "uU:i*:l '■' ,:'"'-' n -l rie
he should have
the dclegales f
absent. That re;
It stood upon t
I Voice—"Did
te?"] I will cot
;.-en!lemau will tal
platform, and was <
.'oted down
ftei*Tv_jrd claim that
they voted
iklili'e resolution. Tht
iy presented
Mu-,- Di.KUY.--.lohn VE'-.va- '|..,,**,,: ,,,;„ '.,,"* >■'-" "'"■'<■■ :iuli:lMl ',l" I!!'lu -11-' <■':-' *alc - mcnt,iftho^cnileim.u ,v i
;;c;!pt,;n A uio,„Mlx the ],,, ,nt-e i,,,., V,, ' ' ] !. .': f"'^]' ^f^ An, ,l,y..ri.. ,( [hc ,,1,. -'Did ■jM-ckmndge^et
the President*., sinee the ari iourou, ,*.,*■ ','.; Il "'*l> :al *"-d out in t:iis wise. When the dele- read for ourselves.''] Y
C'.orgelJ. Derby, .obe <'..,',..,,„ '^ !"!', ''■'V;,"/' fl;J',:"". "'ev uppmn.d a. I ■,1,nimi k'o"!.n J'la'- manners, my fneud. [I.aughlcr and app
A.: 'uviiiev.i-vc.i ■Ati'i-,-..tf ..„:..: . ■..*:"-'1 ■"'•'■ li*;11;1* 'Jue delegate, and mio onlv, iv.'.m ea-h That tesoiul ion stood tbere I hen; it stand
When the dele- read for ourselves."] You <
National Con- read very deeply any disqiv
resolution after the South had withdrawn
.,..■ Convention. They nevenfiave them an
ii'iuiiity of voting on it. Itwas never held
,y them, as an olive branch, until after they
declared war and carried it on to the last
utioti stood there"t.heu;""it'stamlsVbeVe (degree of truculenca, and witli the mostdisas-
straction to the other. It is an abstraction and
agitates the South like that speech made by
Cassips Clay iu Lexington some ten or fifteen
years ago, in regard to which the conduct of tbe
Kentuckians reflects the highest praise on thai
noble gallant people. Tho history of nations
furnishes no parallel to their maguamity, patience aud forbearance, on the occasion of tbat
speech. This is an " abstraction" like that
speech of hia in which lie told them tbere was
*' but a short distance between the negro with
his pike in the street, and the fair-skinned
woman on her ottoman in the parlor." ThiB it
one of those abstractions which drive men mad
and excites in them all the resentment and fury
of which our nattire is capable. It strikes at alt
that is dearest to the South. It calls on the
South if they have in their veins the blood oi
their ancestors of flic devolution ; if they understand the value of their institutions, the peace
of their society, tlieir very existence to stand up
till the death, to strike for the repression of this
abstraction and all other such "abstractions."
While taking their present course, they do as
every man loving his country must do. I say
this, not as a threat or menace, but to call attention to a thing certain and inevitable—that they
will strike. Human nature js governed by the
same laws in all countries, and at ali times. The
worm will turn when trod upon, and a noble
gallant and patriotic people will strike when
they are struck.
This is a dogma coined out of the brain of oue
of the most distinguished men iu America—a
man of commanding genius and controlling influence. Enforced by all the power of his genius
-by all the-strength of his logic; supported m
its enunciation by a great, overwhelming, insensate and T.yranieal majority—this is not an
abstraction. It does notlook like an abstraction
when yoa see the earnestness, zeal and determination with which the supporters of this man
are lighting tlieir battles. It is au idle argument
to call it so. Its tendency is to delude and to
mislead; any man who follows it in his political
walk is following a jactt-o-lantern—an ignis
/aiwws—which will lead him into the depths of a
morass. Ho will get lost inevitably if he follows it.
'The South finds this argument enunciated hy
this man and this party. They see its danger;
they see that it is the worst form of republicanism. " They so regard it. It is no time for menace
and words. They so regard it, and in my humble judgment it can be demonstrated to be the
worst form of republicanism. It is known by
Douglas to be such. Itis known, and has been
exposed by Lincoln to be such. It has been
gotten up and proposed as republicanism, and
embodying republican sentiments. In 1858,
Douglas went home fo Illinois, ft was important
lo him that he should be re-elected to the U. S-
Senate. He had two years to wait for this suc-
r-er-.-mn, that he burns with such impatience to
obtain. Ho desired some theatre from wliich he
could address the people of the United States.
There was none other than the Senate. Itwas
necessary to his political existence that he should
have his seat in that body. A majority of tbe
people of Illinois were abolitionized; he pandered to tlieir abolition sentiment. He did it,
and did it by this vtry thing. He went home to
Illinois and told those people in substance and
effect—" This geutleman Lincoln canuot consummate your objects for you. I will tell you why
he cannot do it. The South will never stand it.
He will not be successful. / am the man for
you. / can do it, I have already paved the
way. I have already committed the Soulhern
people to a doctrine whichenables me to it. Ton
are announcing that you will have no more slave
Territories, no more slave States. Yoti announce
that Congress has the power to prevent it. But the South do not admit it,
but they do admit that the people in
the Territories have what I call Popular Sovereignty." .By the way, they never did admit it.
They only declared in its favor as a matter of
policy for Kansas, subject to the decision of tbe
Supreme Court, and on that occasion, in Illinois,
Douglas for the first- time showed .the cloven
hoof. "The people of the Territories being free
to establish what institutions tliey please under
their laws, they can pass what I cali unfriendly
legislation. They can establish a system of nonaction in the way of legislation and refuse to
pass such police regulations as I claim are necessary for the existence of slavery. Thus I will
keep Soiithemmen from going in with their negroes, and aflow a free population to quietly increase in a Territory uuiil it comes to form its
Constitution and found a free Slate." Ideclare
this, as I said before, the worst kind of Republicanism, because if allowed it will defeat the
rights of the South. [ Voice—" That's so 1 "j
Lincoln himself exposed it. He said on the
stump, " You acknowledge, Mr. Douglas, that a
man from the South bas the right to enter iuto a
Territory with his negro, but yet you are going
to keep him out by ■unfriendly legislation. Why,
sir, you claim that by the Constitution the Smith
is entitled to what is called a fugitive Slave
Law." Mr. Douglas said, "Yes." " You know
that that article is one of those articles of thc
Constitution which require statutory enactment
to give them effect. Now, sir, if the Southern
man may go into yonder Territory with 'his negro; if he bas a right to do it, itis just as much
their duty to give him the enjoyment of that
"ight by giving him aftirnuU.ive legislation and
They are now measuring dangc
tance by a principle—not waiting for disaster.
At present they do not demand protection, a
" slave code," as it is called in reproach. They
do not believe tbat climate forbids slavery in
the Ten-ifet-iesr Thev piay be willing to cmioede
that now while tiie'vha.nvriciiit.m'ocdiipied lands
enough to engage the labor of all their slaves,
they canuote migrate with them to the Territories, but thev believe that later, when by the
laws of population the slave race shall have in-
ereased, and binds now rich shall have become
unprofitable, they mav go to the Territories with
advantage ami with prolif. and thus secure new
fields, relieve themselves of tbc pressure of an
over-great slave population and extend their poli tic al power sufficiently to preserve a just balance in the Government and maintain themselves
in their hereditary rights. Those persons are
wrong, too, who say their demand is a demand
for disunion. They are wrong who say it is hopeless to expect to see a Congress which will ever
give them protection in the Territdries; that it
shall be done ia What tliey are now struggling for
—what thoy aro now battling for. Already the
voice of patriotism and conservatism is making
itself heard in thn North. Already visions of a
ruined commerce—of a blasted factory system—
of crumbling cities—of rotting ships—of a distressed and impoverished people are at work—
eogent arguments to convince them of the propriety of the course whieh wisdom aijd patriotism have alvnys recommended.
Itis hardly worth our while, gentlemen, here
in California, to devote onr attention to the Republican party at all—and I do not say this in
any spirit of levity, nor of disrespect, though 1
do not pretend to any great or exaggerated degree of respect for the gentlemen composing it.
[Laughter.] It is hardly worth our while to pay
much attention to them, because they are of bul
little consequence. [Voicis-—" Just as much as
you are to ua."] My sweet friend, I don't think
you are entitled to the iloor just now. [Laughter.]
Sere, in California, they give us no trouble,
except a little polite interruption, like my witty
Republican friend, when we are discussing
grave matters at our own meetings. [LauKhter
and applause,]
It is not worth while, then, to look at them
here relatively to ourselves, or at all, except in
reference to the combat which is going on on
the eastern slope of these great mountains.
Looking at that party, we may strengthen ourselves here in thc pcrformanca of a duty which
has become ilic duty of the peoplo of California.
If we look over yonder aud examine that party,
its character and its measures, we will see that
it is endangering the country, and it can be
overthrown only hy the conduct of men who
stand up firmly to the discharge of tlieir national duty, who are willing to support the Constitution in the spirit that presided over its formation, and are ready to execute the guarantees to which in that instrument, iu writing, the
faith of the nation was solemnly and religiously
pledged. By looking there we can see what is
our duty, and, as 1 have said before,
culiarly the duty of Californians to stand by
the Union and Ky the Constitution for tho
reason that we are removed from the scene_ot
excitement. We have none of us sb
are none of us directly interested in this thing.
We are not transported by the excitement going
on there. Our minds are cool, tranquil and com
posed. Wo are in that mood which enables us to
see dearly, and to decide justly. We come from
among that people at tbc lOast, and we owe them
a great debt. Wo are to-day by their efforts enjoying blessings which we received from them.
We are here enjoying what they reaped by tbeir
blood, by their treasure and by tbeir enterprise.
Wo owe it as a debt of gratitude to them to stand
by that Constitution under whose strength and
by whose support these great achievments have
been gained, and I, for one_ have no doubt—and
-i am authorized by a very long residence in
California, itiongn a young mim, tu imve an
opinion relative to the people of California—
that the citizens of this State will come up iu
November next and by the vote which they cast
indicate that thoy have a true appreciation
of this obligation of gratitude which rests
upon them and the Constitution, as it is a
compact—a league between independent and
separate sovereignties, made for the common
good, made to be sustained as long a»it looks
to, guards aud protects the common welfare. 1
believe they will do this, because I have always
seen them do it. This is no novel fight now
and here. It is a Presidential contest, it is true;
but we are fighting this fall the battle we fought
the fall before, and we are fighting the same
enemy. It is true they have some new recruits,
Itis true, and I will concede it willingly that
there is a new injection of vitality into the veins
of that party. Mistaken principle has directed
some of the more respectable of them, but a majority of those who have gone to it, have been
ambitious and restless spirits in our own party,
who, anxious for place and perferment bad not
the patience to wait as al! patriots do and should
wait until they are called by the people. They
arc those who ara after the offices—not those
whom the oiliees are after. Bat yon will find
after the election this fall that not a single one
of them will attain his object. We will win
this light as we have won our light before.
My friends you are tired and so ara I. I thank
you for the kindness and attention with which
you have listened to my remarks. I bid you all
good night. [Applause.]
Mr. .Bcnham retired amid great applause.
The President presented the following resolution as expressive of the sense of the meeting :
" Resolved, That this meeting cordially approve the platform of principles adopted by the
National Democratic Convention whieh met at
the Maryland Institute, in Baltimore on the 23d
day of June last, and that we hail the nomination
of J. C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, and Joseph
Lane, of Oregon, for the offices of President and
Vice President of the United States, upon this
declaration of principles, with a sincere and
hearty enthusiasm."
The meeting then adjourned after giving three
cheers for Breckinridge and Lane.
bul. l.i'.ev buglii. nnvoi' to .i.uiderta.lte id make £
(■(■nlt-ae!.*. 1 v;ill net, iinv.-iiver, disctets the ,■-,;::-'
its of the question. I.alii oiliy ijbtfgiiig for tilb
poor privilege that, has been aeon nied in al-
most every Senator, when it ean do no harmtQ
the public service, to have that subject postponed, until 1 eait be back to rue el, the Rfmatm-
froni California, end deieus-*; i1. tahly with hbu
In the main fc;-fi!lci; ve go te^et-mr' iEvfn {<_ n,i
doubt ttb-oui. that; nu,t ! roail/*1 it.y iiot,3(j&ire to
bring it up to-day, when 1 have no time to consider itv I * . '!.■■;■ •: ,...., .,
Mr. (J win—J n regard lo what the Senator ..save
about the Pony Lxpress, that subject' has not
been before the Senate. I expressed a great desire to have this measure acted on, in a private
conversation with the Senator yesterday, and I
am very willing to briug that before the Senate,
The reason was, that dispatches which lei't'HerS
yesterday evctiin*---. v,'oe.lu be in liim. ler the Pony
Express,'wliich does not leave until Friday, j
want it tobe known in California, within nine
days of this time, as it will be if we pass the bill
now, that the Senate has acted favorably on the
proposition to establish a semi-weekly mail on
the very route where the Pony Express is running, and going from flic Missouri river to the
SiefraTFevadaln eight days. The Senator must
recollect that, weeks ago, when 1 gave notice,
day after day, that on a particular Saturday I
would call up this very question ol the Overland
Mails to the Pacilic coast, the Senator was one
of the causes of our losing that day for its consideration.. His State and my own are deeply
interested in this question. It is otir duty to
bring it before tlte Senate for consideration at
an early day: iicea.Uiie, if wb establish an Overland system, we iili.lst do it, id a.vcrjr short tittle
or it will bo attefl]' inlposslblc to iiia.j_i.ire ana
bring it forward; J am the bust man to inter,
pose anything in the way of the convenience of
membors of this body. I had not tlie most remote idea that the Senator was going.to .leavfe
here to-day or to-morrow. ; If [had,,.! should
The Overland JWEail Route.
Proceeding* In tHe United State* Senate..
Mr. Cwin—I move to take up Senate biil No-
394.
Mr. G-khen—Is that the overland mail route
bill?
Mr. Cwin—Yes, sir.
Mr. Green—X hope it will not be takeu up. 1
am compelled to leave here this evening at
three o'clock, or to-morrow morning at six
o'clock. I am sick. I am compelled to oppose
the proposition of the Senator. It should lie
over for six or eight days, I think, as a matter of
courtesy fo me. I think the proposition wrong,
but I do not think it ought to pass in the morning hour,*or in the day either. I hope the Senate will not take it up, but will extend to me the
right to consider tins-subject and discuss it at
the proper time.
Mr. Gwji-—For the very reason that the Senator gives, I hope it will be taken up. If it is to
be postponed for several days until he can be
absent from the city and return, in my judgment
animportant measure wili be jeopardized and an
important policy postponed. Tho .object of this
bill is to convey the mails to the Pacilic coast
overland, and by the passage of this bill I have
no doubt that object can be accomplished; but
if it is to be accomplished at all, provision
ought fo be made at once. I have been endeavoring for weeks to get up this very bill, because
the contract for ocean service expireson the
iiOth of June; and if we do not very soon make
provision for carrying the mail overland, it will
be impossible to prevent tnaiung a contract for
ocean service at that period. With all proper
respect to the Senator from Missouri, as tliis ia a
question well understood by him and by me, we
differ in the details but ngroeiugin the necessity
of this overland mail, I hope he will consent to
its being taken up now. When it is taken up,
we can express our views and leave it to the
Senate whether this bill shall be passed now, or
not. It is of the utmost consequence that it
should be passed on at once. This subject hafi
been acted on in Lbe House of .Representatives,
been referred to the Post Olli.ce Committee, and
proposition after proposition brought from that
committee before tlte Senate; and this is a single branch of it whicli I think is so necessary to
be acted on at once, that I feel compelled to
call on the Senate Lo consider it to-day.
Mr. Gheen—Yesterday the Senator from California stated that he desired to have the subject
considered and acted upou, because the Pony
Express was to leave at four o'clock. If that is
the case, the Pony Express has gone. To-day
there is another reason assigned. Now, I
have no objection lo considering the service of
the Overland Mail route; but I. have not time today to consider it. It is known to the Senator
that I have moved a. proposition of tny own in
lieu of his, which I think belter for tiie pubiic
service. I do not think that Congress ought to
undertake to make a contract. Congress is unfit
to make a contract. Congress may authorize a
have brought tip thin measure day** agoi l.llavt;
been anxious to dispose of it. ..ft is a.matter
of such co'nsequence to tlte peojilo of. California, that f dare not, if I wished to do so, pgeV
pone it; but I leave it to, Um. .-Semite,,,to ,say
hether it shall go over for the convenience of
anyone Senator.: ■■-,- -,. . '. ' :,
Mr. 1Iat,e—As I feel some responsibility ■ in
this matter—being upon the Committee on the
Post Office and 'Post Meads—and as I was present
wken leave was given to the Senator from California to report thc bill which he now moves
to take up, I want to state, so that thc Senate
can govern themselves by what, little light 1 have,
how the matter stands, I am free to confess
that, since I have been a member of thc Senata,
1 have never been so embarrassed to know what
to do as I. have been wilh this Overland Mail service. Ithas haunted mo wherever 1 have been, in
the Senate aud out of it, for weeks. The House
passed a bill and sent it to the Senate. Itwas
referred to our Co.invuitl.ee. The honorable Senator from California then gave notice of an intended amendment that he proposed to offer.
In conjunction with some friends who felt an
interest in the matter* and who made me their
organ—for i kne^ but very little about it—a
bill was prepared uud put into iby hand,;, Willi if
suggestion that that would itiecf the views at' A
great many gentlemen who were iliferer-teti* aiid
probably a majority of this liouse, and I jjttvti
notice llial, 1 would offer lhat amendment. Subsequently,'! think, the Sanator froiii California
gave notice that he would offer still another
amendment. The Committee have had various
meetings—regular meetings and extra meetings—for the purpose of agreeing iip oil a
general system for this Overland Mail service.
which thev feel to he df vast inipOrtancfe; hut
after consulting witli a grent many gentlemen;
it was found that the Committee were nuitble to
agree to any general system which should covet
the whole ground; and tliey havo uotyetbeeh
able to agree. At length il was suggested that
this middle route, whicli is substantially a roiite
from St. Louis to San Francisco by Salt Lake,
was the one upon which a majority of tho Committee pretty generally concurred. There were
some differences as to the details of the service;
but the Senator from California, urging the very
deop interest which the people of his State felt
in the matter, and the consideration that upon
lhat route there was very little, if ally, difference of opinion, it was suggested tbat that
route might bc detached from the others, and a
bill for it reported to the Senate this morning.
That is exactly the way the thing stands.
The honorable Senator from Minnesota was
uot present at the time; but I certainly can assure him, so far as 1 know my own feelings, and
as I understood the Committee, that -there wns
not the slightest disposition to slaughter him, or
his people, or his route. His route shall have
my vote in Committee and in the Senate; but it
was agreed to allow the Senator from California
to report this bill, ou account of tho great inter-
eat the people of his State felt in this route, and
to leave the northern route untouched, and the
southern route also. We have not yet been able
to agree on the details as to the service upon the
southern route.
While I am up, I will say that I believe, if it
were not for tlie Butterfield contract, whieh, I
think, was one of the most improvident pieces
of legislation and execution that was ever done
by the Government, (though I know the Senator
from California does uot agree with me there,)
we could get a perfect system of Overland Mail
service, covering the route advocated by the
Senator from Minnesota; covering the central
route by Salt Lake, wliich would satisfy tlie
people of California; and the southern route, a
portion of which is now run by the Butterfield
company.
Mr. Gwin—Mr. President, the Senator from
Minnesota knows as well as any man in the Senate that I bave always been iu favor of his route ;
that 1 reported in favor of it and sustained ita
year ago ; that 1 sustained it in committee this
year : and that he was notified to attend the
meeting ofthe committee yesterday morning,as
he acknowledges, though he did not receive the
notiiication iu time. The committee did not
know he had not received it ; I at least did not
know that. The bill is reported in its pres;
cut shape not because there is any opposition to
Lhe northern route, bul because tlie pressing necessity for that route is not so great as for the
one across the continent, which is to carry the
great mails to the Pacific coast. This bill provides for carrying the whole mails—aB thc printed matter, newspapers as well as letters—semi-
weekly within twenty days for a consideration
that reduces the expenditure of transporting the
mail there to more than a million dollars less
lhan it was last year. No measure of more importance can be brought forward.
There was no hostility to the route of the Senator from Minesota ; and he is unjust to the com- •
mittee when he charges that they took a snap-
judgment on him in regard to the matter. Itwas*
not so intended. The bill which the committee
reported on that subject is now ou the files of
the Senate-; and Ibis is an original bill, brought
in under instructions from the Legislature of
California, so as not to embarrass the bill on the
calendar, in which he is interested as well as myself ; but disiucuiiibeiing this route, in favor of
which tbe whole committee were unanimous,
from questions which might prevent immediate
action-on it. This bill was not reported from
auy hostility to his route, or any disposition to
embarrass the bill that was before reported, and
is now on the calendar, to be called up whenever
it can be considered. As far as I am concerned,
i intend todo my duty by all these routes. I
want to sustain them. I want to establish an
overland system from the north to the south, so
that we shall carry our whole entire mail on
these routes. This central route is "indispensable, and without it thfi system must fail.
An Old Man.—Tho editor of the Cincinnati
Times, while on a jaunt recently, had his attention called to a venerable person, who, it was
alleged, was probably the oldest man in the
United States. His name is Solomon Pangborn,
who says he was born in the city of New York,
a small town of five or six hundred houses, in
1725. He is consequently }.?,;') years old. Shortly
after his birth his father purchased a farm ou
the Mohawk river, not far from Fort Johnson,
whither he removed. The old gentleman resides
at Kising Sun, Indiana, where he has relatives
iu comfortable circumstances. He complains
that for the last year or two his health has been
much impaired, aud that he is so old medicine
fails to improve his condition, as it might in a
younger person. He is perfectly resigned to live
as long as God will permit him, but says that he
would have met the fate common to mortality
with a similar resignation many years ago. His
sense of sight, as well as that of hearing, isinuch
impaired, and he moves about with difficulty,
although he still contrives to help himself, and
uses neither crutch nor cane.
Singular Akithmetical Pacc—Any number
of figures you may wish to multiply by 5 will
give the same result if divided by 2, a much
quicker operation; but you must remember to
annex a cypher to the answer wheu there is no
remainder, aud when there is a reniainder.whaf-
ever it may be, annex a 5 to the answer. Multiply 464 by fi and the answer will bo 'l'i'10; divide the same number by 2, and you have 232,
and as there is no remainder you add a cypher..
Now take ;-J.r)!).—multiply by ;>, the answer is 17!)5;
on dividing this by 2 there is 179 and a remainder: you therefore place a 5 at the end of the
line, and the result is again 17!)').
A Small Inukease.—The English revenue for
the year ending the 1)0th of dune last had increased about' $27,0(10,000, a sum that would
make.a good annual income for many powerful _
%n%ilt
VOL. X.
Cos Angeles Star:
FOIILtSHED HVEKY SATDltOAY M0RS7SO,
At No. 1, Pico Euildixgs, Spring Street, Los
Angeles,
BY H. HAMILTON.
LOS ANGELES, CAL., SATUEDAY, SEPTEMBER 15,
1860.
TERMS:
Subscriptions, per annum, in advance.. $5 00
For Six Months g qq
For Three Months _ „0
Single Mumber " q 25
Advertisements inserted at Two Dollars per square
often lines, (or the lirst insertion; and One
Dollar per sqnare for each subsequent insertion.
A liberal deduction made to yearly Advertisers.
So., ir .,„._ A_ r,
Mr. C. A. CRANE is the only anlhorizad agent
for tbe Los Ancem Suit in San Francisco
All orders lelt at his office, Northwest corner of
Washington and Sansome streets, Government
uildm .. (i, ,!,,'! a. ll, „■ , „ , tly if en-led to
BELLA UNION HOTEL
U/E-aim. Street
LOS ANGELES.
FLASHER & WINSTON,
PROPRIETORS,
MTIU3 HOTRL, ao Ions known as the beBt
in Suuthern Oatilbrnia, baving passed iuto
.he hands of the present Proprietors, has
been thoroughly refitted,, and many additions made
to its accommodations.
Strangers, and gentlemen with their families, will
find this an agreeable home, at all times.
The table will be supplied, as heretofore, with all
tjhe delicacies ofthe market. oct2
LAFAYETTE HOTEL.
Main Street,
OPPOSITE THE BELLA UAflOA1,
:los aNgeueS.
J.™Jl. THIS Eaublisliment oilers superior in
liieements fo lire traveling publie, and es
"■pecially to those wishing > quiet borne. Tin
I .cation is desirable, the establishment large am
commodious, witb rooms—single anil for families—
c ean and well furnished, and a tahle well supplier
with the choicest viands and delicacies oi tiie sensor
—as is well known by those wlro have favored th,
h mse avith there patronage
The Proprietor will use every exertion, and ne
giect nothing, to give his guests entire aatisfaetion
EBEEHABD k KOLL.
Los Angeles, July 10, 1860.
LOUISIAKTA
COFFEE SILOOII,
RESTAURANTI.
One Bit a Plate.
iwn
the
EMILE BORDENAVE £M
well and favorably known fFa)\
i for a lone time in the W v
'■S2^______i_g& f0
principal cities il I
cook, would reepeel
the public ijeticrallj
with thetr patro tag
poses to keep open h
A. M. until 12 o'eln
always be provided
fords. He will do all in his power to comribut
to the comfort of his customers.
gShGome and see for yourselves."^SS\
EMILE BOUDENAVE.
Los Angeles, July 7. 1860. m3
, first rate
■ inform his friends and
ul! who would bonorhim
at from this date he pur-
nb ishnient fr.im 6 o'clock
, niuiii*. His liouse ahall
best the marls
LIVERY STABLE.
TIIE undersigned, having purchased
the STABLES lorneriV occupied by
-w— Mr. Carson,adjoiningNichol'sBtiilding,
Main Street, Los Augeles, begs to inform the public that he is ready at all times to supply SADDLE HORSES, equal to any to be fouud in the
SUte.
CarflHgcs, and Double ami Single Scateil
Buggies,
can be furnished to tiiose desiring such conveyances
Hia facilities for keeping Horses are not surpassed by any stable in the city, and he solicits a
share of public patronage iu this department.
He is always well supplied with the very best
Feed, which will be sold ou usual terms.
jy24 A.J, HENDERSON.
CONCENTRATED POTASH.
ij-vcKED isr ose potrnro Tisr cans, mh>
viinieat for use. This is a SKW ARTICLE in Cali fur
nia, but is OKtciiisii'elv* used in l.liu Eastern fctates.
FOUR POUNDS are ' ullieieot to make a
Barrel of tive Best Soap,
"Without Lime, anti witli but little tioulile.
Full directions aooompany each can (in English, and
Gormrin.) to raiilte Soap, md to (-often hard watsr.
Itis particularly reeummeiuied for Cleaning type, and
for miuiiifacturiii-* purposes, where a cheap aiid caustic
lyeia requited.
For sale, in lots to suit, by
JOH1 Lt. WING- Si Co.
48 California street, Sao Francisco.
Sole Agents for B. T. Babbitt's l'ui*o Saleratus, Grea;
Tartar, and Super Carbonate of Soda. ,ivl4mS
FRENCH, WILSON & CO.,
MAKE TIIE BEST
Clothing and Furnishing Goods
ONE PRICE!
Retailing at Wholesale Prices'
STRVNGERS VISITIVC TUE CITV WOULD TH) WEI.I
TO CALL A.\M) LEAVE ":"'iv. UBAS5RE ; tlie sum.
iusiitess Carta;
NO. J9.
C. E. THOM,
Attorney and Counsellor at Law
I,OS ANGELES.
Office in Pico Building'', Spring street. jy5
E. J. C. KEWEN,
Attorney anri Counsellor at Law9
LOS ANGELES, Cal.,
Will practice iti the Courts of the First Judicial
District, tbe Supreme Court, and the V. S. Die-
trie t Court o I the Sou thorn District of California-
Office, in Temple's Building, opposite Mellus's
store. j,.u. i-air-iootf.
DR. J. C. WELSH,
PHYSICIAN AN1) SURG EON,
Offiee. CITV DRUG STORE,
Main street, Los Angelee.
Office hours, 9 to VI., m ; anil 2 to 9, p.m.
Anson'1. 1859.
£os jVngclcs Star.
PRAGER, MORRIS &, CO.,
DEALKKS n*
FOBHBI6W ATVD l'OME,ST[C
Temple's Block,
jl4 - Main street, Los AngeleB.
S. PBAGEIt. J, L, MOItlUS & BROS.
BACHMAN & CO.,
WHOLESALE AND RETAIL DBALER8 IN
Qsoctilcs, Wines, Liquors, lotliing, Hardware, tfec, .Siv..
Produce, Hides tuirt W«<>. taken In exchange,
Lo^ An l; nlesstreet, second house from Commercial street. Jan. 1st, 1859.
FRANCIS MELLUS,
WHOLESALE AND RETAIL DEALER
In Groceries, Hardware, Paints,
Oils, Ac &c
aft>. 2, AKCABIA BLOCK,
LOS ASGEI.ES. anie
S. &, A. LAZARD,
1, PQKTEFP,
And Wholesale and Retail Dealers in
'--mcli, Englisla and AEnerican
Dry Goods.
rner of Melius Row,Los Angeles. i\] 1
&E0. THACHEE, & CO.,
Wholesale and Retail r ealers In
Choice Wines and Liminrs.
«_«__._, e. jt-KEETi
Nearly opposite tire Bella Union Hotel,
LOS ANGELES- j<r9
PHINEAS BANNING,
Forwarding and Commission
Merchant,
LOS ANGELES AND SAN PEDRO. olO
Frieght forwarded to
FOHT YUMi,
SAN EBRNAEJOIISO,
FORT TEJON,
and all paris oftlie three Southern Counties, with
his accustomed promptness.
FORWARDING.
TlHE undersigned, having leased the Sepulveda
Lim cling, at .-an Pedro, is now ready to Receive
and Haul all manner of merchandise consigned to
hi in
WITH CARK AJ\"D DISPATCH.
and unon reduced lenm. JOSE EtUBlO.
Los Angeles? Oct. 10, 1S59. ccl3
E. H. WORKMAN &. BRO,
Saddlers and Harness Makers,
TB1IPLE S MAKBLE FROKT BLOCK,
Will keep constantly on hand an assortment of
Saddles, Harness, &c. &.C.
Kepi;iiiii_ (iuiii. with promptness.
Oct. Mb, 1859.
SADDLERT.
M. ROPiTET,
HAS the honor to announce to the Public,that
he still carries on his business et the old
stand, as above, and having in his employment
compelent workmen, he is prepared to execute all
orders with which he may be favored, in the Manufacturing of
FI.ieIIa!*ness,Cni-rI*'gt:Repalvttig.an«l Blending
of ail Itit.rts,
Ai80i«verythlngin tfee&addlery Business.
Los Angeles, Aug. lst,18G0.
DEMOCRATIC NOMINATIONS.
FOR PRESIDENT,
JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE,
OF KliLNTUGKX
FOR VICE PRESIDENT,
arOSi_E3_E3»_E_E LAWE,
OF OREGON.
Sweetest mnsio, rlatpg, fetytflg,
Flouting on (lie balmy ntr.
Spirit voices, hear them caHtDg,
Waiting ton Id join Ihem tlicre ;
Now in geiitlcst murmur frttling.
In softest c;irli:iicc dies ;uv;iy :
Then in joyous bur.«t awaking,
Gushes Co riii the unseiiiTlny,
Nearer Btill tliey circle o'er in<\
Watching now my latest brenth—
Oh, witli joy, witli joy, 1 hail thee,
Friend of the weary, welcome death !
Now, again, in joyous measure
Listen to the Spirit throng-
Hear the words Of richest treasure,
Listen to the Angels' song :
"We are near thee, broths! dear,
W thy.pavting sigh,
'Ti'ai:
iviiii r.
y happy home on high.
"Now restored, no more to sever,
"Ever with u.s shalt thou roam,
"To sing with us in joy for ever,
"Tue pleasures or our Spirit home.'-
"Light in darkness, break in day,
"Cheer the spirit ou its way,
"Oh the joy ! too groat to tell,
"When it bids this world farewell."
Oh, blessed Death! I frel thee now
Clasp me in thy close embrace.
Sweet is thy kiss upon my brow,
Blest token of approaching grace.
Now, at last, my chains are Tended—
From earth's dark prison house sel fj
Weary Life! at last thou'rt ended—
Mother dear! I'm ouce again witb tlie
.geles, Sept. 1S0O.
Won
Ir, is a remarkable (act, that the career ol four of
the most renowned characters that ever lived closed
with some mournful and violeiu death :
Alexander, alter having climbed to the dizzv
heighths of ambition, and, with bia temples hound
with ohapleta dipped in the blood of eooittieK im-
tions, looked down upon a conquer. J world and
wept that there was not another city for him to'conquer, eet a city on fire, and died in a scene of de-
bnneh. , __ n, ™ mc natomotuueni ;inu
consternation of Rome, passed the Alps?, after bav
ing put to flight the armies of the mistress of the
world, and stripped three bushels of gold rings irom
the fingers of her slaughtered knights, and made her
foundation quake—fled from hia country, being
chased by one of those who exulting]*,* united lns
name to that of God, and called him Hanni Baal,
died at last by poison administered hy his own hand
—unlamented and unwept in a foreign land.
Caesar, after having conquered eight hundred cities, and dyed hi-, dollies in the hlood of one million of bis foes, after having pursued to death tlie
only rival he had on earth, was miserab'y assassinated by those he considered his nearest friends, and
iu that very place, the attainment of wliich had been
his greatesl ambition.
Bonaparte, whose inundate emperors and kings
obeyed, after having filled the earth with the terror
of his name, deluged it wilh blood, and clothed the
world with sackcloth closed his days in lonely banishment, almost literally exiled lrom the world, yet
where he could some times Bee his country's banner
waving over the deep, but which could not or would
not bring him aid.
Tims four great men, who, from peculiar situation
of their portraits, seemed to stand therepreseutative
ofall whom the world calls great—those four, who,
each in turn made the wor'd tremble to its centre
by their simple tread, severally died —one by.intox
ication, or, as some suppose, by poison mingled in
wine—one a suicide—one murdered by his friends,
and one in lonely exile.
LADD, WEBSTER & CO.'S
FIRST CLASS—FIRST PREMIUM
TIGHT LOCK S T,l TCB
FAMILY AND MANUFACTURING
SEWING MACHINES.
PLEASE call .ami ."sumine t lio-=.^.i n-'fl-.i* Ifoobtm a thii
R. F. WALKINSHAW,
FAMILY GSOCEE,
AND DEALER IN GENERAL MERCHANDISE
At the Old Stand,
Sasn B-enxardin-o.
RF. W, has opened at the above place, with a
, full and selected slock ofall articles embraced in the above line, and respectfully requests a
continuance of the patronage of his old Mends
and new patrons. R. F. WALKINSHAW.
nol9 ^__
HUNTER'S CEIERRATED
Manzaneta Bitters
TS PROVING TO BE AN INVALUABLE
X Remedy for Fever im-il Agu«. Dyspepsia, and ail Obstructions and Irritations ofthe
Liver, S'om-icli and Bowels, which fact is verified
bv the volunteer testimony of thousands of Individuals, residenls of this State, snd whose veracity cannot be impugned.
It lias been but a short lime since they were
fin-rtpres.e.vl h--th* mW*",■*** -h*
fMMENSE DEMANWNHICFNS EJAltY M-
CREASING, PWVES THAl^EY HAVE
BEEI4EQUyi\0UREXp€cXTlQNS.
Not a rumor ol disapprobation or doubt qualifies
the general enthusiasm with which tliey. are in-
doreed and recommended by all who have experienced their beneficial effects.
For Pale, Wholesale and Retail, io every town in
HUNTER & CO., Sole Proprietors.
Market street, next lo No. 4 Engine House,
34mS San Francisco.
A Slight Histakjs.—When Sir Isaac Newtop
changed his residehec. and went to live tp Leicester pltice, his nest door neighbor was a widow
lady, who was ranch pulled by thcjittle she observed of lbe habits ol the philosopher. One of
the Fellows 'ol the Royal Society called upon her
oue day. when, amoung other domestic news, she
mentioned tbat pome one had come to reside lo
the adjoining house, who, she fell certain, was a
poor, mad gentleman, *' because.'■' ehe continued,
■'lie diverts himself in the oddest way imaginable.
Every morning whea the sun shim's sobrighlly
lhat we are obliged lo draw lhe window-blinds,
he takes bis seat before a tub ol soapsuds, and occupies himself for hours blowing soap-bubbles
through a common clay pipe, which he intently
watches floating about until they burst. He is,
doubtless, now at his favorite amusement, ior it ie
a fine day ; do come and look at liim." The gen
tleman smiled.and they went up stairs, when, after
looking through the staircase window in to tlie adjoining court yard, he turned and said. "My dear
madiim, the person whom yon suppose to be a
poor luuatic, is no oiher l'*nn tlie meat Sir IsHac
Newton, studying the refraction ol light upon Ihin
plate?, a phenomenon wbich is beautifully exhibited upou the surface ofa common soap bubble."
Most Singular Case op Snaku Charming.—The
Rochester Union relates the case of a child two
years of age, daughter of Mr. Davis iu that cily,
charmed by a snake. One day Mrs. Davis lound
lhe snake in the arms of the little girl, who was
londling it as she would a kitten, The mother
was naturally much alarmed at ihe apparent peril
in which she saw bet* child, and seiz-d a BticK to
destroy the reptile. The_ BOa-ka slowly retreated.
showed its tongue, and hissed at the mother. The
child cried, and begged so bard of ita parent to
desist, lhat she allowed it to retreat to its hiding
place. It soon became apparent tbal the little girl
thought of Utile else but ber companion, lhe
snake, and would return to the yard io search of
it as often as she was allowed to do so. Uuder the
fascination of this reptile, the child—a very pret
ty litlle girl—has begat) to decline, and now
weighs but eighteen pounds. Respectable physicians were consulted, it is said, and advised that
no violence should be used toward the snake, as il
might prove fatal to the child. How many meetings lhe snake and child had wc are not positively
iutormed; but we infer that they have been frequent. When they meet, they rush together with
all the apparent emotions of friendship and attachment that can exist between two living beings. Only yesterday, Mrs. Davis come to this
city with lhe little girl, and when she returned,
the party left IP charge of tlie house informed her
thut the snake hud been more bold than usual, and
hud actually been upon lhe steps leading to the
door, awaiting the appearance of the child,
Tile Vlf.lsrsltmit:. of Nobility,
The slory of the rta and full and the varieli
of fortune experienced by the noble himilies of
England, ob indeed ot ap; oouittrj where tuied
families exist, hums one nf lhe most interesting
branches of historical writing. In England many
ol these family hisluries. often time of vm v ro-
maiHie chiiiacler, have been rauued ii 9m Qflde
served oblivion by the bands a. meritorious au
thi.rs who reverence Uie old and titled booses of
lhat realm, and have a love for tbe startUng de-
vi.-iojiments wliich reward an Investigation of theii
histories. Knglish literature ba iherelore well supplied with thiavlaesol works, nnd tbe amount ol
family loie thus accumulated is both targe aud curious.
Like all other earthly things, dukedoms, Bart,
domsand baronies have their humble beginning^,
their periods of greater Ot less renown, whicb maj
BZtend over centuiiea or lie limited to a faw n-eu-
eraUons, ana uiinr duy of dec menee and dissolution. .Sometimes (lire terminate on liie sc.flbld,
oftentimes on the lield of battle, and frequently
by lhe extravagance and dissipation of miworlliy
members, whose offsprttig*are Lost iu the vulgar
currcnlsot life in cousequein.e of lhe loss ol lhe
family estates through parental improvidence. A
harrowing uncerluinly broods over Iheinall; for
a single generation may hunibif Lbe proudest of
Ihem. Byron was pioiulerof hlspedigree limn oi
bie poems, yet twice wilhin living memory bus
Newstead been iu lbe markel. Walter Scott risked absolute ruin in ihe hope of becoming the
founder of a new line ol lairds j but the Sootta of
Abbotlslord exist no longer iu lhe feudal acceptation of the term. The teaureaof nobility are bul
fleeting shadows.
The vicissitudes of the English noble families
are strikingly illus-liated in tlie house of Percy.—
They had vast posses-ions and iiiliuence. and were
constantly mixed ap wiih tho political commotions of the Kingdom, and the result was, that for
one of its chiefs to die a natural deaih was tlie exception rather lluui the rule. The first Larl was
slain at Brauham Mor.r, liis brother was beheaded,
and his son, Holspur, fell at Shrewsbury. The second Earl was killed at St. Albans; the third al
Toulon ; the fourth was murdered by a mob j the
the fifth died in Ins bed ; but. his second sun was
attainted and executed al Tvburn, and his eldest,
the sixth Earl, dud of grief and mortification afier
earning the title ol 'The Unthrifty,■* by the improvident waste ol his inheritance. For some years af
ter hisdeaththe succession wns interrupted bv
the attainder of his brother, and a ch ud obscured
the fortunes ol the family. They had to undergo
the mortification of Beting the dukedom of North-
umberlaud conferred on a Dudley ; but he. too.
gelling attainted soon afterward, ihe earldom wns
restored to theri^htiul lu-ir ; who, untaught by
adversity, joined lhe rising of the North agaiust
Queen Elizabeth, and ended his life on the Seal
fold. Hi*wasthe seventh. The eighth was sent
to lbe "Tower for his exertions iu favor of Mary
Queen of Scots, and was shot, or shot himsell
there. The ninih was fined £30.000 aud senienced
to imprisonment lor life ou ttie charge of biffng
concerned it: lhe Gunpowder Plot. The eleventh,
tbe hi-l male of the Eng.ish branch, left an ouly
daughter, who passed through many romantic
scenes. Before she was sixteen she had been twice
a widow and three times a wife. Her lirst lms-
was consummated, by the bullet oi an assns.sin.sel
ou by a disappointed suitor tor her hand. She
then married the proud Duke of Somerset, and
probably lived htippily wilh him.
The main line of lhe Nevilles, which includes
the great Earl of Warwick, the king maker, presents nnother startling instance of vicissitude.—
Charles Neville, the sixth Eur!, enjoyed yearly
revenues estimated at £300,000 of thc preseut Eng
lish currency, and feasted daily 30.000 persons nt
'he open tables ofhis castles ; yet his descendant in the fourth degree lived in penury in lhe
Low Countries on a small pension allowed him by
ihe King of Spain, and died without male issue iu
1601. Only two of Cromwell'd sons survived him
— kichard, who succeeded to Die Protectorate,and
Heuty, Lord Deputy ol Ireland, Richard's rcgn
lusted eight months. After passing twenty years
abroad, he returned to Engbind. wlnre he assum.
ed the name of Clarke, anil died in 1712, without
male issue. Henry, ex Lord Deputy, remuined in
England nnd died in 1763, leaving five sons, nil ol
whom died 'without issue except one, who lost or
spent all his piitrimony. and the family terminated
iu a grocer aud an attorney, his sons.
The last representative of the Umfravilles, once
the possessor of a proud estate, kept a chandler's
shop at Newcastle, aod when he died his family
were left in destiiulion. Thelineal descendant of
Simon de Montlbrt is a saddler, and lhe represent*
ative of the earldom of Mar—ihe origin of wliich,
it is said, is lost in antiquity—was once discovered
in a con! pit. A descendant of the Earl Crawford
was a hodman; and Hugh Miller, who worked
with him, often heard him addressed, "John, Y>i 1
Crawford, bring us another hod '■ In rending lhe
history ol such families, raised by some adventitious circumstance from obscurity to the pinnacles
of earthly grandeur, only lo sink in time lo their
original level, the exclamation is natural—'*Sic
transit gloria niundi.''
While the changing fortune!? of noble houses afford ample material for Ihe novelist and the poet
to weave into Immortal productions, lhe origin of
their coats of arms furnishes lliemes quite as romantic. This le illustrated lfl the following instances which we quote lrom the London Quarterly Review, where we have gathered the above
Tact's :
'■ The crest of the Chencye, a bulls scalp, is
said to have been won by Sir John Cheney at Mos
worth field, in a hand to hand encounter with
Richard, who felhrd him lo tbe ground by a blow
wliich laid the upper part of his head bare.—
Though stunned by his fall, Sir Johu recovered
alter a while, aod seeing an ox's hide near him be
cut off the sculp and horns Lo supply the place of
the upper part of the helmet, and iu this singular
head gear performed miracles ol valor. He was
certainly created a baron and a Knight of the
Garter for his services at Bosworth, and it is said
that, the bull's sculp was also assigued liim as a
crest.
"The crest of the Dudleys of Clopfon was a
woman's head hclmeled, hair disheveled and
Lbroat-hUch loose, proper. The slory, ns Bet dou n
in writing by ihe parson of iho parish, in 1890,
ran that the father of Agnes Hotot. a great heir-
cs-j wiio married lhe Dudley (A' lhe day, having a
dispute wilh 'me Ilingsdale about an estate, it was
agreed lhat they should meet on lhe debatable
laud and settle the title hy single combat. Hotot
on the dav appointed was laid up with the (tout,
and the heiress, rather than ihe land should be
lost, donned his armor and encountered Ringsdaie,
whom she unhorsed. On being declared the vie
tor, she loosed her throat-latch, raised her helmet
and let down her hair about her Bhoulders, thus
proclaiming ber sex.
■'The crest of the Stanley?, Earls of Derby, an
eagle feeding an infant, is traced lo an incident in
the Latham family, from whom tliey acquired
Kuowlsley- The legend is, lhat a child, exposed
by one of Hie Lathams, was thus wonderfully preserved."
A Finb Thought.—A French writer has said
that -'lo dream gloriously you must net gloriously
while you are awake; and to bring ungilsdowi
to converse Kith you in your sleep, you must labor io the cause of virtue during the day.1'
At Marys vTTl?, on Wed tie? (lay night, a woman
named Cyprana was tnuidered, in cold blood by
a Mexican named McGill, having first cut her hair
•ff close to ber head.
The Chances Olt IdtclUmidgn lu T< nuessee.
Thia State being the home of Mr. Bell, the following extract from a letter to the N. Y. Herald,
dated Xnshvilie, August 1st, will not be unintef*;
est ing, considering that ihe writer relates a reci-nt
i)iu*r'view wiih Mr. Bell "at home,''' and Ihe Herald is supporting him iu the Presidential canvass:
The Breckinridge men are confident of cairying
the State by 10,000 majority Tbey place the
vote in the following order ;—
Breckinridge 75.000
Hell (55.000
Douglas 5,000
Total 145,000
Tbe total vote mny run Up to 150,000, and it ia
united the BSeeSS in ihe calculation will be
equally divided between Breckinridge and Bell,
lion ol the'State. The Douelas party is small
n Tennessee. Tliey held a State Jonventioo in
this cily a few daya since, Id which but three of
' ir counties sent delegates. There is what ifl
__*iaed disiill'eclion In the democratic ranks in the
cities ol Nashville and Memphis, and in Haueuiau,
Mayward mid Madison counties. The Louisvilio
Democrat and the Cincinnati Enquirer have a
l*rge circulation in Kentucky, and, being vigorously conducted, have considerable influence
among the democrats. In Tennessee there is no'
such opposition to contend with. Tbe old democratic organ, the Union and Democrat, goea
strong foi* Breckinridge and in increasing rapidly
"in circulation. Ail lhe strongest democrats In the
S ate are foi Breckinridge, including Gov Harris,
the entire executive government, liie Stale Com-
inillee, ex niembers of Congress from nearly all
Uie districts, Cave Johnson, Andrew Join.son,
Meredith P. Gentry and every democratic paper,
with lhe exception of three.
Scotch Sicivniitjj,
The change in lhe character of domestic service,
whicli is now a mere question of pecuniary inter-
,l, instead ol the personal attachment and unswerving [idelily of earlier days, 4b usulj'Ct much
dwelt upon by tlie admirers of the good old times;
yet these advantages had their drawbacks In & familiarity ol intercourse, and an assumption of
mportauce on the score of long service, which often reversed the posilion of master and servant,
and mads of lhe latter q sort of domestic tyrant.
At a dinner part? In thr; last generation, one of
the family noticed lhat a guest was looking fof the
proper spoon to help hcrardf to salt. The old servant Wdfl appealed tc, lhat the want might be supplied, He did not nulice lhe appeal. It wns repealed in u more peremptory manner : "Thomas,
Mrs, Murray has not » hi It spoon.;' To which he
replied most emphatically: " Last lime Mrs. Murray was here we lost a salt spoon.'' An old servant, who took a similar charge of eveiyihing
that went on In the family, having observed that
his master thought he had drank winu wiih every
lady at the tatle, but hud overlooked one, jogged
liis memory with the question, "What ails ye at
her wi' lhe green gown,"
A Mr. Erskiue, ol Dunn, had almost determined
to Iree binir-ell lrom the thraldom ol one ol those
old retainer.-, when one day walking out wilh his
man, on crowing, a lKJ(inV\e ffifrfeS, llVa ci.uf."
The master, quite angry, now told the domestic
that ihey must. part. The ttied servant ol forty
years innocently asked: "A\ e, sir, whero you
gaun ? I'm sureye're aye bent at home ;" suppoa-
Ihat, if there was to be any disruption, it
must be tlie master who would change ihe place.
An old coachman of a uoble lady, being per-
mplorily ordered lo depart, coolly replied : " Nfl,
ia, my lady ; I druv you lo your marriage, aud I
had stay and drive ye to your burial."
An old Forfarshire lady, knowing the habits of
her old aud spoiled -servant, when she wished a
note to be taken without loss of time, held il open
and read it to him, saying : '-There, now, Andrew,
ye ken a' that's in it ; now diuiia stop to open it,
but jest send it oft"
American PbBBKSEUBB.— More Aiiu-ricao ladies
have nnuried English noblemen-than fi generally
supposed. The most remarkable instance was that
ol ilic three daughters of Richard Caton, Esq. of
Baltimore, granddaughters of Charles Carroll, of
(.'iu-ii.il ll on, who were sent, to Knglami to be educated
and each of whom "knocked do#n her peer." They
eied the Marquis Welks'vy, Lord t-talford, and
lhe Duke of Leeds. The Duchess Dowagei of Leeds
is the only survivor ol the sisters, and lbeir husbands
are ulso dead. Besides these, the tirst Lord Ash-
burton married (he daughter of tlie lion. U iilinin
Bingham of Philadelphia, by whom he left a large
iiy. 'lhe eldest, Wlillam Bingham Baring, tho
present Loid Ashliurton, held high ollice and is veiy
"nfbiential, as well bom his abilities Be his great
Wi tilth. The second Lord Krskine (the son of the
Chancellor) married the daughter ol General Cnd-
wallader, of Philadelphia, whore the present peer
born, and named in honor of lhe country of his
birth, Thomas American Krskine. We believe ihere
have been olher instances also, but we do not now
remember them.
A DsSBBTEB IIkwaiuiki).—Mi*. Louis Schlesin-
ger, who made his advent inlo Central America
under I lie auspices of General Walkei—whom he
shamefully deserted--has obtained from lhe Government of Salvador the exclusive right lo extract India rubber lor oue year from lhe trees ou
lbe Government land. It has also conceded to
him the right to collect a tax of two dollars per
quintal on liie India rubber extracted by private
parties from tries on their own lands. In consideration of Ibese privileges, he is to make public,
lor lhe information and benefit of the people ot
Salvador, a new prociss for extracting the rubber,
which is said to b« very simple and valuable,
There will shortly be sold ia tbe Landed Estates
Court, Dublin, all tlial celebrated locality known
ns ihe "Meeting of Ihe Waters," wilh "a full mile
ftonting on lhe best part of the Vale of Avoca."
If you want to annoy, and puzzle, nnd buttle a
man lull of trick and dupliciiy, you have ouly to
praclice a straiglillorward, simple integrity.
Drinking establishments. In Charleston, are not
permuted lo keep opeu on Sundays.
The common schools of Ohio contain about
600,304 scholars.
Iiis estimated that the cost ofthe census of
1860 will reach $1,500,000.
The question is oltcu discussed, wheiher the
savages enjoy life. We suppose Ihey do. as they
always seem anxious to take it wheu Ihey get o>
chance.
A brother lawyer once told John G. Saxethnt a*
beard was unprofessional. " Right," said Saxe,'
"a lawyer cannot be loo barefaced."
Death iw only death as viewed from the earthly
side : as viewed from lhe heavenly side, il is birth.
"She isn't all that my fancy painted her," bitterly exclaimed a rejected lover ;"and worse than
lhat she isn't all that she paints herself',''
, Value of oysters consumed iu the cily of Baltimore last year, $1,000,000.
The Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, England, were founded about the year 1200.
At a recent sale of old coins iu Philadelphia, an
old cent, date 1792, was sold for $05 50.
The earnings of lbe Auburn State Prison, March,
were $2,235 17, in excess of expenditures lor tbe
month.
Object Description
| Rating | |
| Title | Los Angeles Star, vol. 10, no. 19, September 15, 1860 |
| Type of Title | newspaper |
| Description | The English weekly newspaper, Los Angeles Star includes headings: [p.1]: [col.3] "National Democratic Nominations. For President, John C. Breckinridge of Kentucky. For Vice President, Joseph Lane of Oregon", "Home", "Mournful close of the career of four world heroes", [col.4] "The vicissitudes of nobility", [col.5] "The chances of Breckinridge in Tennessee", "Scotch servants"; [p.2]: [col.1] "The two thirds rule", "The 'regular' nominee", "The 'hards'"[col.2] "Our sister 'republics' -- squatter sovereignty", [col.3] "Attack on an overland mail station -- two men murdered", "The slogan of Dickinson", [col.5] "Eintracht vs. Schaeffer"; [p.3]: [col.1] "The monthlies", "Mr. Douglas at rest", [col.2] "Miner's meeting at Temescal", "Old Virginia and the South all right"; [p.4]: [col.1] "'Punch' on the American visit of the Prince of Wales", [col.2] "An act to provide for paying certain equitable claims against the state of California", [col.3] "U.S. land surveys -- to all whom may concern". |
| Subject (lcsh) | Los Angeles(Calif.) -- Newspapers |
| Geographic Subject (City or Populated Place) | Los Angeles |
| Geographic Subject (County) | Los Angeles |
| Geographic Subject (State) | California |
| Geographic Subject (Country) | USA |
| Coverage date | circa 1860-09-09/1860-09-21 |
| Editor | Hamilton, H. |
| Printer | Hamilton, H. |
| Publisher (of the Original Version) | Hamilton, H. |
| Publisher (of the Digital Version) | University of Southern California. Libraries |
| Date created | 1860-09-15 |
| Type | texts |
| Format (aat) | newspapers |
| Format (Extent) | [4] p. |
| Language | English |
| Identifying Number | issue: Los Angeles Star, vol. 10, no. 19, September 15, 1860 |
| Legacy Record ID | lastar-m355 |
| Part of Collection | Los Angeles Star Collection, 1851-1864 |
| Rights | Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery |
| Access Conditions | University of Southern California owns digital rights only. For personal, educational or research use contact: Special Collections, Doheny Memorial Library, Libraries, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, CA 90089-0189; specol@usc.edu; phone (213) 821-2366; fax (213) 740-2343. Contact rights owner at repository e-mail (or phone (626) 405-2178 or fax (626) 449-5720) for access to physical images. For permission to publish or republish material in any form -- print or electronic -- contact the Rights owner. |
| Repository Name | Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery |
| Repository Address | 1511 Oxford Road, San Marino, CA 91108 |
| Repository Email | ajutzi@huntington.org |
| Filename | STAR_725; STAR_726; STAR_727 |
Description
| Title | Page 1 |
| Full text |
cry abcct tl-.o vegnlavilv cl' .-Wdge 'Douglas' mini- * " " intended to deceive thu people, o tioiT^ntiion made nt Baltimore. Lion was disrupted and destroyed .* , ;'; iis'.t cut-- i.v.--. l.,.ch presenter Tl*r* The Two idi: comnu-tidod ii ticket* to be suppuvVcd by tlvc pec pie of the United States. I support Breckb: ridge and Lane because they represent my principles. I oppose Douglas and Johnson because I am opposed Ui the principles upon which they are presented to t.he country. I c**>v,0Sl Bell aud Everett, and Lincoln and flaWlin for the Sl'KKCH Ol.' I'lrllC HON. CALHOUN ttENHAM, DELIVERED ir:iHMis-HA.V, -AViiTSV 29TH, same reason. I havi contest, lam for Hi last and all the tin swim, survive or per they represent. 1 h loice in the 1 Lane first, I to sink or ud the part; both intimately. They are worthy of the great honor that hits been conferred on them by the Democracy ol the Union. Our standard bearer, John C. Breckinridge, is one of the great men of the earth. He has every quality toconstilute the gre»t statesman andthe patriot. Let the resuit of this contest lie what it may, place him in the Presidential chair or leave him in the position to whi ■ ■ • ■ • - - - he ha elevated bi t tab&et -ol ri President er and dis- itness and .ted he will Mts. Again and again tie n-.\\ „. presented us the representative of democratic principles in this Republic; and I vUi)ve 110 (i„iibt ol his Inline elevation to tbe Presidency, even if he is not elected now, it Ood shouldpreserve his life to his country. ' His associate ou tbe ticket, General Lane, is ■well known lo you all. Aa a soldier and a patriot, lie haa no -superior. As my worthy col- * league in legislating tor this Pacific coast for many years, 1 houor him. I kuow him to be able, equal to the position for which he has been Dominated, and that he wiil honor it if elected to fill it. He is the friend of California ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 1800, FelloW-CiWiSSS :-- -The obliging remarks with which ttiy old friend, your President, haa been kind enough to present nic to you, attribute to ine a power to instruct and please 1 am not permitted to pretend to; such power as I have however, I cheerfully undertake to exert----aii-d with that spirit of enthusiasm and -zeal with which all worthy supporters of otlr distinguished nominees arc lull informed. In undertaking to address yon on this bee* sion I am assuming an office I 'cannot dtk'q'uateh perform. A very di-stibg'iisked gentleman froo my own city-*-the Hen. Prank Till'-r-h was ti to me he has deferred that pleasure ege to another occasion. Vibou he himself of that privilege he wilt do it i-ility and an eloquence which ;nive al- ie nta name familiar to the people of h illuminate and warm every X'retoVoreenb.eedthi! honor of those dclegales ai.'lii'i.-iNjuenilv, It majority ol Htutes, ;ys cai,*' ou *-;*. r.-ps-cscuicd, and had a voice in 'de*,1.*:.'.,tig the action of 'Amt Committee ■ fl(Q Vict and decided Gjj a platform as an exposition of the "views and principles of the party, and reported it, their report was accepted and adopted, as of course, by the Convent ion. f Voice, "' Hurrah for Breckinridge !" Laughter and applause."] That was the UStigB, ttutt was the law of lbe Democratic party, I law as fairly establishing the rule--as unchangeable it should have heen. as the La?N ott&e HMei und Persians, his a law tbat hit ftVrt b.en held sacred in the i.*emo*crati'! party mud these recent tunes. It iViis reserved for these times for that sacred law to be disregarded. Wheu the platforfn decided on In- that Committee at the Oharlesbm Cuii'—i- liun was brought in, and as _\„. • :.:;:,„ ,,, ot the paVlv wh ■ r "!■>■-■,--Mi ] anl iinritatively presented to tfiftl body andthe country, the friends of Mr.Douglas-inaamucIiaBthe platform waa un- of ati the delegates, present and absent, must con eu !*!.o m ilili mile, ai ul that no less can nonwuttt.. In the face of it Mr. Douglas waa declared t.he nominee of the Convention at Baltimore, when he did not receive Iwo-UiiVds of all the voles. No he did hot receive them. More than tbat, bis friends der. hived by ib,.!,* aCiiohs. within ten hev ■ \AE licit We i and oi Cal may say, of Cali for i actedtoge measures for our mutual eon good and through evil repor test, in this State la oonoerai have im doubt of the result. of the leaders who were v, the masses will stand firm, peilse with the leaders. We ha 100 many of tbein in our party, leaders do not control the mat pie understand these questions, i for themselves. Thev decided i 1856, and in 1859, io favor of t principles thai are embodied in of Breckiu ridge and Lane. Thf tht. same way in 18G0, in my My so decisive a majority that hr look upon the political f.>el:ii[* as so firmly' fixed in favor of tl and measures. 1 ch the representative f Oregon. We have boulder, in pressing islituencies, through rt. So far as thc com citizi eady ma( the State an iiibjeet his i Gentleme; ______________________________________ of speaking tothe citizens of Pan Joaquiu county and of Stockton. It is one I have always apure- ialed highly, for I have found them distinguished for their intelligence, and also for tie1.' hiy-iii;, lo tbe principles ofthe Democratic faith, I have invariably, too, received courteous and respect lul treatment, and consideration at theu* minds, wliich liave inspired me with a graU'hu feeling, and raised in my breast a sympathy wtth tliem, and 1 venture to express the hope that it is n_u- Democratic party estab that party, aud flat's be ever since the fiyhtehi .' We nay taat the the democratic paVt the Charleston Convi ical majority ofl represented in took the flrgt whieh numbered 303 del- ifon that be had only one luhl and one hundred aud .5 Lli.t'.u two-thirds of those not, any more than 19_, fcutetit of the rule—two- and absent. Why, in the „ ... .on and common sense, did they not, when the fust ballot was* takeu and he had a two-third vote of those present, then declare him thc nominee? Because they had not then developed their full proclivity to fraud; ln-eause l.b.ey were '.'ot, willing then to go as far "'"" 'the pressure ol necessity riginally co ne of all r as aft.ei they ii'i* tbey er By that ad ountry, and they oh tiieir own pre- !«!-! ual. 1 consider, gentler we are surrounded work, any man may tt is a grave office, t [■'or, gentlemen, the: souls politically; the principles which in: being tested. Then upon which not ouly are fixed, but the cy i, and that h ffttoh, at ftvilege, its iw-oitiaens. h try men's ti the great anient are it was a trick; drove away front that which could not stand form—that adopted Ir ; all men know it and re frank, ingenuous and honest in conduct admit it. second thing they i in infamy; and it ionallthosuSt.a-t.es be minority plat- nd, of Mr. Douglas : that was dearest ch destroyed the y went into that that whi! opposition we Are trw We are, pertinent i great expi stitution was formed, to ist and be perpetual. __ this State il of those principles, the future annoyed by * anticipate success il pies ourselves. , making a great ex- rnt, It ts the second e made since the Con- see whether it can ex- The first was made in 1300, between the then Federal and Democratic- Ite publican parties—the one in favor of a strong Central Government ; the other, iu favor of State Bights and a restricted Central Government The State Rights' parly succeeded, and under its rale we have, within the last 00 years, progressed as no nation ever progressed before, in all tbe elements of greatness and prosperity. Wc are tided, whether thc coequal rights of all the Statea of this Confederacy, in the common property ofall the States, shall be protected; of ■whether a numerical majority shall break down and destroy the rights of a minority, ailhougli those rights are guaranteed by tlie Constitution of the United States. Jf the Constitution cannot protect the life, liberty and property of al! the eitizenfc&f the United States, then it" lns ceased to realize the great objml it n-a» m,,.\. i " ' If this questi '~ *--"-* 1! tirineioles. with >his the bed -■ill ition, is being most tested— t, 0f (Ij, . equality of the States; the vented the formation of tlie ave over us; tit e principle teen al ways guarded bj * the Demo- all parties in thi : Union pre- trading to c ousel* vi itisni", with the g fCLlleSt j(.;v'.. rosy—with i'at'C ill: ;1 with fidelity. 1 tis now for '.his generation of t pie, as they, ui their turn , have -Largo of tlusgr eattrnat, to ijse that the v are ti uc and taithful to it: to show that in their hands they know it is a j iteoions aad inestimable trust— me to be neither lost uor be- trayed. -dey, tli th!^ginning o as ruled the f its career tglitand oc- (listraeted; and we see a great interest taken in the contest which is going cit in its ranks. We hear touch argument, and if you listen and observe the gravity with which that argument is conducted on both sides yon will sec lhat there is magnitude in the questions now presented before the people. Those of us who siippari: the candidates whose names are inscribed here, (pointing to a transparency bearing the names of Breckinridge and Lane".) think that in the present situation of the Democratic party there is no occasion for disruption or distraction. Wc believe that to-day, -:hc course of the Democratic parly is clear tnd open for all men who are willing to see it and who have patriotism to follow it. [Applause.] Wc have now hi the lield Breckinridge ind Laue and Douglas and .loh:isou ou the one side—that of Douglas aud Johnson—tbey are claiming for tlieir eaneiilates regularity of nomination—nomination iu a Cou vention, regularly '- moI". ,1 in,! l-i* ji: a1].. '-m'v> .'i their fane-. [one. This is gravely statetl to tbe people ol the pr cording the tribunal created tor its ituerpreunion, mer this Government would last forever, if it is dt- oided otherwise, then there is a dark gloom u J'ront of us; and the future no man can foretell I have an abiding confidence in the wisdmn patriotism, and intelligence of the America1 people. I believe that they will elect to tin Presidency and Vice Presidency those win will strictly enforce the obligations of the Constitution, and to the cxtont of tbo power* placed in their hands protect the rights of the ao truth in it; not a the semblance ot uld have the arro- 3rt it. [Applause.] aated Douglas ami i American people sion to the last houi people of H ted s rates, and of all tin people of e\ 1 ther ifore anticipate success iti tl donbll ul as it looks But, let sue ■ def( ial eo is always the san 1 Si all fig and zealousl y w: tli a kin to follow my exe [j 3(_S'th! h a fcnowiedgi dt of my' effort; ■ill come, 1 nev th stand upon the same platfiiin 1 liave always oc cupied. I stand by the ticket that has beet nominated and presented to the National Demo eraev.and will never give up hopes of success until the contest is over, National Demoiirutic PI at fu tun, AtlopUO ut Btilliimut, July 2.UI. 1800. Dei Resolved, Tbat lie pai adopted by thi aiiir the lollowing ex First, That the iloveriiment uf a Territory, organized by an aet of the Congress, is provi? ional and temporary, and during ils existence all citizens of the United Slates have an equa right to settle with tbeir property in the I erri tory, without their rights, either of person ot property, being destroyed or impaired«by Cou gressional or territorial legislation. ad. That it i the duty of tbe Federal Gov .-parinieuts, to protect, whei. s uf persons and property it wherever else its constitu i the settlers in a Territory 3 population, form a Stan right of sovereigu-y com into the Union they stanc withtbe people of other thus organized Ought to Federal Union, whether hibits or recognises the u favoi otiveution assembled. They did it too, by a *ick—a device which was unworthy of any par- ,- claiming to bc respectable. They did it in the !ui*th in tl us' States where Mr. Douglas had u ,i ;.■ ,*i mt i [ .irLatscc and iiilituira-i'. 1 ,. A troying what has always been the Democratic ale. namely: the rule ivhict; requires each rep t'sdilative to a Convention lo speak his owi eniinients, and so j-epveseut the views of the ■ eoplewho elected him—the people of his own olitical division ef country. They co'.is*.unniaieia udulent designs in this by establishiu*> of the rule I have mentioned, a rule ig that the majority of the tklegation dimild cast the entire vote of the State nnd mor-t -o r-1 * -till very principle ujion w Convention—the vital _ tion—the equality of the States; and Which would ' have bound them hand and foot arid delivered them as slaves—cat'tive i'i * '<;:; ;uii:!cal and jtt- sensato majority 111 the iforth. [Applause.] They *e:*C as men, obiiged to withdraw. They could not bear it. If Ihey ha'd home it, as deep an infamy would have rested on them as should rest, aud will rest, iu the history of mankind upon those who were the authors of the fraud. I Applause.] What was the next step in the conduct of tbat Convention? They separated at Charleston. Tbey took a breathing space. Sojrie weeks elapsed and the country iiad time to take a sober second thought. Those gentlemen, who were called thc seceders, took a., second thought. I know thiB- I was then in Washington and saw this sober second thought in tho process of its formation. 1 \viL\iessed the iiaviotit spirit/which allowed it to be formed. They felt all—they felt the solemnity of the occasion; they felt the importance of the subject; they felt the value of the institutions which were then toppling to their fall; ami like patriots, they determined in a spirit of harmony and conciliation to return to the adjourned Convention a.t, Baltimore. [Voice— " Hurrah for Breckinridge !" Laughter and applause.] My friend, if you will keep quiet, I will get along a great deal better. [Laughter and applause.] In that spirit—the spirit of kindly conciliation—they returned to the Convention when it met at Baltimore. What was done there'; The so-called seceding delegations went forward to take, their seats. What was said to them? "Take your seats ? You are still members of this Convention." Not so. They were told-- and there was no argument, pretext or justification for so doing—"Give up your places I You are no longer delegates here. You have resigned. You have vacated yotiv commissions." Was that true ? Let us examine it. Whence derived the Convention the authority to decide whether they had resigned or not ? Wbat were the powers ofthe Convention on that point? I take' it on me to say—and I defy contradiction wben I say it—that the power ofa Convention can dxtendbutto a scrutiny of the credentials of delegates; to. a consideration of tkctit and an opinion as to their authenticity- -not to a question whether dulv accredited delegates liave.rc- -lgueq or "oV. \Vlicu it erftjgojD rcj%M liie place as such, he resigns it to those wiio made aim a delegate—to the constituency who collided in him—uot to the Convention to which he '.yas accedited. A convention of delegates is .id ii'.'e a legislative body, which has trie power i-o decide in all respects as to thc qualifications if its members. A delegate to a convention is more like an ambassador Llian a delegate in a legislative sense. A Convention is a Congress of Ambassadors. Each delegate represents a •overeignty—in whole or in part. He represents it for specific purposes, andthe Convention ias specific powers, and the power to go be- rdentials, when found to be regular, nel his theit But, in other States, particularly : "South, where the power or Mr. Dougla riemls was not no preponderating, no questk if this sort wits raised by them. Xot': ,ug iv; here said about the propriety ot a majo lly of the delegates easting the en'tit etc of ihe btate they represented, but they wei eft free to act, according to Democratic priisc des; each delegate from each district and eat reiegalc from the Stale at large, free to spet its individual sentiments in u:e Contention harleston. When thev trot t" pr oeratic party the island of Cuba, onoiable to ourselve,- earliest practical nio- D such terms as will be 1 and just to Spain, at the me nt. Hesolved, That the enactments of State legislatures to defeat the faithful execution of the fugitive slave law, are hostile in diameter, subversive ofthe Constitution, and revolutionary iti their effect. Government to protect the naturalized citizen in all his right*, whether at home p in foreign lands, to the same extent as its uativc bom citizens. Whereas. One of the greatest necessities of the age, in a political, commercial, postal and military point of view, is a speedy communication between the Atlantic and Pacific coasts. Therefore be it Resolved, That tbe National Democratic party do hereby pledge themselves to use every means in their power to secure the passage of some bill, tothe extent of the Constitutional authority tie who flees when no man pursueth. is tbi wicked man, and so it was in Hut Coi rantioo. As soon as they were assembled they bad a de* dutory resolution passed, asserting n-hal ni man doubted; asserting what it wasittitirely unnecessary to assert, namely : that where there was no instruction on the pat t of a State to her delegates, those delegan-:.; sho.uid cast their individual vote. Why this exceeding interest on "*■* "ubject? That interest, gentlemen, loes not exist and has never been upon Conventions. The power exists even in egislative bodies ouly by express Constitutional provision. Tbe Constitutions of the various States of the Union, and of the United States, confer it on beii* Legislatures, in so many words—by ex- ,ire--s words of grant; audit is a rule well known n the construction of our fundamental laws, .hat things given in express words, would not m pos.-r-ssvl. ti'-b--s so expressly given. Asi oave said, the [power is given to legislative oodies in express words aud not by implication. No such power bas evei* been conferred oii-Con- .■entious—to say that a delegate who has re- sired, has disconnected himself for good with he Convention. Ke may come, and lie may go, is he lists. The Convention out neither enforce .iis attendance uor impose a penalty upon his ibsence. Suppose South Carolina, Georgia Mississippi, or any othcrSiate, recognizes amar is her delegate. He is her delegate. He holds credentials from his State, and no man or body of men may dispute his authority. When these io-called seceders came back, they were by dght entitled to their places. They held cre- ientials which had beeti examined and allowed, fhe Convention could hear no evidence, aud if it could, there was none, to show they had been aneelled. i do not speak of the spirit Now.. ' Wili answer the question as fed wheiher Ureckiuridge is thc regular nominee. He is not. ft is not necessary tot- me or any of his friends sing to be respectable, conduct political matters eveu according to the same rules of propriety, and upon tho sa.me principles which should govern the conduct of every man in his daily walks in liie in his intercourse with others. [Applause.] Now, gentlemen, 1 bave given you the history of the Democratic Convention, with one—and a pregnant—exception. I alluded just now to what they did abotit the platform, and as my friend in the crowd has a penchant for regularity, I will recommend him to consider the point of regularity I am about to speak of. In this whole contest; between the two wings of the Democratic paHy, DAbrSJ is no regularity except in one thing, and that belongs to the *' irregular " Breckinridge men. Those men stand to-day on the platform of the Democratic party, authoritatively announced aud firmly established according to the law, rule and usage of that party. The action of the Committee on Platform was the action of the party, and the platform whieh tbey reported is the platform of the party, and the one npon which nn: stand now. to-day, throughout the length and breadth of the States of this ilubir. A'E'i-e is regUlarit.*}. for you, and tbe only regularity there is in tlie whole light. Who will refuse to stand upon that regular platform? Who to repudiato those who repudiate it, and declare it heterodox and repugnant to thc past action of the party. They say : " Totally your platform is different from ours. Youi* platform, is opposed to the true doctrines of the Democratic party. Your platform is repugnant to tlie Cincinnati platform. Your platform denies the action of Congress in the Kansas Nebraska bill and in the Compromise Measures of 1350. There, you declared for non-intervention; !ioi« you are in favor of intervention. You override Popular Sovcreighty." Well, now, it is almost too Tale for tbem to sing that syren song about non-intervention aud Popular Sovereignty. Popular Sovereignty, if it ever had any life at all, and I do not think it ever had, for 1 think it always was a myth, has been dead for a long time—certainly, for two years—and Lincoln killed it. 'Lincoln killed it—nobody else. He killed it in 1858, in the great debate with Douglas iu Illinois—killed it dead so that "the ■tittid of political resurrection can never reach it. I do not like the ally— butthe dead, whom such an ally has left upon the lield, arc as dead as if any other power had slain them. His argument was this : That whilt a Territory is iu a state of Territorial existence, the idea of sovereignty ofthe people there, is absurd and ridiculous. The Territories belong to the United States and Congress consequently of necessity has power to legislate lor them, and their Legislatures bave no power except that which they derive by delegation irom Congress. Mr. Douglas has himself proved this by assenting to that important measure—of which indeed his highest fame is that he is the author—the organic law or constitution of the Territories of Kansas and Whi-HKlrn. Tnrleed.by that measure he abandoned non-intervention, viewed as a principle. How could Congress give to a people not ouly a law, but-their organic, their fundamental law —the law upon wliich every other law must be based—their Supreme law, when it had not power to enact those other measures necessary to execute, to carry into effect that organic law. Is it possible that a mau may do the greatest of all things under a given power, and yet not do the slightest? Is it possible thai, lhe" old rule of common sense, tbat, the greater includes the les ser, is now tobe reprobated? It is .ridiculous- to talk of the sovereignty of the people in the territories or any power not delegated to them, especially over a subject which Congress itseb cannot reach, namely: the power to pass any single law destroying the equality between the citizens of each State emigrating to those Terri tories. 86' much for this idea of Popular Sovereignty during a, Territorial condition and non-intervention. How then after a Territory shall become a State? Then, of course the people are sovereign. Nobody ever denied it. No one ever pack of asses aud say they expect lis to vote for it. After having Ib this, manner cheated us out of a vote and succeeded in tbeir attempt to tyrannize by a ni'ime:1 ical hia.io'rity over. Die true interests of ,1.1k; coimtrv... h'..T. de hot ciuch mistake the character of .lue American people for intelligence, this thing will fail.; will reach and toil on those who, are its, authors, and cover Ihem with the confusion aud disgraue, which of right belong to tbem for such conduct. That is me of their arguments against our position. Again, the friends of A.v. Dcuglfi" say another thing, and this is their great charge. This is their ace of (.rumps, uud ihey expect fo win lbe game by it. It is the citadel of their hopes; it. is their strongest and most favorite argument, They say to us Breckinridge men : "This matter cou arc making so much disturbance about is a mere abstraction. Yon cannot put slavery in a Territory by legislation, climate governs it—thon. why contend for flic power to give protection/' A gentlemna of some distinction in. '■VabfeVtiia'*, in 'the- legal profession, belonging to this Douglas party, enunciates this idea in givinghtsadltesioti to the Douglas cause; and 1 wili do him the credit to say that, in my humble opinion, he bas argued the cause more logically and more like a man than has been done by auy advocate of the opposite side. They say that it is a "mereab- straetion;" that as we cannot expect by legislation to do this thing, we are talking so much about, whicb they unwa.rranlbly say is for tin; purpose of establishing slavery in the Terri- tories; therefore, there is no occasion for us to break up aud disrupt the Democratic party on account of it. This argument has a good deal of plausibility about It. At first blush it would seem perhaps dilllctllt to answer. But it is uot. difficult to ansWel* at all-. Preliminarily, however, there is this to be remarked : Thai' if it is au abs'traclion, the Douglas men are the men who first gave it substance and reality; because", when the majority ofthe Committee on Platform at Charleston reported a platform containing this "abstraction" they thought the "abstraction" of sufficient importance to cause litem to violate a law of the party and reject it, when they bad no power under that law of the party to reject it. They thought this t.hing—this " abstraction'7—was a matter of reality and substance enough to cause them to do an act which was inevitably and of necessity bound to drive all tlte Southern States out of the Convention, or else cover them, as they sat there, with mantles of ignominy ami disgrace. Tliey did it. Tliey, disrupted the Democratic party; because no man can suppose that a great see- lion, a great segment—and .1 think the controlling segment—of this Union would remain in a Convention after a violation of law, by whieh all that was dearest to them, had been overthrown without right, reason or cause. > That was the way the Democratic party wag disrupted. I have the facts before me, and Isay that the guilt rests upon them, not upon the Southern States. The South went out, declaring with dignified composure, with a due sense ot the solemnity of the occasion, and appreciating the value of the institutions wliich were then by ihat action being endangered, that it was not consistent with the dignity of the Staten they were three to represents that they should longet remain in that Convention where tbe equality ol StateB. was disregarded and their rights ruthlessly destroyed. Will thc Douglas followers yet say- that the Beekinridge men have destroyed the Democratic party V They Hie! it. Itwas a parricidal blow; it was dealt by their hands and'the guilt is on their souls* hot ours. But this proposition—of this matter being an abstraction—is all false in itself. There ' sense in it ; there is no truth in it. It is a living reality, an active breathing existence. Were it. an abstraction, the times have made it a reality. It matters little what the quarrel between you and me is, if we are ready to cut each othen throats about it, and if yon will look upon this nation now, you will seo that they are standing knife in hand, ready to striko at each otlier-- life, children though tliey are of the same family and brethren of the same blood. Aud mis is an abstraction !" lt i3 no abstraction. It strikes ai tlte root of the government. Our friends iu the South are in arms for the equality of the Southern States. This question destroys the peace and endangers the safety of Southern Society. It it uow staking the solid and firm-set pillars of thi; great and glorious llepublic. Will not raeL pause before they call it an abstraction!* If it clause of tke Constitntion." And ht aid the i belie: '1 wl". ntib \,hr .Southern Territory to.property )«. t same argument slaves, because the same ju^""+•*.«.*;rv'ifl-excuse -.ion-legislation to carry into GlVeel, Die Fugitive Slave clause. His conceded by all that nonebut rabid p.epublienns and Abolitionists refuse to. execute the Fugitive Slave Law, bnt even Lmeelh is net toad eiiough for that. No, fellow cil,i/,ens, thia is no abstraction; and the South is not to be overcome because they demand it. They demand it because they have a right lo it when the exigency calls for '■* Thnv are now measuring danger in the dis- 'ptesik ■ *f conciliation on the pi: . item out, OertiUjily I wi! -it should have secured : t of those who ept hat i seeded irom tie te rt uatioi pro of Congress, lot railroad from f ocean, at the e. BesiNivs !*"i: jeet of the l'"r.i! n of a Pn r to tlw.Pacilu moment. guoniiiiy; aim in then* persons the soverelgufv ,t seventeen States of this Union, was stricken u the dust and trampled under foot. There is no doubt oi it. Tbis was another of the frauds if that Convention; this was another indication of the spirit of that, patty, whicli assumes in the face of tbe couutry, to be a patriotic party. No sign of greeting extended to them; not a word of congratulation that they had reflected and eome back in a spirit of kindness, patience anti patriotism ! Instead of that they were met with —"You are uone of us! You have no place What more ? Not only did they drive away geutleman of right entitled to seats there, but Ihey drove away some who were actually rc- ... . , _ „ r. _-.--_ on ^e '-'■-„ lions they ould choke and stifle Che iudi- iheir State. These were driven away. Yet this .-idm.il expression of every one who s!i '■! d U*** Convention, which thus disgraced, and thus de- to thu I and act J ecording tothe true interests ,)!*!> A. Ol 1 iv- I Ol , 1.0 li-.il -.t rj* y: ,., „J Tit - hich they took in that Con- as an authority which may speak for ihe Demo- is it ? Was it obedience to iTal.c parlv tjiroughij'i* -.-■{'■ ■ ':■ ;,■■:!:• . Was it iu conformity with m nt the Democratic party? was ;i gross, palpable am! policy aud principles of that party, and claim ibs1 i.rliiesion of its members. Their action was all a fraud. Come to the tbe well known, and well es- other, lbe crowning fraud, the consummation of e and usage ofthe iimocratie their work—the nomination of candidates for the Presidency and Vice Presidency—their action relative to the two-thirds rule. As .1 said before, when the Convention system was first established the two-third rule was determined on for a great and set purpose—to protect minorities, and above all to protect those States which were indeed Democratic, from having ■ !:-t.-. v'ful and hurtful doctrines pressed on them and crammed down their throats by those States which could cast no vote towards sus- taing the Democratic power. There has been— itis proper 1 should say—a doubt as to the occasion of many paragraphs in the newspapers, is again before tbe public, iu coiiseijnence of tbe trial of the agent of the company belore the Tribunal of Correctional Police, who is charged with violation of law. The company .was started in April, 1B58, under the management of M. Ramon de Zangronifl. The manager went on up to the time of the failure making dividends out of tlie capital stock, and by delusive representations of profits, induced the stockholders to increase the capital until it amounted to a million dollars. In the midst of supposed prosperity, the emnp.my stopped payment, and it was found that the- profita had been altogether imaginary,and that there had been a loss of the entire capital, ami that the a.-.sci> would not sutliee to pay the creditors more than . - - - ----> —v»-.uvto oi tue -Lunvcution Vi*™. "*. " .'v fifty per cent of their claims. Among other s *"'' ,*■' ' ' tr '."' ;' i; ' " ■'..,,-"' <• .- ..tAi'.y '■■■'■ ^ !("'ri'iiLi mat ters proved, it. was lound that on nuikiug up ;: . ' ." '.'''■- ■■'.'. ■.'■ ^ '■''•'■- at. u not by n, nun ien- , 1;: *-■-■*'■'■■' ,^u{\ the accounts on the last day of December. s.",s] : en: itiajerity. ihey also determined that two-■ t'ie i u . ■ ■ among ihe items of itrolit put down was -^[iO.b'ii), ,liJ:'l,s **;I l-**: Convention should be ter :e*;saty to 'V'1'"', ,'"".-•' m-i because a rise in the price'of su-ar happened to ; lummmle a candidate; but of that more -anon. ; >- resident take place that dav—a rise which disappeared ''" w;-s In lhul m«nner -by requiring the vote votes tH ten days after. Zangronis, tlie manager was oruhc platform to be taken by states, and thp nresem u convicted ou the first two counts of the indict- "H1 nomination tobe made by two-thirds- ment, and condemned to ayear'h imprisonment 'hey scoured, or hoped to secure, the dei and tiftv francs line- *e; for fear it a Deruo- aud stifle at the reason soupd. lint postulate, au axiom, and Id enough to have voted once, knows, or ought to kuow, that the people of a State are sovereign in all respects save those wherein they have"parted with their power by delegation to the United States. There ia another thing. These gentlemen who are supporting Douglas and Johnson, I wish to speak respectfully of Ihem, and if 1 do not it will be, because 1 become warmer than perhaps is prudent or consistent with the dignity of that great parliament—the people in deliberative assembly, take another turn. Indeed, tbey take many turns In the conduct of this argument. Then, again, they change front—indeed they are always changing front. They never come up to the tight with an extended, weilsupported and well dressed line of battle. They are always shifting or changing. They bring no well appointed and imposing masses into the held—marshaling them and moving tliem by the consistent rules of science. Thoir tactics and their movements are the skirmishing tactics and movements of the filibuster and the Indian. Indeed, they light iu other respects, not as men of civil ized nations tight, but with the spirit of pirates and filibusters, or the followers and hangers on of au army- They admit that this platform of ours is not heteredox—not inconsistent wilh their test of all doctrine—conformity with the past opinions of the great apostle of popular sovereignty—Douglas ; that it* is the same as their own. -They say tbat. after all, there is no difference between the platforms—theirs and ours— and they appeal to a resolution contained in theirs, which is popularly known as tbe " Wick- lill'e resolution,'' and they declare that it guarantees to the country the doctrine claimed by the friends of Reekiuridgo and Lane. Now what is il? Tiiey say that tbe measure of restriction which bas already been placed, or which may hereafter be placed by the Supreme Court of tbe United States upon the pewer of the Legislatures of Territories relative to slavery, shall be enforced. That question is already decided, that measure of restrictions' has been applied, Dy looking at that resolution you may see the character of the men who present it. What is our position ou this subject ? We allege that the Supreme Court lias decided that the power of Territorial Legislatures does not extend to the prohibition of slavery. Tbey—the advocates of Douglas—deny it, and if In their platform they mean to say that it has been so decided, they say that whicb is inconsistent ; they make a platform upon wliich tlieir candidate, Uouglas, can not stand, for Douglas denies lhat the Supreme Court has so decided. Douglas declares that they have decided no such thing; that that question was uot involved in the celebrated Dred Scott case, at all. We say it was. The Judges of the Court announced it to be. They declared that this question was necessarily considered in order to arrive at a decision of the precise point at issue. But, no, says Douglas, and say all his advocates; tbey have not so decided. Still they put it in tl;e alternative : " If the Court has decided it, or sliall hereafter decide it, we will enforce it." Now the Court either has done it, or has not done it. Why do they not confine themselves lo a single position? lt would not suit their purpose. They put that ....„,.)...;..- "•*-'-:r platform to catch and cajole to enable their orators to go (outh and hoodwink,and blind Ives, the So* througl the eye faced resolution; e of being read to and the North in ews which are in- ■;, gentlemen, that ,' say tantamount. esult of giving voice and mfltte__ce~to"it< f }f ;"v" v'u "uU:i*:l '■' ,:'"'-' n -l rie he should have the dclegales f absent. That re; It stood upon t I Voice—"Did te?"] I will cot ;.-en!lemau will tal platform, and was < .'oted down ftei*Tv_jrd claim that they voted iklili'e resolution. Tht iy presented Mu-,- Di.KUY.--.lohn VE'-.va- ' ..,,**,,: ,,,;„ '.,"* >■'-" "'"■'<■■ :iuli:lMl ',l" I!!'lu -11-' <■':-' *alc - mcnt,iftho^cnileim.u ,v i ;;c;!pt,;n A uio,„Mlx the ],,, ,nt-e i,,,., V,, ' ' ] !. .': f"'^]' ^f^ An, ,l,y..ri.. ,( [hc ,,1,. -'Did ■jM-ckmndge^et the President*., sinee the ari iourou, ,*.,*■ ','.; Il "'*l> :al *"-d out in t:iis wise. When the dele- read for ourselves.''] Y C'.orgelJ. Derby, .obe <'..,',..,,„ '^ !"!', ''■'V;"/' fl;J',:"". "'ev uppmn.d a. I ■,1,nimi k'o"!.n J'la'- manners, my fneud. [I.aughlcr and app A.: 'uviiiev.i-vc.i ■Ati'i-,-..tf ..„:..: . ■..*:"-'1 ■"'•'■ li*;11;1* 'Jue delegate, and mio onlv, iv.'.m ea-h That tesoiul ion stood tbere I hen; it stand When the dele- read for ourselves."] You < National Con- read very deeply any disqiv resolution after the South had withdrawn .,..■ Convention. They nevenfiave them an ii'iuiiity of voting on it. Itwas never held ,y them, as an olive branch, until after they declared war and carried it on to the last utioti stood there"t.heu;""it'stamlsVbeVe (degree of truculenca, and witli the mostdisas- straction to the other. It is an abstraction and agitates the South like that speech made by Cassips Clay iu Lexington some ten or fifteen years ago, in regard to which the conduct of tbe Kentuckians reflects the highest praise on thai noble gallant people. Tho history of nations furnishes no parallel to their maguamity, patience aud forbearance, on the occasion of tbat speech. This is an " abstraction" like that speech of hia in which lie told them tbere was *' but a short distance between the negro with his pike in the street, and the fair-skinned woman on her ottoman in the parlor." ThiB it one of those abstractions which drive men mad and excites in them all the resentment and fury of which our nattire is capable. It strikes at alt that is dearest to the South. It calls on the South if they have in their veins the blood oi their ancestors of flic devolution ; if they understand the value of their institutions, the peace of their society, tlieir very existence to stand up till the death, to strike for the repression of this abstraction and all other such "abstractions." While taking their present course, they do as every man loving his country must do. I say this, not as a threat or menace, but to call attention to a thing certain and inevitable—that they will strike. Human nature js governed by the same laws in all countries, and at ali times. The worm will turn when trod upon, and a noble gallant and patriotic people will strike when they are struck. This is a dogma coined out of the brain of oue of the most distinguished men iu America—a man of commanding genius and controlling influence. Enforced by all the power of his genius -by all the-strength of his logic; supported m its enunciation by a great, overwhelming, insensate and T.yranieal majority—this is not an abstraction. It does notlook like an abstraction when yoa see the earnestness, zeal and determination with which the supporters of this man are lighting tlieir battles. It is au idle argument to call it so. Its tendency is to delude and to mislead; any man who follows it in his political walk is following a jactt-o-lantern—an ignis /aiwws—which will lead him into the depths of a morass. Ho will get lost inevitably if he follows it. 'The South finds this argument enunciated hy this man and this party. They see its danger; they see that it is the worst form of republicanism. " They so regard it. It is no time for menace and words. They so regard it, and in my humble judgment it can be demonstrated to be the worst form of republicanism. It is known by Douglas to be such. Itis known, and has been exposed by Lincoln to be such. It has been gotten up and proposed as republicanism, and embodying republican sentiments. In 1858, Douglas went home fo Illinois, ft was important lo him that he should be re-elected to the U. S- Senate. He had two years to wait for this suc- r-er-.-mn, that he burns with such impatience to obtain. Ho desired some theatre from wliich he could address the people of the United States. There was none other than the Senate. Itwas necessary to his political existence that he should have his seat in that body. A majority of tbe people of Illinois were abolitionized; he pandered to tlieir abolition sentiment. He did it, and did it by this vtry thing. He went home to Illinois and told those people in substance and effect—" This geutleman Lincoln canuot consummate your objects for you. I will tell you why he cannot do it. The South will never stand it. He will not be successful. / am the man for you. / can do it, I have already paved the way. I have already committed the Soulhern people to a doctrine whichenables me to it. Ton are announcing that you will have no more slave Territories, no more slave States. Yoti announce that Congress has the power to prevent it. But the South do not admit it, but they do admit that the people in the Territories have what I call Popular Sovereignty." .By the way, they never did admit it. They only declared in its favor as a matter of policy for Kansas, subject to the decision of tbe Supreme Court, and on that occasion, in Illinois, Douglas for the first- time showed .the cloven hoof. "The people of the Territories being free to establish what institutions tliey please under their laws, they can pass what I cali unfriendly legislation. They can establish a system of nonaction in the way of legislation and refuse to pass such police regulations as I claim are necessary for the existence of slavery. Thus I will keep Soiithemmen from going in with their negroes, and aflow a free population to quietly increase in a Territory uuiil it comes to form its Constitution and found a free Slate." Ideclare this, as I said before, the worst kind of Republicanism, because if allowed it will defeat the rights of the South. [ Voice—" That's so 1 "j Lincoln himself exposed it. He said on the stump, " You acknowledge, Mr. Douglas, that a man from the South bas the right to enter iuto a Territory with his negro, but yet you are going to keep him out by ■unfriendly legislation. Why, sir, you claim that by the Constitution the Smith is entitled to what is called a fugitive Slave Law." Mr. Douglas said, "Yes." " You know that that article is one of those articles of thc Constitution which require statutory enactment to give them effect. Now, sir, if the Southern man may go into yonder Territory with 'his negro; if he bas a right to do it, itis just as much their duty to give him the enjoyment of that "ight by giving him aftirnuU.ive legislation and They are now measuring dangc tance by a principle—not waiting for disaster. At present they do not demand protection, a " slave code" as it is called in reproach. They do not believe tbat climate forbids slavery in the Ten-ifet-iesr Thev piay be willing to cmioede that now while tiie'vha.nvriciiit.m'ocdiipied lands enough to engage the labor of all their slaves, they canuote migrate with them to the Territories, but thev believe that later, when by the laws of population the slave race shall have in- ereased, and binds now rich shall have become unprofitable, they mav go to the Territories with advantage ami with prolif. and thus secure new fields, relieve themselves of tbc pressure of an over-great slave population and extend their poli tic al power sufficiently to preserve a just balance in the Government and maintain themselves in their hereditary rights. Those persons are wrong, too, who say their demand is a demand for disunion. They are wrong who say it is hopeless to expect to see a Congress which will ever give them protection in the Territdries; that it shall be done ia What tliey are now struggling for —what thoy aro now battling for. Already the voice of patriotism and conservatism is making itself heard in thn North. Already visions of a ruined commerce—of a blasted factory system— of crumbling cities—of rotting ships—of a distressed and impoverished people are at work— eogent arguments to convince them of the propriety of the course whieh wisdom aijd patriotism have alvnys recommended. Itis hardly worth our while, gentlemen, here in California, to devote onr attention to the Republican party at all—and I do not say this in any spirit of levity, nor of disrespect, though 1 do not pretend to any great or exaggerated degree of respect for the gentlemen composing it. [Laughter.] It is hardly worth our while to pay much attention to them, because they are of bul little consequence. [Voicis-—" Just as much as you are to ua."] My sweet friend, I don't think you are entitled to the iloor just now. [Laughter.] Sere, in California, they give us no trouble, except a little polite interruption, like my witty Republican friend, when we are discussing grave matters at our own meetings. [LauKhter and applause,] It is not worth while, then, to look at them here relatively to ourselves, or at all, except in reference to the combat which is going on on the eastern slope of these great mountains. Looking at that party, we may strengthen ourselves here in thc pcrformanca of a duty which has become ilic duty of the peoplo of California. If we look over yonder aud examine that party, its character and its measures, we will see that it is endangering the country, and it can be overthrown only hy the conduct of men who stand up firmly to the discharge of tlieir national duty, who are willing to support the Constitution in the spirit that presided over its formation, and are ready to execute the guarantees to which in that instrument, iu writing, the faith of the nation was solemnly and religiously pledged. By looking there we can see what is our duty, and, as 1 have said before, culiarly the duty of Californians to stand by the Union and Ky the Constitution for tho reason that we are removed from the scene_ot excitement. We have none of us sb are none of us directly interested in this thing. We are not transported by the excitement going on there. Our minds are cool, tranquil and com posed. Wo are in that mood which enables us to see dearly, and to decide justly. We come from among that people at tbc lOast, and we owe them a great debt. Wo are to-day by their efforts enjoying blessings which we received from them. We are here enjoying what they reaped by tbeir blood, by their treasure and by tbeir enterprise. Wo owe it as a debt of gratitude to them to stand by that Constitution under whose strength and by whose support these great achievments have been gained, and I, for one_ have no doubt—and -i am authorized by a very long residence in California, itiongn a young mim, tu imve an opinion relative to the people of California— that the citizens of this State will come up iu November next and by the vote which they cast indicate that thoy have a true appreciation of this obligation of gratitude which rests upon them and the Constitution, as it is a compact—a league between independent and separate sovereignties, made for the common good, made to be sustained as long a»it looks to, guards aud protects the common welfare. 1 believe they will do this, because I have always seen them do it. This is no novel fight now and here. It is a Presidential contest, it is true; but we are fighting this fall the battle we fought the fall before, and we are fighting the same enemy. It is true they have some new recruits, Itis true, and I will concede it willingly that there is a new injection of vitality into the veins of that party. Mistaken principle has directed some of the more respectable of them, but a majority of those who have gone to it, have been ambitious and restless spirits in our own party, who, anxious for place and perferment bad not the patience to wait as al! patriots do and should wait until they are called by the people. They arc those who ara after the offices—not those whom the oiliees are after. Bat yon will find after the election this fall that not a single one of them will attain his object. We will win this light as we have won our light before. My friends you are tired and so ara I. I thank you for the kindness and attention with which you have listened to my remarks. I bid you all good night. [Applause.] Mr. .Bcnham retired amid great applause. The President presented the following resolution as expressive of the sense of the meeting : " Resolved, That this meeting cordially approve the platform of principles adopted by the National Democratic Convention whieh met at the Maryland Institute, in Baltimore on the 23d day of June last, and that we hail the nomination of J. C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, and Joseph Lane, of Oregon, for the offices of President and Vice President of the United States, upon this declaration of principles, with a sincere and hearty enthusiasm." The meeting then adjourned after giving three cheers for Breckinridge and Lane. bul. l.i'.ev buglii. nnvoi' to .i.uiderta.lte id make £ (■(■nlt-ae!.*. 1 v;ill net, iinv.-iiver, disctets the ,■-,;::-' its of the question. I.alii oiliy ijbtfgiiig for tilb poor privilege that, has been aeon nied in al- most every Senator, when it ean do no harmtQ the public service, to have that subject postponed, until 1 eait be back to rue el, the Rfmatm- froni California, end deieus-*; i1. tahly with hbu In the main fc;-fi!lci; ve go te^et-mr' iEvfn {<_ n,i doubt ttb-oui. that; nu,t ! roail/*1 it.y iiot,3(j&ire to bring it up to-day, when 1 have no time to consider itv I * . '!.■■;■ •: ,...., ., Mr. (J win—J n regard lo what the Senator ..save about the Pony Lxpress, that subject' has not been before the Senate. I expressed a great desire to have this measure acted on, in a private conversation with the Senator yesterday, and I am very willing to briug that before the Senate, The reason was, that dispatches which lei't'HerS yesterday evctiin*---. v,'oe.lu be in liim. ler the Pony Express,'wliich does not leave until Friday, j want it tobe known in California, within nine days of this time, as it will be if we pass the bill now, that the Senate has acted favorably on the proposition to establish a semi-weekly mail on the very route where the Pony Express is running, and going from flic Missouri river to the SiefraTFevadaln eight days. The Senator must recollect that, weeks ago, when 1 gave notice, day after day, that on a particular Saturday I would call up this very question ol the Overland Mails to the Pacilic coast, the Senator was one of the causes of our losing that day for its consideration.. His State and my own are deeply interested in this question. It is otir duty to bring it before tlte Senate for consideration at an early day: iicea.Uiie, if wb establish an Overland system, we iili.lst do it, id a.vcrjr short tittle or it will bo attefl]' inlposslblc to iiia.j_i.ire ana bring it forward; J am the bust man to inter, pose anything in the way of the convenience of membors of this body. I had not tlie most remote idea that the Senator was going.to .leavfe here to-day or to-morrow. ; If [had,,.! should The Overland JWEail Route. Proceeding* In tHe United State* Senate.. Mr. Cwin—I move to take up Senate biil No- 394. Mr. G-khen—Is that the overland mail route bill? Mr. Cwin—Yes, sir. Mr. Green—X hope it will not be takeu up. 1 am compelled to leave here this evening at three o'clock, or to-morrow morning at six o'clock. I am sick. I am compelled to oppose the proposition of the Senator. It should lie over for six or eight days, I think, as a matter of courtesy fo me. I think the proposition wrong, but I do not think it ought to pass in the morning hour,*or in the day either. I hope the Senate will not take it up, but will extend to me the right to consider tins-subject and discuss it at the proper time. Mr. Gwji-—For the very reason that the Senator gives, I hope it will be taken up. If it is to be postponed for several days until he can be absent from the city and return, in my judgment animportant measure wili be jeopardized and an important policy postponed. Tho .object of this bill is to convey the mails to the Pacilic coast overland, and by the passage of this bill I have no doubt that object can be accomplished; but if it is to be accomplished at all, provision ought fo be made at once. I have been endeavoring for weeks to get up this very bill, because the contract for ocean service expireson the iiOth of June; and if we do not very soon make provision for carrying the mail overland, it will be impossible to prevent tnaiung a contract for ocean service at that period. With all proper respect to the Senator from Missouri, as tliis ia a question well understood by him and by me, we differ in the details but ngroeiugin the necessity of this overland mail, I hope he will consent to its being taken up now. When it is taken up, we can express our views and leave it to the Senate whether this bill shall be passed now, or not. It is of the utmost consequence that it should be passed on at once. This subject hafi been acted on in Lbe House of .Representatives, been referred to the Post Olli.ce Committee, and proposition after proposition brought from that committee before tlte Senate; and this is a single branch of it whicli I think is so necessary to be acted on at once, that I feel compelled to call on the Senate Lo consider it to-day. Mr. Gheen—Yesterday the Senator from California stated that he desired to have the subject considered and acted upou, because the Pony Express was to leave at four o'clock. If that is the case, the Pony Express has gone. To-day there is another reason assigned. Now, I have no objection lo considering the service of the Overland Mail route; but I. have not time today to consider it. It is known to the Senator that I have moved a. proposition of tny own in lieu of his, which I think belter for tiie pubiic service. I do not think that Congress ought to undertake to make a contract. Congress is unfit to make a contract. Congress may authorize a have brought tip thin measure day** agoi l.llavt; been anxious to dispose of it. ..ft is a.matter of such co'nsequence to tlte peojilo of. California, that f dare not, if I wished to do so, pgeV pone it; but I leave it to, Um. .-Semite,,,to ,say hether it shall go over for the convenience of anyone Senator.: ■■-,- -,. . '. ' :, Mr. 1Iat,e—As I feel some responsibility ■ in this matter—being upon the Committee on the Post Office and 'Post Meads—and as I was present wken leave was given to the Senator from California to report thc bill which he now moves to take up, I want to state, so that thc Senate can govern themselves by what, little light 1 have, how the matter stands, I am free to confess that, since I have been a member of thc Senata, 1 have never been so embarrassed to know what to do as I. have been wilh this Overland Mail service. Ithas haunted mo wherever 1 have been, in the Senate aud out of it, for weeks. The House passed a bill and sent it to the Senate. Itwas referred to our Co.invuitl.ee. The honorable Senator from California then gave notice of an intended amendment that he proposed to offer. In conjunction with some friends who felt an interest in the matter* and who made me their organ—for i kne^ but very little about it—a bill was prepared uud put into iby hand,;, Willi if suggestion that that would itiecf the views at' A great many gentlemen who were iliferer-teti* aiid probably a majority of this liouse, and I jjttvti notice llial, 1 would offer lhat amendment. Subsequently,'! think, the Sanator froiii California gave notice that he would offer still another amendment. The Committee have had various meetings—regular meetings and extra meetings—for the purpose of agreeing iip oil a general system for this Overland Mail service. which thev feel to he df vast inipOrtancfe; hut after consulting witli a grent many gentlemen; it was found that the Committee were nuitble to agree to any general system which should covet the whole ground; and tliey havo uotyetbeeh able to agree. At length il was suggested that this middle route, whicli is substantially a roiite from St. Louis to San Francisco by Salt Lake, was the one upon which a majority of tho Committee pretty generally concurred. There were some differences as to the details of the service; but the Senator from California, urging the very deop interest which the people of his State felt in the matter, and the consideration that upon lhat route there was very little, if ally, difference of opinion, it was suggested tbat that route might bc detached from the others, and a bill for it reported to the Senate this morning. That is exactly the way the thing stands. The honorable Senator from Minnesota was uot present at the time; but I certainly can assure him, so far as 1 know my own feelings, and as I understood the Committee, that -there wns not the slightest disposition to slaughter him, or his people, or his route. His route shall have my vote in Committee and in the Senate; but it was agreed to allow the Senator from California to report this bill, ou account of tho great inter- eat the people of his State felt in this route, and to leave the northern route untouched, and the southern route also. We have not yet been able to agree on the details as to the service upon the southern route. While I am up, I will say that I believe, if it were not for tlie Butterfield contract, whieh, I think, was one of the most improvident pieces of legislation and execution that was ever done by the Government, (though I know the Senator from California does uot agree with me there,) we could get a perfect system of Overland Mail service, covering the route advocated by the Senator from Minnesota; covering the central route by Salt Lake, wliich would satisfy tlie people of California; and the southern route, a portion of which is now run by the Butterfield company. Mr. Gwin—Mr. President, the Senator from Minnesota knows as well as any man in the Senate that I bave always been iu favor of his route ; that 1 reported in favor of it and sustained ita year ago ; that 1 sustained it in committee this year : and that he was notified to attend the meeting ofthe committee yesterday morning,as he acknowledges, though he did not receive the notiiication iu time. The committee did not know he had not received it ; I at least did not know that. The bill is reported in its pres; cut shape not because there is any opposition to Lhe northern route, bul because tlie pressing necessity for that route is not so great as for the one across the continent, which is to carry the great mails to the Pacific coast. This bill provides for carrying the whole mails—aB thc printed matter, newspapers as well as letters—semi- weekly within twenty days for a consideration that reduces the expenditure of transporting the mail there to more than a million dollars less lhan it was last year. No measure of more importance can be brought forward. There was no hostility to the route of the Senator from Minesota ; and he is unjust to the com- • mittee when he charges that they took a snap- judgment on him in regard to the matter. Itwas* not so intended. The bill which the committee reported on that subject is now ou the files of the Senate-; and Ibis is an original bill, brought in under instructions from the Legislature of California, so as not to embarrass the bill on the calendar, in which he is interested as well as myself ; but disiucuiiibeiing this route, in favor of which tbe whole committee were unanimous, from questions which might prevent immediate action-on it. This bill was not reported from auy hostility to his route, or any disposition to embarrass the bill that was before reported, and is now on the calendar, to be called up whenever it can be considered. As far as I am concerned, i intend todo my duty by all these routes. I want to sustain them. I want to establish an overland system from the north to the south, so that we shall carry our whole entire mail on these routes. This central route is "indispensable, and without it thfi system must fail. An Old Man.—Tho editor of the Cincinnati Times, while on a jaunt recently, had his attention called to a venerable person, who, it was alleged, was probably the oldest man in the United States. His name is Solomon Pangborn, who says he was born in the city of New York, a small town of five or six hundred houses, in 1725. He is consequently }.?,;') years old. Shortly after his birth his father purchased a farm ou the Mohawk river, not far from Fort Johnson, whither he removed. The old gentleman resides at Kising Sun, Indiana, where he has relatives iu comfortable circumstances. He complains that for the last year or two his health has been much impaired, aud that he is so old medicine fails to improve his condition, as it might in a younger person. He is perfectly resigned to live as long as God will permit him, but says that he would have met the fate common to mortality with a similar resignation many years ago. His sense of sight, as well as that of hearing, isinuch impaired, and he moves about with difficulty, although he still contrives to help himself, and uses neither crutch nor cane. Singular Akithmetical Pacc—Any number of figures you may wish to multiply by 5 will give the same result if divided by 2, a much quicker operation; but you must remember to annex a cypher to the answer wheu there is no remainder, aud when there is a reniainder.whaf- ever it may be, annex a 5 to the answer. Multiply 464 by fi and the answer will bo 'l'i'10; divide the same number by 2, and you have 232, and as there is no remainder you add a cypher.. Now take ;-J.r)!).—multiply by ;>, the answer is 17!)5; on dividing this by 2 there is 179 and a remainder: you therefore place a 5 at the end of the line, and the result is again 17!)'). A Small Inukease.—The English revenue for the year ending the 1)0th of dune last had increased about' $27,0(10,000, a sum that would make.a good annual income for many powerful _ %n%ilt VOL. X. Cos Angeles Star: FOIILtSHED HVEKY SATDltOAY M0RS7SO, At No. 1, Pico Euildixgs, Spring Street, Los Angeles, BY H. HAMILTON. LOS ANGELES, CAL., SATUEDAY, SEPTEMBER 15, 1860. TERMS: Subscriptions, per annum, in advance.. $5 00 For Six Months g qq For Three Months _ „0 Single Mumber " q 25 Advertisements inserted at Two Dollars per square often lines, (or the lirst insertion; and One Dollar per sqnare for each subsequent insertion. A liberal deduction made to yearly Advertisers. So., ir .,„._ A_ r, Mr. C. A. CRANE is the only anlhorizad agent for tbe Los Ancem Suit in San Francisco All orders lelt at his office, Northwest corner of Washington and Sansome streets, Government uildm .. (i, ,!,,'! a. ll, „■ , „ , tly if en-led to BELLA UNION HOTEL U/E-aim. Street LOS ANGELES. FLASHER & WINSTON, PROPRIETORS, MTIU3 HOTRL, ao Ions known as the beBt in Suuthern Oatilbrnia, baving passed iuto .he hands of the present Proprietors, has been thoroughly refitted,, and many additions made to its accommodations. Strangers, and gentlemen with their families, will find this an agreeable home, at all times. The table will be supplied, as heretofore, with all tjhe delicacies ofthe market. oct2 LAFAYETTE HOTEL. Main Street, OPPOSITE THE BELLA UAflOA1, :los aNgeueS. J.™Jl. THIS Eaublisliment oilers superior in liieements fo lire traveling publie, and es "■pecially to those wishing > quiet borne. Tin I .cation is desirable, the establishment large am commodious, witb rooms—single anil for families— c ean and well furnished, and a tahle well supplier with the choicest viands and delicacies oi tiie sensor —as is well known by those wlro have favored th, h mse avith there patronage The Proprietor will use every exertion, and ne giect nothing, to give his guests entire aatisfaetion EBEEHABD k KOLL. Los Angeles, July 10, 1860. LOUISIAKTA COFFEE SILOOII, RESTAURANTI. One Bit a Plate. iwn the EMILE BORDENAVE £M well and favorably known fFa)\ i for a lone time in the W v '■S2^______i_g& f0 principal cities il I cook, would reepeel the public ijeticrallj with thetr patro tag poses to keep open h A. M. until 12 o'eln always be provided fords. He will do all in his power to comribut to the comfort of his customers. gShGome and see for yourselves."^SS\ EMILE BOUDENAVE. Los Angeles, July 7. 1860. m3 , first rate ■ inform his friends and ul! who would bonorhim at from this date he pur- nb ishnient fr.im 6 o'clock , niuiii*. His liouse ahall best the marls LIVERY STABLE. TIIE undersigned, having purchased the STABLES lorneriV occupied by -w— Mr. Carson,adjoiningNichol'sBtiilding, Main Street, Los Augeles, begs to inform the public that he is ready at all times to supply SADDLE HORSES, equal to any to be fouud in the SUte. CarflHgcs, and Double ami Single Scateil Buggies, can be furnished to tiiose desiring such conveyances Hia facilities for keeping Horses are not surpassed by any stable in the city, and he solicits a share of public patronage iu this department. He is always well supplied with the very best Feed, which will be sold ou usual terms. jy24 A.J, HENDERSON. CONCENTRATED POTASH. ij-vcKED isr ose potrnro Tisr cans, mh> viinieat for use. This is a SKW ARTICLE in Cali fur nia, but is OKtciiisii'elv* used in l.liu Eastern fctates. FOUR POUNDS are ' ullieieot to make a Barrel of tive Best Soap, "Without Lime, anti witli but little tioulile. Full directions aooompany each can (in English, and Gormrin.) to raiilte Soap, md to (-often hard watsr. Itis particularly reeummeiuied for Cleaning type, and for miuiiifacturiii-* purposes, where a cheap aiid caustic lyeia requited. For sale, in lots to suit, by JOH1 Lt. WING- Si Co. 48 California street, Sao Francisco. Sole Agents for B. T. Babbitt's l'ui*o Saleratus, Grea; Tartar, and Super Carbonate of Soda. ,ivl4mS FRENCH, WILSON & CO., MAKE TIIE BEST Clothing and Furnishing Goods ONE PRICE! Retailing at Wholesale Prices' STRVNGERS VISITIVC TUE CITV WOULD TH) WEI.I TO CALL A.\M) LEAVE ":"'iv. UBAS5RE ; tlie sum. iusiitess Carta; NO. J9. C. E. THOM, Attorney and Counsellor at Law I,OS ANGELES. Office in Pico Building'', Spring street. jy5 E. J. C. KEWEN, Attorney anri Counsellor at Law9 LOS ANGELES, Cal., Will practice iti the Courts of the First Judicial District, tbe Supreme Court, and the V. S. Die- trie t Court o I the Sou thorn District of California- Office, in Temple's Building, opposite Mellus's store. j,.u. i-air-iootf. DR. J. C. WELSH, PHYSICIAN AN1) SURG EON, Offiee. CITV DRUG STORE, Main street, Los Angelee. Office hours, 9 to VI., m ; anil 2 to 9, p.m. Anson'1. 1859. £os jVngclcs Star. PRAGER, MORRIS &, CO., DEALKKS n* FOBHBI6W ATVD l'OME,ST[C Temple's Block, jl4 - Main street, Los AngeleB. S. PBAGEIt. J, L, MOItlUS & BROS. BACHMAN & CO., WHOLESALE AND RETAIL DBALER8 IN Qsoctilcs, Wines, Liquors, lotliing, Hardware, tfec, .Siv.. Produce, Hides tuirt W«<>. taken In exchange, Lo^ An l; nlesstreet, second house from Commercial street. Jan. 1st, 1859. FRANCIS MELLUS, WHOLESALE AND RETAIL DEALER In Groceries, Hardware, Paints, Oils, Ac &c aft>. 2, AKCABIA BLOCK, LOS ASGEI.ES. anie S. &, A. LAZARD, 1, PQKTEFP, And Wholesale and Retail Dealers in '--mcli, Englisla and AEnerican Dry Goods. rner of Melius Row,Los Angeles. i\] 1 &E0. THACHEE, & CO., Wholesale and Retail r ealers In Choice Wines and Liminrs. «_«__._, e. jt-KEETi Nearly opposite tire Bella Union Hotel, LOS ANGELES- j |
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